Osmanlılar, İbnü’l-Arabî’nin (ö. 638/1240) düşüncelerine ve kitaplarına büyük ilgi göstermiştir. Osmanlı padişahları da, devletlerinin kuruluşunu İbnü’l-Arabî'ye nispet eden rivayetlere değer vermiş ve onun fikirlerini desteklemiştir. Osmanlı’da kurulan medreselerin başında olan kişilerin, ilk dönem şeyhülislam ve kadıların İbnü’l-Arabî'nin fikirlerini yayma çabaları dikkat çekmektedir. Bu durum, İbnü’l-Arabî'nin Osmanlı toplumunda nazarî tasavvuf ekolünün sembolü haline gelmesine neden olmuştur. Şam toplumu ise genelde Osmanlı ile karşılaşmadan önce İbnü’l-Arabî’ye ve eserlerine az ilgi göstermekteydi. Şam’ın Osmanlı yönetimine girmesinden sonra ise bölgede İbnü’l-Arabî’ye ilgi artmıştır. Osmanlı valileri (...) ve kadıların İbnü’l-Arabî'nin kabrini ziyaret etmeyi gelenek haline getirmeleriyle daha da belirgin hale gelmiştir. Halk arasında da İbnü’l-Arabî’nin velayetine inanılarak büyük bir hürmet görmüştür. Bu gelişmeler Şam’da İbnü’l-Arabî’nin fikirlerinin yayılmaması açısından önem arz etmekdedir. Osmanlı döneminde, özellikle on altıncı yüzyılda İbn Kemal Paşa'nın desteğiyle İbnü’l-Arabî'ye olan ilgi artmıştır. On yedinci yüzyılda da bu ilgi devam etmiştir. Abdulganî en-Nablusî, on sekizinci yüzyılda İbnü’l-Arabî ekolünün önde gelen ismi olmuştur. On dokuzuncu yüzyılda, Emir Abdülkâdir el-Cezâirî'nin çabalarıyla İbnü’l-Arabî ekolüne mensup sufi ve âlimler çoğalmıştır. Bu dönemde İbnü’l-Arabî'nin evrâdı ve şerhleri de önem kazanmıştır. Şam ulemasından birçok kişi, özellikle Bahâüddin b. Abdülganî el-Baytar ve Muhammed Emin b. Muhammed Süveyd gibi şahsiyetler, İbnü’l-Arabî'nin eserlerini düzenli bir şekilde okumuş ve öğrencilere okutmuştur. Şam'da İbnü’l-Arabî'ye olan ilgi ve saygı, genel tasavvufî çizgi içinde amelî tasavvufa ağırlık verilmesine rağmen, nazarî tasavvufa yönelik bir eğilim göstermiştir. Şam toplumunda tarih boyunca İbnü’l-Arabî'nin şahsiyeti özel bir konum kazanmıştır. Onun için Şeyhu’l-Ekber gibi lakapların yaygınlaşması bunun göstergesi olmuştur. Âlimler ve mutasavvıflar İbnü’l-Arabî'nin öğretilerine büyük değer vermiş, özellikle baş eseri Fusûs’a önemli şerhler yazılmıştır. İbnü’l-Arabî'ye yönelik eleştiriler ve tartışmalar da yaşanmıştır. Özellikle Fusûsu'l-Hikem kitabındaki görüşleri bazı âlimler tarafından eleştirilmiş ve hatta tekfir edilmiştir. Ancak Osmanlı Devleti'nin resmi tutumu, İbnü’l-Arabî'ye destek vermek ve eleştirilere karşı çıkmak şeklinde olmuştur. Zamanla, İbnü’l-Arabî'nin eserleri savunulmuş ve eleştirilere cevaplar verilmiştir. Osmanlı valileri, Şam'da İbnü’l-Arabî'nin görüşlerine saldıran kişileri soruşturmuş ve cezalandırmıştır. Ancak bu tutum, Osmanlı fakihleri arasında da eleştiri ve karşıt görüşlerin ortaya çıkmasına neden olmuştur. İbnü’l-Arabî'nin kabri Osmanlı döneminde sürekli olarak ziyaret edilmiş, bu ziyaretler cuma geceleri özel olarak artmıştır. Osmanlı devlet adamları şeyhler ve âlimler, Şam'a girişlerinde önce İbnü’l-Arabî'nin kabrini ziyaret etmişlerdir. Kabir ziyaretine olan bu ilgi, zaman içinde önemli şahsiyetlerin defnedilme arzusuna dönüşmüş, Osmanlı büyüğü olan birçok kişi İbnü’l-Arabî'nin kabri yakınında gömülmeyi tercih etmiştir. Osmanlı devlet adamları ve şeyhlerinin İbnü’l-Arabî'nin etrafında defnedilme çabaları, bu bölgenin Osmanlılar dönemindeki etkisini göstermektedir. Osmanlı döneminde Şam'da İbnü’l-Arabî'nin öğretileri önemli ölçüde ilgi görmüş, devlet adamları, âlimler ve sûfîler tarafından benimsenmiştir. Osmanlılar, İbnü’l-Arabî'nin mirasını koruma ve destekleme amacıyla çeşitli önlemler almıştır. Ancak bu ilgi genellikle belirli gruplar arasında kalmış ve geniş kitlelere ulaşmamıştır. Tarikatlar genellikle İbnü’l-Arabî'nin vahdet-i vücûd anlayışına ilgi göstermiştir. Şam’da İbnü’l-Arabî'nin fikirleri zaman zaman eleştirilmiş ve savunulmuştur. (shrink)

Followers of Ibn ʿArabī are considered to constitute an “Akbari” school of thought. The use of the term ‘school’ assumes some sort of cohesion, but the nature of this has been little studied. I argue that adherents found a substitute for the in-person study sessions (sing. majlis) that were common among Sufis, by identifying Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam with Ibn ʿArabī. Thus they were able to establish a direct connection with their preferred master by reading and commenting on this book. (...) By placing their own commentary among other commentar­ies on the Fuṣūṣ, they created a bookish majlis; a dialogue with their master and other students similar to an in-person majlis. Whether conscious or subconscious, this idea became prevalent: no real organization such as a Sufi order came to be, but instead we have dozens and dozens of direct commen­taries. Making Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam an icon for Ibn ʿArabī became, at times, so strong as to turn the book into an idol or effigy. (shrink)

Lifebuilder of Religion, the greatest of masters, heir of Muhammad, many were the names with which Ibn Arabi, renowned Sufi mystic born in Murcia in the second half of the twelfth century, in the height of Arab culture, whose ideological thinking is expanded by the different ramifications of knowledge.

ABSTRACT The connection between the unity of God and the multiplicity seen in the universe represents the central concern for the Sufi thinker, Muḥyī al-Dīn ibn ‘Arabī (d. 638/1240). It deeply affected the thought of the Southeast Asian mystic, Ḥamza Fanṣūrī (d. 1590?), and his alleged disciple, Shams al-Dīn al-Sumatra’ī (d. 1630). Traces of this idea, through its popularisation in the poems of Fanṣūrī, exert a powerful influence on the Indonesian intellectual topography to this day. This article investigates the concept (...) of unity and multiplicity, of the One expressed as the many in the phenomenal world, in Ibn ‘Arabī’s Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam (Ringstones of Wisdom). Through a close textual reading of the chapters of Ādam (Adam) and Ibrāhīm (Abraham) and their various commentaries by the most influential followers of Ibn ‘Arabī, it concludes that the representation of ‘oneness of being’ (waḥdat al-wujūd), which was extensively taught by Fanṣūrī in Aceh, as an erasure of the God-Man divide, is untenable. (shrink)

Muhyiddin ibn Arabî, İslam'daki tartışmasız en etkili sufi teorisyendir. Kalıcı şekilde en popüler çalışması olan Fusûsül-hikem'de, Kur'an'da bir peygamber hakkında algımız ne olursa olsun, onunla ilişkilendirilen ve ondan türetilen hikmetin çok farklı olduğunu açıkça ve ısrarla göstermektedir. Bu, İbn Arabî'nin Kur'an'ın literal metnini inkar ettiği anlamına gelmez. Tam tersine, O sadece Kur'an'ı farklı algılama ve alımlama düzeylerinin olduğunu iddia eder: Kur'an'ın dış gerçekliği (zâhir) kitlesel tüketim içindir ve İbn Arabî'ye göre kişinin Kur'an'ın yüzeysel bir anlayışından elde ettiği bilgidir. Bununla birlikte, (...) Kuran'ın, ariflerin (arifûn) korumasında olan daha derin bir anlayışı vardır. İbn Arabî, dış gerçeğin ötesine geçen, ancak ona (dış gerçekliğe) ayrılmaz bir şekilde bağlı olan Kur’an’ı bu şekilde okumasıyla, Kur'an'ın tasavvufi tefsir geleneğini kendi tarzında sürdürür ve birincil amacını Fusûs’un her bölümünde uygular: Her ikisinin de meşruiyetini korurken, Kur'an'ın zâhir ve bâṭını arasındaki antitezi vurgulamak ve hatta bâṭına ancak ẓâhir yoluyla erişilebileceğini iddia edecek kadar ileri gitmek. Bu makale, bu karşılıklı bağımlı bilgi ('ilm)/hikmet (hikma) antitezinin en açık örneklerini bulduğumuz ve belirli nedenlerle seçilmiş Fusûs'un dört bölümünü detaylı şekilde incelemektedir: Adem bölümü, Fusûs'un ilk bölümü olduğu için seçilmiştir ve bu bölümde İbn Arabî'nin eserin tamamına yönelik amacı ve yaklaşımı net şekilde belirginleşir. Lût ve Hârûn bölümleri, Endülüs'ün ikili hermenötik ilkesinin en bariz örneklerini oluşturdukları için seçilmiştir. Son olarak, İbn Arabî metnin tahiriyle çelişiyor gibi görünse bile, aslında birincil zahiri modele dayanan daha gelişmiş bir yorum modelini açıkladığı için Nûh bölümü seçilmiştir. Âdem bölümünde İbn Arabi, Adem ile ilişkilendirilen en tutarlı Kur'anî betimlemenin insanlığın babası olduğu için onun insanlığının olduğunu öne sürer. Oysa onun hikmeti ilahi vasfıdır. Bunun nedeni, İlahi en katıksız ve tam ifadesini ancak insanda bulabilmesidir. Diğer taraftan, Nuh'un Kuranî sembolü ise kavminin büyük çoğunluğunun boğulduğu tufandır. Sufî’ye göre (İbn Arabî) onun hikmeti, şeyleri yüzdürmesidir- subbūḥiyya/sebūḥiyya hikmeti. İbn Arabî için boğulma bir ölüm nedeni olmaktan çok bir yaşam kaynağı olmuştur. Lut'un Kur'an'daki en kalıcı imgesi, kavminin günahını dizginlemedeki yetersizliğinden dolayı güçsüzlüğüdür. İbn Arabî, ama yine de onun hikmetinin güç olduğunu söylüyor. Son olarak, Hârûn, Kuran'da Mûsâ'ya itaat eden biri olarak tasvir edilir. Kardeşine yardım etmesi, yükünü taşımasına yardım etmesi için kendisine peygamberlik verildi. Mûsâ, Sina'ya gidip onu sorumlu bıraktığında bile, o sadece Mûsâ'nın yardımcısı rolünü yerine getirir ve ona tabidir. Oysa onun hikmeti itaatin, liderliğin antitezidir. (shrink)

El presente artículo es un estudio sobre las diferenciaciones (aqsām) del amor, uno de los puntos más importantes del principal escrito que Ibn ʿArabī dedicó a la cuestión amorosa, el capítulo 178 de Las Iluminaciones de La Meca (al-Futūḥāt al-Makkiyya). A través de un juego de oscilación y equilibrio entre perspectivas ontológicas y epistemológicas aparentemente enfrentadas –incomparabilidad/similaridad, oculto/manifiesto, unidad/multiplicidad, espíritu/cuerpo– y un recurrente manejo del lenguaje de las alusiones (išāra), el maestro andalusí distingue entre amor divino (ilāhī), espiritual (rūḥānī), (...) natural (ṭabī‘ī) y elemental (ʿunṣurī). Se ofrece un análisis y comentario del texto akbarí que pretende aclarar la especificidad de cada una de estas nociones, así como su íntima relación con el discurso amoroso del autor. (shrink)

Ṣūfī people, as well as the ulema (ʿulemā), discussed the issue of how God (Ḥaḳḳ) surrounds the universe (ʿālem) and where the ʿarş (arsh / the ninth heaven) in which God ensconces himself exists. The Ṣūfī people supporting the unity of existence (Wahdat al-wujud) concept claim that God surrounds the universe by his own being and so that the ʿarş (arsh) is all the creation / created beings by God moreover they argued that people who rejected this idea could attribute (...) weakness or impotence to the power of God. On the other hand, commentators and scholastic theologians acknowledge the idea that God surrounds the universe not by his own being as Ṣūfīs claimed but God surrounds the universe by his knowledge (ʿilm) and power (ḳudret). They claimed that there was no physical connection of God with the universe. There-fore, this article discusses a couplet (beyit) written by Ḥuseyn-i Lāmekānī from Bayramī-Melāmī group in light of four different tracts (risāle). One of the four tracts was written by the author of the couplet Ḥuseyn-i Lāmekānī himself. The title of his tract is Wahdat-nameh (Vaḥdet-nāme). The other tract was written by Munīrī-yi Belgradī and the title of it is Şarḥ-i Qaṣīda-i Suleymān. The other two tracts analyzed in this article were written by Ṣalāḥ al-dīn-i ʿUşşāḳī. These two tracts try to explain how God surrounds the universe from the unity of existence (Wahdat al-wujud) perspective. Therefore, they may help in understanding the men-tioned couplet written by Lāmekānī. The outline of the article is as follows: the introduction has the text of the ghazal including the mentioned couplet and discusses how the characteris-tics of Bayramī-Melāmī people were reflected in their poems. This part also tries to determine who wrote the mentioned ghazal as there were two different pen manes / pseudonyms (mah-las) for the same ghazal in various resources. To determine the original writer of the ghazal is crucial for proper interpretation of the texts. The next part of the article discusses the accusa-tion that Lāmekānī was an heretic in the Şarḥ-i Qaṣīda-i Suleymān tract by Munīrī-yi Belgradī. This part also tries to outline Munīrī-yi Belgradī’s mode of thought to discuss the background of his criticism about the couplets. According to his way of thinking, though Munīrī had some tolerance to Ṣūfī people believing fenā fillāh, he ironically harshly criticized the Ṣūfī group supporting Wahdat al-wujud entitled as Fuṣūṣī. In the second section, based on his work named Wahdat-nameh (Vaḥdet-nāme), it is aimed to create a general portrait of Ḥuseyn-i Lāmekānī. In this context, it discusses how Wahdat al-wujud and Hurufism, which are generally big issues for Bayramī-Melāmī, influenced Lāmekānī. Therefore, the comparison between Oglan Sheikh İsmāʿil-i Maʿşūḳī who was clearly influenced by Wahdat al-mavjud (vaḥdet-i mevcūd) and Hurufism, and Ḥuseyn-i Lāmekānī is realized in this part. It was figured out that adoration of Fuṣūṣ al-Ḥikem (Fuṣūṣīlik) was more influential in Bayramī-Melāmī Sheikh’s mode of thinking through the analysis of the effect of Fuṣūṣ al-Ḥikem in Wahdat-nameh (Vaḥdet-nāme). It was suggested that the reason behind the allocation of Munīrī-yi Belgradī for Ḥuseyn-i Lāmekānī was the effect of Fuṣūṣ al-Ḥikem which was salient for Melāmī Sheikh Lāmekānī. The final part of the article is about two tracts Miftāḥ al-vucūd and Zayl al-kitāb written by Ṣalāḥ al-dīn-i ʿUşşāḳī. The criticized couplet was read under the light of these tracts. These two tracts are significant as they explain how God surrounds the universe and where the ʿarş (arsh) is located by referring to the verses of Quran al-Fussilet 41/54, al-Nisā 4/126 and el-Tāhā 20/5 mentio-ned in the couplet by Ḥuseyn-i Lāmekānī. Ṣalāḥ al-dīn-i ʿUşşāḳī proposed a new argument about how God surrounds the universe in Zayl al-kitāb. According to this argument, in Miftāḥ al-vucūd Ṣalāḥ al-dīn-i ʿUşşāḳī tries to explain God’s surrounding potent through the or-ders/grades of the existence. In Zayl al-kitāb, he claims that there must be a center for God’s surroundings of the universe and this center must be Ḥaḳīḳat al-Muḥammediyye. Ṣalāḥ al-dīn-i ʿUşşāḳī stated that he did not acknowledge this information by himself but he acquired it from Ibn Arabī when he had a dream. Lastly, this part of the article discusses what Rahman settles in ʿarş (arsh) means in terms of circle (devir) theory. It was suggested that according to Ṣūfī people believing Wahdat (vaḥdetçi) God’s ʿarş (arsh) is the human being himself by drawing on the Kasf al-Gıtā (Keşfu’l-Gıtā) qasida written by Sunʿullāh-ı Gaybī who was a successor of Ḥuseyn-i Lāmekānī from the second generation. (shrink)

A proper understanding of the Sufi doctrine of the unity of existence is essential for following the later developments of Islamic philosophy. The doctrine of the unity of existence is divided into introversive and extroversive aspects, the former dealing with the unity of the soul of the mystic with God, and the latter with the unity of the cosmos with God. Here this latter aspect of the doctrine is explained through a comparison of the views of Ibn ‘Arabi and Meister (...) Eckhart, both of whom are profoundly influenced by Ibn Sina at precisely the same crucial points, although Meister Eckhart makes explicit reference to Ibn Sina, while Ibn ‘Arabi generally avoids naming him. The theory of the extroversive unity of existence consists of four parts, or rather, it is the product of four steps, each of which is logically based on the previous one: (1) God is the only being or the absolute existence. (2) Everything other than God (i. e., human beings and the cosmos) is nothing or nonexistence. (3) The existence of all things is God’s existence (All are He). (4) The cosmos does not have existence but manifests existence. In other words, it is God’s self-disclosure. (shrink)

Las Cuestiones Sicilianas son el primer texto conservado del filósofo y sufí Ibn Sab‘īn de Murcia (c. 614/1217-668/1270). Aunque el prólogo del texto pretende que se trata de respuestas a preguntas mandadas por Federico II al mundo árabe, parece más probable que se trate de un manual introductorio para estudiantes árabes de filosofía, discutiendo cuatro problemas específicos y controvertidos como manera de presentar conceptos generales de la filosofía aristotélica. Este artículo analiza la estructura y la manera de argumentar en (...) las Cuestiones Sicilianas. Dedica su atención en particular a la relación entre el Sufismo y la filosofía y a las fuentes del texto, sobre todo los textos filosóficos de Ibn Rušd. Interpreta a Ibn Sab‘īn y sus Cuestiones Sicilianas como un reflejo del ambiente intelectual en el Oeste del Mediterráneo durante los últimos años de los Almohades. El texto fue posiblemente compuesto en un contexto que tenía que ver con los ṭalaba, y refleja también unos aspectos claves de la ideología Almohade. (shrink)

Muḥy al-Dīn Ibn ‘Arabi es uno de los máximos exponentes de la historia del sufismo y del pensamiento islámico. Su influencia como místico y sabio islámico llega hasta nuestros días como se intenta mostrar en esta investigación a través del análisis de las doctrinas y prácticas de la ṭarīqa Tijāniyya más allá de los prejuicios coloniales y orientalistas. Un grupo sufí, el más numeroso a nivel mundial, que es un buen ejemplo del sufismo contemporáneo equilibrando la metafísica con el (...) plano legal. Este artículo explora temáticamente, por primera vez y utilizando una metodología multidisciplinar, las principales influencias del pensamiento akbarí en la historia intelectual tijāni y su impacto en los principales autores. (shrink)

El presente estudio se propone, a lo largo de dos entregas consecutivas, evaluar cuál sea el estatuto a un tiempo hierofánico y cosmológico, ontológico y antropológico, que la noción de Belleza reviste en la mística especulativa del andalusí MuhyÌ al-DÌn Ibn ÿArabÌ (1165-1240), conocido asimismo como "el más grande de los maestros" en materia de espiritualidad islámica. Y ello en confrontación con las teorías al uso de la estética y la filosofía islámicas, a través del esclarecimiento de un vocabulario denso (...) en sugerencias poliédricas, y de la presentación de la doctrina relativa a la facultad creadora de una imaginación de la que se indagará, en fin, su valor noético y sagrado. (shrink)

La constitución de Jesús en el pensamiento de Ibn ‘Arabī depende de su herencia materna y paterna. El ángel Gabriel toma el estatuto de padre por su aparición a María y por ser el portador de un “Espíritu que procede de Dios”. En este artículo presentaremos la herencia que Jesús recibe del ángel y las repercusiones que sobre su ser tendrá el encuentro de una madre humana y un espíritu angélico. Jesús va a ser un ser dual sobre el que (...) va a primar su aspecto espiritual, puesto que el “agua imaginal” de Gabriel primará sobre el “agua real” de María. Será medio humano y medio espíritu. Su “cristología” es plenamente islámica, pero se acerca, de esta manera, sin identificarse, al docetismo. Jesús aparecerá como un varón, aun siendo un espíritu, y será, por ello, capaz de obrar milagros de vivificación. Para el gran maestro sufí, cada profeta es manifestador de una cualidad divina; en el caso de Jesús, él es la corporalización del Aliento divino. (shrink)

First published in 2008. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

: ‘Alā’ al-Dawla al-Simnānī (d. 736/1336) was a Kubrawī sheikh lived in Simnān one hundred years after Ibn al-Arabī (d. 638/1240). He authored around ninety works in Arabic and Persian on various fields within Sūfism, raised many disciples. His contribution to the sūfī tradition mainly come to forefront regarding problems like unity, latāif (subtle organs), rijāl al-ghaib (men of the unseen), wāqia (dream-like mystical experiences) and tajallī (manifestation). Simnānī’s understanding of the unity influenced subsequent sūfī’s and specifically Ahmad Sirhindī (d. (...) 1034/1624) and his sheikh Bāqībillah’s (d. 1012/1603) views of the unity overlap with Simnānī’s one. In Maktūbāt, Sirhindī who developed the idea of unity of the seen against the unity of the existence expresses that his understanding of being is the same with Simnānī’s one. Simnānī is also known as the first critic of Ibn al-Arabī’s conception of the unity among sūfī’s. Such that, whenever his name is mentioned the first thing comes to one’s mind has been his criticism against Ibn al-Arabī. However, his criticism against Ibn al-Arabī was not studied as a whole looking at his ouvre. Studying Simnānī’s works, it is seen that his criticism is concentrated on two main problems. First is Ibn al-Arabī’s employing the concept wujūd al-mutlaq (absolute being) for God. He maintains that it is not convenient to use this concept for al-Haq. His second criticism is against a sentence mentioned in al-Futūhāt: “سبحان من أظهر الأشياء وهو عينها”. In this article, causes for Simnānī’s critiques will be discussed and both sūfī’s conceptions of wujūd al-mutlaq and ‘ayn (quintessence) will be studied.Summary: One of the famous names in the Kubrawī tradition, ‘Alā’ al-Dawla al-Simnānī is a sheikh who lived in the city of Simnān in the contemporary Iran between 659-736/1261-1336. In his youth, he served in the service of Arghūn Khan (r. 1284-1291) in the Īlkhānid Palace; and later, after a spiritual experience, he left the palace and turned to a Ṣūfī life. For a certain period, he continued worshipping and riyādhat (spiritual fight against the evil commanding self) on his own, and looked for a guide convenient to his character. Eventually, he became the disciple of the Kubrawī sheikh in Baghdad, Nūr al-Dīn ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Isfarāyīnī (d. 717/1317), and obtained ijāzah (permission) for irshād (guidance). After that, with the instruction of his sheikh, he went back to Simnān; and spent rest of his life with guiding his disciples and writing scholarly works. He authored around ninety works in Arabic and Persian on various fields within Sūfism. His contribution to the sūfī tradition mainly comes to forefront regarding problems like unity, latāif, rijāl al-ghaib, wāqia and tajallī; and influenced subsequent sūfī’s. Simnani’s influences can best be seen on the founder of the Mujaddidiyya branch of Naqshbandiyya, Ahmad Sirhindī (d. 1034/1624), and Sirhindī’s sheikh Bāqībillah (d. 1012/1603). In a letter Bāqībillah wrote to Sirhindī, he mentions certain differences between Simnānī’s understanding of unity and unity of the existence by stating that Simnānī’s path is not that of unity of the existence, and that his shuhūd (seen) is the most perfect shuhūd. Also in the Maktūbāt, Sirhindī expresses that his understanding of being is the same with that of Simnānī’s. Simnānī is also known as the first critic of Ibn al-Arabī’s conception of being and unity among sūfī’s. It would not be incorrect to say that he is more famous for this critique so much so that whenever his name is mentioned the first thing comes to one’s mind has been his criticism against Ibn al-Arabī. The main reason for this is that a letter Simnānī wrote to one of the followers of Ibn al-Arabī, ʿAbd al-Razzāq al-Kāshānī (d. 736/1335) in which Simnānī criticizes Ibn al-Arabī’s conception of unity, was included in the famous work of Abd al-Raḥmān Jāmī (d. 898/1492), Nafakhāt al-uns. This letter’s presence in the Nafakhāt played a vital role in its publicity. For this reason, it can be said that Nafakhāt made Simnānī famous. Yet, it should also be said that the fame stemming from Nafakhāt is incomplete and it is just about one aspect of Simnānī, a scholar who authored dozens of books on the Sūfism. Moreover, it is not correct to defend that Simnānī’s statements in that letter reflects a full picture of his opinion about Ibn al-Arabī. Hence, to have a better understanding of his criticism and thoughts about Ibn al-Arabī, one should explore other works of Simnānī as well. Studying Simnānī’s works, it is seen that his criticism is concentrated on two main problems. First is Ibn al-Arabī’s employing the concept wujūd al-mutlaq for God. His second criticism is against a sentence mentioned in al-Futūhāt: “سبحان من أظهر الأشياء وهو عينها”. To understand the first criticism, one needs to know the meaning both sūfī’s attribute to the concept of wujūd al-mutlaq; and for the second the meaning they attribute to the concept of ‘ayn. First, it should be known that Ibn al-Arabī did not think of being as a form category the members of which are beings. To the contrary, he uses wujūd exclusively for the Eternal, and refrains from using the concept of wujūd for the creation; and calls them mawjūd. In other words, Ibn al-Arabī differentiates between being and existence; and limits the concept of being only for the al-Haqq. Ibn al-Arabī states this view repeatedly in statements such as “al-Haqq (the Truth) is being; things, however, are attributes of being.” What Ibn al-Arabī means by wujūd al-mutlaq is al-Haqq who is wajib al-wujūd (the Necessary Being) and free from all restrictions. Thus, in a certain sense wujūd al-mutlaq means wajib al-wujūd. By writing that “Wujūd al-Haqq is the essence of wajib al-wujūd who is qualified with the perfect attributes of eternity and infinity. Absolute Being is the actions emanating from these attributes. Wujūd al-Muqayyad (the Limited Being) is the outcome that comes into existence as a result of these actions”, Simnānī explicitly states that for him Absolute Being is the actions of al-Haqq. What one can understand from the statements of both sūfī’s is that while by wujūd al-mutlaq Ibn al-Arabī refers to wajib al-wujūd (i.e. the essence of al-Haqq), for the same term Simnānī refers to actions of al-Haqq. Since in criticizing Ibn al-Arabī, Simnānī takes into account his own definition of the term Wujūd al-Mutlaq as the actions of al-Haqq, his criticisms are not valid. In fact, both exonerate al-Haqq from all the conditions. However, while Ibn al-Arabī chooses to verbalize the existence of God with the concept of “Absolute Being”, Simnānī only approves to express the existence of God with the concepts of wājib al-wujūd and al-Wujūd al-Haqq and differing from Ibn al-Arabī attributes the meaning of the actions of God to the concept of Absolute Being.Simnānī’s second critique against Ibn al-Arabī is related to this sentence: “سبحان من أظهر الأشياء وهو عينها”. An annotation that is written by Simnānī on a page which is out of his gloss on al-Futūhāt is highly harsh reads as follows: “O, followers of the most deviant leader! If you hear that one says that your sheikh is identical with his beard, put the claim that he is identical with his rejectomenta aside, should you accept this and tolerate him?” It is understood from these sentences that Simnānī considers the concept “al-ayn” as the essence of that thing. Though, the word “al-ayn” is one of the most multi-meaning word in the Arabic language and in Ibn al-Arabī’s works it is used with various meanings such as eye, the quintessence, spring, water source, tangible being of a thing, the essence of a thing and so on. The usage as “the essence of a thing” is very much common in Ibn al-Arabī’s works. It is interesting that while this word has so many meanings, Simnānī takes one meaning as base and blaspheme against Ibn al-Arabī. It is obvious that the main cause for Simnānī’s critique against Ibn al-Arabī in both problems is his attribution to the concepts different meanings than Ibn al-Arabī and then judging him in the context of his attributes. (shrink)

Entendiendo la Estética en su sentido etimológico de "ciencia del sentir", el estudio de la teoría de la sensibilidad se convierte en indispensable para el conocimiento de una estética dada. Sin embargo, rara vez se han estudiado las teorías de la sensibilidad y del conocimiento en la cultura árabe islámica clásica en su dimensión estética, con lo que conceptualizaciones difundidas acerca de la estética árabe e islámica suelen caer en la imprecisión y el juicio apriorístico. Aquí presentamos una aproximación a (...) dicha temática a través de la obra de grandes pensadores andalusíes como Ibn Hazm, Ibn Bayya, Ibn Tufayl, Ibn Rusd, Hazim al-Qartayanni, Ibn `Arabi o Ibn Jaldun, en cuya obra se aprecia una clara, aunque diversa, intención de configurar un sujeto humano perceptor y conocedor, ética y estéticamente definido, con psicologías y conceptos que más tarde hallaremos también en la construcción de la Estética en occidente . (shrink)

This paper discusses the definition and sources of knowledge according to Ibn 'Arabi, the leading Sufi master of Andalusia (Muslim Spain).

This thesis explores the epistemology and theology of a Sufi theorist Ibn al-ʿ Arabī (d. 1240) and one of the most controversial Muslim scholars Ibn Taymiyya (d. 1328) comparatively. Although scholars have long emphasized the differences between these two influential and significant figures, the purpose of this thesis is to focus on their potential similarities. The present work at the outset shows that both Ibn al-ʿ Arabī and Ibn Taymiyya regard revelation, the human intellect, and inspiration – unveiling (ilhām – (...) kashf) to be the main epistemological means for acquiring religious knowledge. However, they differ over the relative value of these means or tools. Both Ibn al-ʿ Arabī and Ibn Taymiyya place revelation at the top of the hierarchy, but after that Ibn al-ʿ Arabī places inspiration – unveiling ahead of reason while Ibn Taymiyya reverses the order. The other main subject elaborated in this thesis is the theological issue of the divine names and attributes. This subject is connected to many other theological problems, and both Ibn al-ʿ Arabī and Ibn Taymiyya pay considerable attention to it. Just as many similar approaches, ideas, and interpretations may be seen concerning their epistemological stances, it is possible to see similarities in their theological positions although there are crucial distinctions as well. The unique way of finding out this similarity is to keep in mind the existence of the duality found in the thought and expression of Ibn al-ʿ Arabī. Briefly, the main finding of the thesis is that Ibn al-ʿ Arabī and Ibn Taymiyya are more similar in their epistemologies and theologies than many scholars have thought. They are benefitting from the same epistemological means while putting them in different order. Also, they share similar theological points concerning the divine names and attributes, creation, the divine will, and the incomparability of God while expressing them through different conceptions and styles. (shrink)

Understanding Aesthetics in it's etymological meaning as the "science of the perception" makes any study of the theory of the sensibility essential to understand a given aesthetics. Moreover, theories of sensibility and knowledge in Arabic and Islamic classical culture, have hardly been probed in it's aesthetic dimension. As a result of this, the spread of conceptualizations about Arabic and Islamic aesthetics has, in many cases, sunk in a sea of imprecisions and prejudgements. In the following pages, we present an approximation (...) of these topics through works of greats thinkers from Al-Andalus such as Ibn Hazm, Ibn Bayya, Ibn Tufayl, Ibn Rusd, Hazim al-Qartayanni, Ibn 'Arabi and Ibn Jaldun, in whose works we appreciate a clear, though diverse, intention of constituting a cognizant and percipient human subject, ethically and aesthetically defined, across psychologies and concepts that we will also discover in the construction of Aesthetics in the West. (shrink)

Perception according to Ibn 'Arabi: God in forms -- Perception according to 'Iraqi: witnessing and divine self-love -- Beauty according to Ibn 'Arabi and 'Iraqi: that which causes love -- Ibn 'Arabi and human beauty: the school of passionate love -- 'Iraqi and the tradition of love, witnessing, and shahidbazi -- The amorous lyric as mystical language: union of the sacred and profane.

The theory of Wahdat al-Wujūd, or as it is called in English the Oneness of Being, is the core idea of Sufism. The founder of this theory is Ibn ‘Arabī. There are contradictions in Ibn ‘Arabī’s theory of the Oneness of Being. The most important one, which is my main concern in this essay, occurs in his explanation of the relation between Being, which is, according to him, the only real being, and other beings. According to Ibn ‘Arabī, Being is (...) identical and also non-identical with beings. Different philosophers, through hundreds of years, tried to dissolve such contradictions, by proposing consistent readings of Ibn ‘Arabī’s theory of the Oneness of Being. I will not follow this path. Instead, I take the theory of the Oneness of Being to be a dialetheic one, that is, according to this theory there are true contradictions. Thus, I claim that one can have a paraconsistent semantics of the theory of the Oneness of Being. To do so, I appeal to Graham Priest’s Gluon theory. Gluon theory concerns the problem of unity, that is, what makes the plurality of an object’s parts into a whole? I give a translation of the theory of the Oneness of Being into Gluon theory, and show how Gluon theory explains the theory of the Oneness of Being. (shrink)

The issue of how to read and interpret the Qur’ān has been the subject of Islamic sciences such as Kalām, Fiqh and Taṣawwuf. Each discipline has put forward an interpretation methodology according to its point of view. While interpreting the verses, the Ṣūfīs who are members of Taṣawwuf also produced some methodological concepts for several reasons. They interpreted the Qur’ān with the sign (ishāra), a method of interpretation suitable for the characteristics of Taṣawwuf. The ishāra is a secondary method of (...) interpretation compared to tafsīr (the Qur’ānic exegesis). In this context, the ishārī tafsīr is the interpretation of the verses by kashf and ilhām. It is also the narration of the signs claimed to exist in the verse. However, while the ṣūfīs wanted to explain their inferences regarding the verses on the one hand, they had to hide them on the other hand. These attitudes led to the paradox of statement-concealment as a problem peculiar to the ishārī tafsīr. The goal of this study is to evaluate the tradition of ṣūfī tafsīr / exegesis in terms of this paradox. One of the aims of this study is also to determine the tools that the ṣūfīs use for some reasons in interpreting the Qur’ān and how they conceptualize them. In this perspective, the function of symbolic means such as letter and sign in Taṣawwuf has been emphasized. The formation of a number of methods and instruments specific to ishārī interpretation and the influence of Ibn al-ʿArabī on this method have been discussed. To achive the objectives of this paper, this research article conducted a detailed literature review. As a method, the phenomenological approach and historical methodology have been used in order to present the ṣūfīs interpretation methodology objectively. The concept analysis method has used in order to exhibit a detailed analysis of some concepts directly related to the subject of the study. There are many studies about ishārī tafsīr, the method of interpretation of the Qur’ān by the ṣūfīs in Turkey and abroad. These works are mostly of classical-style works based on determining the nature and position of the ishārī tafsīr or discussing the ishārī interpretation style of a ṣūfī mufassir. For example, Yaşar Kurt’s work titled Ni’metullah Nahcivânî ve Tasavvufî Tefsiri, Mehmet Okuyan’s work named Necmuddin Daye ve Tasavvufi Tefsiri are doctoral theses on this subject. If we need to mention some studies directly related to the subject and the purpose of our article; they are as follows: Among the works written today are Yunus Emre Gördük’s Tarihsel ve Metodolojik Açıdan İşârî Tefsir, Davut Ağbal’s book titled İbn Arabî’de İşârî Tefsir, some communiqués in the book published by Kuramer under the name of Kur’an’ın Bâtınî ve İşârî Yorumu. Ekrem Demirli’s article “Kuşeyrî’den İbnü’l-Arabî’ye İşârî Yorumculuk Hakkında Bir Değerlendirme” is one of the sources of this research. As for the works written in the past; early ṣūfīsm classics, al-Ghazālī’s and Ibn al-ʿArabī’s writings, some boks on the methodology of Qur’ānic interpretation written by scholars such as al-Dhahabī and al-Zurḳānī can be given. The findings and results obtained inthe light of this study are: The ṣūfis have named their experiences they wanted to express, as ishāra. They have wanted to declare their feelings as a result of the spiritual states they were in while reading or listening to the Qur’ān. At the same time, they tried to hide their feelings with the concern of not being understood, not being accepted, being accused or harming those who did not taste the same pleasure. The desire to explain their enthusiastic feelings and experiential knowledge on the one hand and the need to conceal them on the other, seemingly have caused a paradox. Therefore, they have made use of some conceptual tools while interpreting the Qur’ān and used a covered language. In this framework, Ibn al-ʿArabī and his successors have a different position and style. Ibn al-ʿArabī’s approach to the Qur’ān has been named as theoretical ṣūfī tafsīr instead of ishārī ṣūfī tafsīr from now on. His main instrument is iʻtibār / taʻbīr as a way of ta’wīl. His followers such as Kāşhānī, Nakhčiwānī and Brūsawī have been influential in the spread and acceptance of the ishārī interpretation activities. This article fills the gap in the literature. Because it is a methodological analysis and an evaluation of the terms and methods that ahl al-taṣawwuf have produced in order to explain or conceal some of their thoughts about the verses, it will also make a contribution to the ishārī tafsīr literature. Although the article is presented as a result of a careful and detailed research, there are some missing points in it. Thus, further studies that will contribute positively to the debates on the legitimacy of the ishārī tafsīr and its method can be produced. (shrink)

Gathering the proceedings of a symposium organized on the occasion of the 900th anniversary of the qḍi ibn al-Arabi's (d. 543/1148) passing, this volume brings together a diverse array of contributions highlighting his legacy, his relationship with his master al-Ghazli (d. 505/1111), his unparalleled role in the transmission of Islamic knowledge in al-Andalus, and his lasting impact on various disciplines, including ḥadith, theology, Islamic law, Quranic exegesis, legal theory, grammar, adab, and Sufism. This book, written by internationally recognized scholars, not (...) only commemorates the scholarly legacy of Ibn al-;Arabi but also illustrates how his intellectual teachings have shaped the landscape of Islamic thought in the Western Muslim world. Proudly, this book is the most accomplished reference bringing together recent advances on ongoing research around the qḍi Ibn al-'Arabi. Composed of articles written in English, Arabic and French, it will be of interest to specialists as well as the general public keen to learn more about the intellectual history of al-Andalus. Contributors Mohammed Aalouane, Ilyass Amharar, Noureddine Elhmidy, Maribel Fierro, Kenneth Garden, Abdelghani Idaikal, Delfina Serrano-Ruano, Bruna Soravia, Jaafar Ben El Haj Soulami, and Abdallah Taourati. (shrink)

Gathering the proceedings of a symposium organized on the occasion of the 900th anniversary of the qḍi ibn al-Arabi's (d. 543/1148) passing, this volume brings together a diverse array of contributions highlighting his legacy, his relationship with his master al-Ghazli (d. 505/1111), his unparalleled role in the transmission of Islamic knowledge in al-Andalus, and his lasting impact on various disciplines, including ḥadith, theology, Islamic law, Quranic exegesis, legal theory, grammar, adab, and Sufism. This book, written by internationally recognized scholars, not (...) only commemorates the scholarly legacy of Ibn al-;Arabi but also illustrates how his intellectual teachings have shaped the landscape of Islamic thought in the Western Muslim world. Proudly, this book is the most accomplished reference bringing together recent advances on ongoing research around the qḍi Ibn al-'Arabi. Composed of articles written in English, Arabic and French, it will be of interest to specialists as well as the general public keen to learn more about the intellectual history of al-Andalus. Contributors Mohammed Aalouane, Ilyass Amharar, Noureddine Elhmidy, Maribel Fierro, Kenneth Garden, Abdelghani Idaikal, Delfina Serrano-Ruano, Bruna Soravia, Jaafar Ben El Haj Soulami, and Abdallah Taourati. (shrink)

Ibn Arabi y Swedenborg son dos pensadores ideales del movimiento que llamamos ''filosofía figurativa'', es decir. un pensamiento que se caracteriza por una sistematización de la realidad utilizando figuras, imágenes e ilustraciones, en lugar de utilizar conceptos. Eso significa implícitamente una experiencia del mundo y de Dios determinada por las observaciones personales y el pluralismo ontológico. Por lo tanto, Ibn Arabi y Swedenborg son vistos como representantes de una espiritualidad alejada del principio de incertidumbre y del absoluto único.

The fact that Sufi metaphysics is usually taken to be merely the writings of Islamic philosophers, like Ibn al-'Arabi, seems to underestimate the philosophical indications of literary texts in the Sufi tradition. When Sufi literary texts are examined for philosophical content, that content is sought within and through the traditional Sufist approach. However, there appears to be a lack of correspondence between the traditional approach on the main conceptions (of God, of the universe, etc.) in Sufism and what literary texts (...) can offer regarding those, when some literary texts are to be examined in a way in which an underlying philosophical system can be extracted from them. In this article, Ipresent a brief analysis of The Conference of the Birds by Farid ud-Din Attar, one of the most significant works focusing on God and written in Sufi tradition. I suggest an alternative framework for Sufi metaphysics, which overlaps with the metaphysical connotations of The Conference of the Birds, via some Spinozistic ideas on God and on God's relationship to the rest of the universe. Since The Conference of the Birds represents a metaphysical doctrine that is apart from the traditional approach, I argue that we are not justified in thinking that Sufi metaphysics is only what Islamic philosophers have so far offered us. (shrink)

El murciano Ibn ‘Arabí es, sin duda, uno de los autores, pensadores, visionarios y contemplativos de mayor altura —y, probablemente, de más proyección universal— que ha alumbrado este país, por más que su ingente e importante obra haya sido prácticamente ignorada. Este trabajo es una invitación a navegar por el «océano sin orillas» que constituye la vida y obra del más grande de los maestros, procurando que sea su propia voz la que vaya relatando algunos de los hitos externos e (...) internos de su vida y describiendo los rasgos más importantes de su pensamiento. (shrink)

The thirteenth century mystic Ibn ʻArabi was the foremost Sufi theorist of the premodern era. For more than a century, Western scholars and esotericists have heralded his universalism, arguing that he saw all contemporaneous religions as equally valid. In Rethinking Ibn ʻArabi, Gregory Lipton calls this image into question and throws into relief how Ibn ʻArabi's discourse is inseparably intertwined with the absolutist vision of his own religious milieu-- that is, the triumphant claim that Islam fulfilled, superseded, and therefore abrogated (...) all previous revealed religions. Lipton juxtaposes Ibn ʻArabi's absolutist conception with the later reception of his ideas, exploring how they have been read, appropriated, and universalized within the reigning interpretive field of Perennial Philosophy in the study of Sufism. The contours that surface through this comparative analysis trace the discursive practices that inform Ibn ʻArabi's Western reception back to the eighteenth and nineteenth century study of 'authentic' religion, where European ethno-racial superiority was wielded against the Semitic Other - both Jewish and Muslim. Lipton argues that supersessionist models of exclusivism are buried under contemporary Western constructions of religious authenticity in ways that ironically mirror Ibn ʻArabi's medieval absolutism. (shrink)

This work is devoted to the consideration of key aspects of the philosophical work of Ismail Hakki Bursev, a prominent Turkish Sufi thinker, adherent of the Talaquat Halvatiya. The figure of Ismail Hakki Bursay is of particular importance in the context of his work, the purpose of which was the translation and commentary of the works of the prominent Sufi thinker, Mohdtsin Ibn-Arabi, the "Great Sheikh" of the Sufi tradition. In this way, Bursev tried to acquaint Ibn-Arabi with a wider (...) audience, primarily Turkic. However, Bursev did not dwell solely on translations and commentary, but created his own doctrine based on the creative reception of the Ibn-Arabi teachings. (shrink)

Este artículo explora la relación entre la filosofía del límite de Eugenio Trías y el sufismo de Ibn ʿArabī. En primer lugar, pretende explicar la función de la filosofía de la religión en el sistema triasiano y por qué el maestro andalusí ocupa un lugar privilegiado en ella. Segundo, se ocupa de algunos aspectos esenciales de la doctrina akbarí que la filosofía del límite obtura, como la declaración de la unidad del Ser (tawḥīd), la conjugación de lo exotérico y (...) lo esotérico, la superación de la propia creencia, el camino de la servidumbre (ʿubūdiyya), el tránsito de la pasión súbita de amor (hawā) al amor espiritual (ḥubb), la caballería espiritual (futuwwa) y la morada de la no-morada (maqām lā maqām), los cuales comparten un nexo común: el trascendimiento de lo egoico y el interés en el otro en tanto otro. Finalmente, se defenderá que la obturación triasiana se debe tanto al influjo de Henry Corbin, como sobre todo, a las propias limitaciones de su proyecto filosófico, para el que el Ibn ʿArabī ausente constituye una suerte de sombra. (shrink)

El concubinato es una relación con consecuencias legales discutidas y reguladas por todas las escuelas jurídicas islámicas. Las relaciones entre un hombre y su concubina están limitadas por distintas normas de carácter jurídico-religioso, que tienen que ver con diferentes factores: tabúes sexuales y familiares, el estatus de esclava de la concubina, las obligaciones del hombre respecto a los individuos que hay bajo su guarda, etc. El objetivo de este artículo es estudiar cuáles son los límites del concubinato según los establece (...) la doctrina legal mālikí, prestando especial atención a los casos en que las relaciones de matrimonio o concubinato se asemejan o difuminan. El estudio se lleva a cabo a través del tratado de derecho comparado de Ibn Rušd (Averroes), Bidāyat al-muŷtahid. (shrink)

The night journey (isrā’) and ascension (mi‘rāj) represent arguably the most significant and unique events in the life of Prophet Muḥammad. However, the influential Sufi thinker Muḥyī al-Dīn ibn ‘Arabī (d. 638/1240) argues that the Prophet had thirty-four night journeys of which only one was physical. This physical night journey, and the ascension that took place with it, was the one in which he was given the five daily prayers. Ibn ‘Arabī thus employs the secondary night journeys and ascensions of (...) Prophet Muḥammad to delineate a point of emulation between the Prophet’s spiritual experience and those of his nation. Muslims can also have their own ascensions, but their journeys cannot be physical, and, analogously, cannot have autonomous legislative authority. They can, nevertheless, cause a change in their perception that allows them to see the world as it truly is: a manifestation of the divine Names. (shrink)

El presente artículo trata la presentación que Henry Corbin hace del sufismo de Ibn ' Arabī. Pretende mostrar cómo el proyecto filosófico del pensador francés (atravesado de protestantismo, heideggerianismo y fenomenología) produce una obturación de la doctrina akbarí, que denota cierta falta de amor o desinterésen la alteridad en tanto alteridad. El itinerario constará de cinco pasos. Primero, nos acercaremos a los años de formación de Corbin. Segundo, presentaremo salgunos puntos esenciales de su obra más célebre, La imaginación creadora en (...) el sufismo de Ibn ‘Arabî. Tercero, se mostrarán aquellos aspectos de la doctrinade Ibn ' Arabī allí obturados. Cuarto, expondremos algunas conclusiones a partir de estas ausencias. Quinto, a modo de epílogo, y ya en el ámbito de la filosofía latinoamericana, ofreceremos una mirada al proyecto de la transmodernidad de Enrique Dussel, desde el paradigma del amor akbarí. (shrink)

A través de la documentación conservada y de una reflexión sobre la cronología, es posible descubrir la existencia de un proyecto político de al-Ghazālī y su discípulo andalusí, Abū Bakr Ibn al-‛Arabī, con el propósito de ganar para al-Gazālī el favor del príncipe almorávide Yūsuf b. Tāšufīn. Los documentos que prueban la existencia de este proyecto se conocían desde hace algún tiempo: la fatwà que al-Gazālī escribió en apoyo de Yūsuf, la carta que le escribió en alabanza de Abū Bakr (...) Ibn al-‛Arabī y la carta que obtuvo del califa, todo lo cual puede compararse con la carta de al-Ṭurṭūšī a Yūsuf sobre los mismos asuntos. La idea que pone todo esto en conexión es que se trataba de un proyecto político con apoyo en la Península, sobre todo de los sufíes y de la elite de los reyes de Taifas. Los escritos de al-Gazālī suministraron una base ideológica a esta alianza política, puesto que alaban el sufismo y critican el taqlīd, la forma usual de interpretar la ley entre los juristas de la jerarquía almorávide. El discurso de al-Gazālī, muy por encima del nivel intelectual del jurista medio, se aceptó finalmente por la elite de los periodos califal y taifa que tenía interés en las ciencias naturales, la filosofía griega y la lógica. Estos temas eran innacesibles para el jurista medio, bien porque no procuraban un provecho inmediato, bien por la dificultad práctica de encontrar libros y profesores expertos en ellos. Por tanto, fue una elite intelectual conocedora del árabe clásico y heredera de las adquisiciones intelectuales de muchas generaciones de andalusíes la que se apropió del discurso gazaliano. Frente a ese grupo, los juristas almorávides representaban a las clases medias urbanas y podían movilizar a su favor a las masas urbanas. El más importante de esos juristas, Ibn Ḥamdīn de Córdoba, temeroso de que la combinación de Ibn al-‛Arabī y al-Gazālī le expulsara del poder, orquestó la quema oficial del Iḥyā' de al-Gazālī por todo el país. Así es posible observar que el conflicto entre esos dos grupos estaba bien definido incluso antes de que la rebelión almohade en el Norte de África proporcionase a la elite intelectual un adalid militar. A cambio, esa elite suministró a los Almohades una ideología y una clase administrativa. Al-Gazālī fue identificado como un enemigo del régimen almorávide incluso antes de que Ibn Tūmart, el fundador del movimiento almohade, volviese de Oriente para lanzar su rebelión contra los almorávides desde el Atlas.Proponemos algunos cambios en el panorama de las estancias de al-Gazālī en diferentes momentos. Se ha aceptado ya una modificación básica de la idea de que abandonó Bagdad definitivamente tras dejar de dar clases a gran número de personas en la Nizāmīya, al observarse que Abū Bakr Ibn al-‛Arabī afirma haber estudiado con él en Bagdad dos años después. Aquí querríamos llamar la atención sobre el hecho de que Ibn Jallikān dice que al-Gazālī estuvo en Alejandría esperando una respuesta de Yusuf b. Tāšufīn. En el contexto de un panorama cambiante de la cronología de los viajes de al-Gazālī, la posibilidad de que Ibn Tūmart estuviera en contacto con él se convierte en una probabilidad. (shrink)

This paper employs textual analysis and comparative literary methods to examine the mystical and spiritual dimensions of D. H. Lawrence's Women in Love through the lens of sufi mysticism. It posits that Lawrence's engagement with sufi philosophy and literature significantly informed his portrayal of love as a transformative spiritual journey. By scrutinizing Lawrence's use of symbolism, imagery, and character development, particularly in the character of Birkin, the study aims to demonstrate how the novel reflects a profound resonance with sufi concepts, (...) such as the unity of the universe and the mystical path for knowledge. This comparative approach seeks to illuminate how Women in Love can be interpreted as a modernist exploration of spiritual fulfillment within a context of societal disintegration, thereby establishing its place within Lawrence's broader “New Man” fiction. Through Birkin, Lawrence explores the complexities of the human psyche and the potential for transcendence through a passionate, yet spiritually grounded love. The paper’s comparative approach seeks to illuminate how the novel contributes to Lawrence's broader “New Man” fiction, a visionary archetype striving for a harmonious integration of body, mind, and spirit. Lawrence’s “New Man” embodies a radical departure from traditional masculinity that collapsed after the war. The new archetype Lawrence envisions in the light of a sufi reading is not the product of societal expectations but an individual attempt at authenticity. (shrink)

There are various explanations for the relationship between God, man and the world within belief systems and traditions. One of the striking points of this connection is the idea of hulūl and ittihād. This idea has appeared in various ways throughout history, manifested itself in society by the fact that faith influences the traditions of thought. In addition to being in non-Islamic systems such as beliefs of Indian, Jewish or Christian origin, it has also been observed in systems that have (...) stayed in the Islamic circle or established contacts over time. The evaluation of those who adopt this idea under the heading of extreme groups reveals the view of Islamic thought on the subject. However, while the issue is this clear from the Islamic point of view, the relationship of sufism, which is a part of the thought tradition, to hulūl and ittihād requires that the issue be subject to a more sensitive examination. At this point, it is important to follow the literature that has been formed on the related subject since the formation of Sufism. Following the discourse of Sufi thought on this topic will support the solution of critical points that have occurred from the past to the present. The determination of the issue during the formation period of Sufism, Gazzālī's explanation of the issue and the influence of the thought that developed after Ibn al-Arabī are among the obvious points of the process. Since the publication of this article, the issue of hulūl and ittihād, which has not fallen off the agenda of Islamic thought, has been discussed in the 19th century. When it comes to the century, it will be seen how it can be handled in an identity based on the interpretation of Muhammad Nūr al-Arabī, one of the prominent names of the period. In this way, on the one hand, the representation of an author sufi in the tradition of Sufi thought in the context of the subject, and on the other hand, in the near future, their clear statements in accordance with Islamic thought on such a critical issue will be examined. (shrink)

La figura de Yiisuf (José) desempeña un papel estelar en la obra de Ibn 'Arabi, en tanto que paradigma de belleza, señor del mundo simbólico y profeta del vasto campo de la Imaginación. En el presente articulo se hace un seguimiento de dicha figura desde la producción juvenil de al-Sayj-Akbar hasta sus escritos de madurez, observándose el progresivo enriquecimiento conceptual de la misma y el llamativo paralelismo existente entre la imagen coránica de Yiisuf y el propio místico murciano.

The figure of Yusuf plays a leading role in Ibn Arabi's works as a paradigm of beauty, lord ofthe world of symbols and prophet in the broad fields of Imagination. This article follows him from the youth works of al-Shaykh al-Akbar, up to de texts of his years. In it, we can see how concepts in his books are gradually richer, and can appreciate the remarkable paralellism between Yusuf's coranic image and the mystic from Murcia himself.

Ŷābir b. Aflaḥ al-Išbīlī, conocido como Geber filius Afflay Hispalensis en la Europa medieval, fue un matemático y astrónomo teórico que probablemente floreció en Sevilla durante el primer cuarto del s. XII. Ŷābir b. Aflaḥ es un astrónomo medieval importante gracias a su obra principal, IIṣlāḥ al-Maŷisṭī, traducida al latín y al hebreo. Con el IIṣlāḥ al-Maŷisṭī, su autor pretende reescribir el Almagesto a la vez que introduce algunas correcciones. En 1984, A.I. Sabra, en su importante artículo «The Andalusian revolt (...) against Ptolemaic astronomy» llama la atención sobre un grupo de filósofo andalusíes, contemporáneos de Ŷābir b. Aflaḥ o que florecieron poco después que él —como Ibn Baŷŷa (m. 537/1138), Ibn Ṭufayl (m. 581/1185), Ibn Rušd (m. 595/1198), Maimónides (m. 601/1204) y al-Biṭrūŷī (fl. 596/1200)—, quienes criticaron, desde un punto de vista cosmológico, los modelos astronómicos descritos en el Almagesto al no ser coherentes con la física aristotélica. La finalidad de este artículo es describir el tipo de críticas que hace Ŷābir b. Aflaḥ a Ptolomeo con el objeto de dilucidar si cabe considerarlo uno de los miembros de la rebelión andalusí contra la astronomía ptolemaica. La conclusión final es que las críticas de Ŷābir b. Aflaḥ no son de carácter cosmológico —si bien puedan tener consecuencias cosmológicas—, sino que son de carácter matemático y técnico. Así pues, no cabe considerarlo un miembro de la rebelión andalusí contra la astronomía ptolemaica. (shrink)

Critical study chiefly of the teachings of Ibn al-ʻArabī, 1165-1240 and various other noted Muslim personalities.

Ibn ʻArabī, 1165-1240; philosophy; Islamic; Sufism.

Este artículo presente y analiza el legado de Abū Madyan cuyas bases van a quedar ilustrado perfectamente en el posterior desarrollo del sufismo andalusi-magrebi de origen šāḏilī y la doctrina de ibn ‘Arabī: traduccion española y estudio critico de las evidencias y cotejos textuales, ensenanzas y practicas espirituales y funcionalidad social.