Abstract

An old observation about the focus sensitive particles _only_ and _even_ is that they are in some sense scalar antonyms. We examine three schematic proposals raised in the literature to capture this observation, namely that _only_ vs. _even_ presuppose that the proposition denoted by their prejacent, _p_, is lower vs. higher, respectively _(A)_ than _what is EXPECTED/the default STANDARD_ ( the ‘mirative/evaluative antonymy’ view ), _(B)_ than _SOME (salient) alternative_ in the set of contextually relevant focus alternatives, C, ( the ‘existential antonymy’ view ), or _(C)_ than _ALL alternatives_ in C ( the ‘superlative antonymy’ view ). To tease these views apart, we examine the behavior of _only_ vs. _even_ in a wide range of contexts and types of discourse, concentrating on the way the C set of contextually relevant alternatives with _only_ _(C)_ _(p)_ and _even_ _(C)_ _(p)_ is constrained by the interaction of (i) previously uttered sentences and (ii) the salient QUD. Based on these examinations we argue for the preferability of the ‘superlative antonymy’ view of _only_ and _even_. In contrast, we argue that the ‘existential’ antonymy and the ‘mirative/evaluative’ antonymy between _only_ and _even_ are apparent. The former only holds in specific contexts where one alternative to _p_ is made maximally salient. As to the latter, we show that while an evaluative (‘above the standard’ / ‘a lot’) inference is hardwired into the scalar presupposition of _even_, alongside the superlative inference, the mirror imaged one (‘below the standard’ / ‘a little’) is cancellable for _only_. We propose that this inference can be derived from the interaction of the superlative scalar presupposition of _only_ and domain based constraints on alternatives in C.