The paper examines more broadly the intellectual formation, early carreer and research activity of Franz Dölger with the aim to elucidate, on the one hand, the shift that took place in Byzantine Studies in Munich during the Thirties of the previous century from a philological to a historical direction. On the other hand, the paper offers a detailed analysis of Dölger’s concept of Byzantine literature and its history, the development of this concept and its immediate impact on (...) Byzantine Philology as a separate field within Byzantine Studies. Pivotal in understanding Dölger’s concept are his connection with and use of the Nazi regime and its ideology, as well as a latent but visible antagonism to Karl Krumbacher. The paper includes an analysis of hitherto unknown publications of Dölger from the Nazi era and a number of unpublished documents pertaining to the Athos Expedition of July 1941 and its aftermath. (shrink)

It is widely known that one of the projects that was most preoccupying the late, and much regretted, Alexander Kazhdan in his latter years was a study of Byzantine literature that would bring this field into the modern era. For far too long Byzantine literature, he asserted, had been encased in the strait-jacket imposed by Krumbacher's magisterial Geschichte. Byzantinists were constrained by a Handbuch mentality whose bonds had been confirmed by the three volumes that replaced Krumbacher's (...) single tome: Beck on ‘Theologische Literatur’ and ‘Volksliteratur’ and Hunger on high-style secular literature. However humane the tone might appear at times in these reference works (Hunger's contributions being particularly noteworthy), nothing could disguise the fact that these books were taxonomic catalogues. Byzantium's literary output was categorised by genre, genres largely imposed by modern historians and not necessarily recognisable to any Byzantine: authors were disposed under a series of at times arbitrary divisions and it was virtually impossible to have a sense of any individual's total output; Psellos was perhaps the most notoriously splintered example. Furthermore, the content of these catalogues was resolutely pragmatic: names, dates, works, editions, contents. Qualitative assessments were eschewed, there was little interpretation of literary movements. (shrink)

Name der Zeitschrift: Byzantinische Zeitschrift Jahrgang: 108 Heft: 1 Seiten: 1-52.

Michael Psellos has long been known as a key figure in the history of Byzantine literary and intellectual culture, but his theoretical and critical reflections on literature and art are little known outside of a small circle of specialists. Most famous for his Chronographia, a history of eleventh-century Byzantine emperors and their reigns, Psellos also excelled in describing as well as prescribing practices and rules for literary discourse and visual culture. The ambition of Michael Psellos on (...) class='Hi'>Literature and Art is to illustrate an important chapter in the history of Greek literary and art criticism and introduce precisely this aspect of Psellian writing to a wider public. The editors of this volume present thirty Psellian texts, all of which have been translated - some in part, most in their entirety - into English. In the majority of cases, the works are translated for the first time in any modern language, and several are discussed at length here for the first time. They are grouped into two separate sections, which roughly translate to two areas of theoretical reflection associated with the modern terms 'literature' and 'art.'0. (shrink)

This article examines the concept of Byzantinism that Julien Benda employed in his book La France Byzantine. In the fin-de-siècle European sensibility, Byzantinism was transferred from political to literary level, but Benda created an epistemological break when he asserted in his book that Byzantinism is literature in its normal function. Furthermore, of Byzantinist character is especially the modern literature. Thus, labeling modern literati as Byzantinist writers served as a critical tool for Benda, who condemned the degradation of (...) modern intellectuals into clerks. This transformation of literary normality affected also pure thought as is manifested in the ambiguous manner of expressing their ideas by modern thinkers. An example of such a Byzantinist use can be found in the manner Emmanuel Levinas exploited Husserl’s phenomenology. Finally, Benda engaged in a discussion with Paulhan’s view that literary philosophy is a form of critical terror. The position of Benda is that of a rationalist, whereas Paulhan is a thinker who focuses on the use of language. For Constantine Tsatsos, on the other hand, a Greek philosopher and author of a philosophical novel entitled Dialogues in a Monastery, the Byzantine moment is a part of great continuity of Greek culture, which is characterized by various structures in its period of long duration. One of these is the synthesis of Hellenism and Christianity that can be seen in Byzantium, where the transposition of the philosophical Eros to the mystical one plays a major role. This development is of paramount importance not only for the whole European culture but also for all questions of beauty and morality. The present paper concludes with a brief discussion of Richard Rorty’s account of pragmatic reason, which makes it possible to show how contemporary philosophy can be placed in the context of the debate about Byzantinism. (shrink)

Le lecteur moderne demeure dérouté par les ekphraseis de bâtiments des textes byzantins. Il est en effet difficile de les considérer comme des sources pour l'archéologie ou l'Histoire de l'art, et la recherche tend à leur égard à adopter deux approches : l'une, plutôt liée à l'Histoire et à l'Histoire de l'art, s'emploie à retrouver des éléments réels de bâtiments ou d'œuvres d'art dans ces textes ; l'autre, plutôt philologique, cherche à considérer ces textes en eux-mêmes pour leur valeur littéraire. (...) Serait-il cependant possible de chercher une voie médiane? Une voie qui accepterait qu'une part de l'étrangeté de ces textes, nécessairement due à la langue et à l'époque, le soit également parce que l'expérience de lecture entre Moyen Âge et époque moderne a radicalement changé. Il manquerait au lecteur moderne, non l'imagination, mais les mécanismes et les résultats de l'imagination médiévale. Les échos lexicaux et thématiques qui balisent le texte et qui en dessinent l'architecture en seraient la clef aboutiraient à un texte en 3D, c'est-à-dire une projection mentale de l'objet décrit non pas comme simple image donnée par l'information contenue dans le texte, mais comme image construite par la composition du discours. Ainsi, au fur et à mesure qu'un auteur décrit un bâtiment, le texte le construit en mots et in fine en a épousé la forme. (shrink)

Name der Zeitschrift: Byzantinische Zeitschrift Jahrgang: 108 Heft: 1 Seiten: 129-156.

An eminent historian of philosophy once suggested that the term “Byzantine philosophy” is an oxymoron. Surely, if there is an neglected stepchild of the history of Western philosophy, it is the philosophy of the medieval Greeks. Even generations of learned students of medieval philosophy have generally accepted the commonplace that little original work was produced in the medieval Greek east—certainly none that demanded the intense attention given to Latin and Arabic philosophical literature. It is hardly surprising, then, that (...) histories of Byzantine thought have been few and far between. A list of the work of Klaus Oehler, Basil Tatakis, Milton Anastos, and a few others virtually exhausts the list of available studies. Moreover, one must go to a few modern Greek centers, such as Thessaloniki or Athens, to find anything like a continuous tradition of scholarship on the subject. (shrink)

Among Marian epithets one of the more obscure is the designation "the Egyptian." This article traces the term in modern Greek and Byzantine literature. The investigation centers on an icon reputedly painted by the Apostle Luke while he was living in Egypt. Our researches lead to the city of Attaleia where, according to legend, a Lukan icon had found its way. Textual evidence establishes that around this icon a healing cult of the Virgin Aigyptia flourished in the later (...) 11th century. The written record is confirmed by the seal of a certain bishop Theodosios of Atteleia. The obverse bears a representation of the Virgin accompanied by the epithet Aigyptia. (shrink)

This article explores several issues pertaining to the role of titles in Byzantine literature. Firstly, some methodological questions are raised regarding their authority and authorship as well as the delineation of the research subject. Secondly, a specific case is discussed of how a 9th/10th-century anthology uses titles to identify the writings it quotes from. In a more extensive third and final section, the semantic evolution is retraced of the term ὑπόμνημα, which has been used with quite diverging meanings (...) throughout Greek literature. (shrink)

Le lecteur moderne demeure dérouté par les ekphraseis de bâtiments des textes byzantins. Il est en effet difficile de les considérer comme des sources pour l'archéologie ou l'Histoire de l'art, et la recherche tend à leur égard à adopter deux approches : l'une, plutôt liée à l'Histoire et à l'Histoire de l'art, s'emploie à retrouver des éléments réels de bâtiments ou d'œuvres d'art dans ces textes ; l'autre, plutôt philologique, cherche à considérer ces textes en eux-mêmes pour leur valeur littéraire. (...) Serait-il cependant possible de chercher une voie médiane? Une voie qui accepterait qu'une part de l'étrangeté de ces textes, nécessairement due à la langue et à l'époque, le soit également parce que l'expérience de lecture entre Moyen Âge et époque moderne a radicalement changé. Il manquerait au lecteur moderne, non l'imagination, mais les mécanismes et les résultats de l'imagination médiévale. Les échos lexicaux et thématiques qui balisent le texte et qui en dessinent l'architecture en seraient la clef aboutiraient à un texte en 3D (trois dimensions), c'est-à-dire une projection mentale de l'objet décrit non pas comme simple image donnée par l'information contenue dans le texte, mais comme image construite par la composition du discours. Ainsi, au fur et à mesure qu'un auteur décrit un bâtiment, le texte le (re)construit en mots et in fine en a épousé la forme. (shrink)

This article is the first publication of a lead seal from a private collection that bears the image of the Incredulity of Thomas. Based upon epigraphy and decorative motifs the seal is assigned to the sixth century. It is the only known sphragistic example of the image of the Incredulity of Thomas and its iconography is compared to other contemporary examples in other media, especially objects of pilgrimage art, among which is a sixth-century gold medallion bearing a similar image, also (...) published for the first time. The image of the seal reflects the thought world of contemporary pilgrimage art and homiletical literature that stresses the believer's transformative participation in Thomas' faith in the reality of Christ's saving Resurrection. (shrink)

Beginning from Plato, there exists a philosophical tradition, which interprets philosophy as preparation for death. However, for Plato the death of a philosopher does not necessarily imply death in its ordinary meaning, but rather a spiritual way of life maximally free from corporeal affections. This kind of relationship between philosophy and death was intensively discussed in late antique philosophy, Patristics, medieval Byzantine philosophy, and also in medieval Georgian literature. Based on Plato’s and Plotinus’ philosophy, Porphyry presented definitions of (...) three kinds of death in his Sententiae : ‘death’ of a philosopher, natural death, ‘death’ of a soul. The aim of this paper is to provide a philosophical analysis of three concepts of death in the post-Porphyrian tradition, mainly in Byzantine and Georgian texts. The paper is based on the analysis of the above mentioned issues in the texts of Porphyry, Macrobius, Michael Psellos, as well as in the old Georgian versions of the works of Ammonios Hermiae, John of Damascus and John Sinaites. We also take into consideration the views on the relation between philosophy and death in the thought of the philosophers of Humanism and Renaissance, such as Georgios Gemistos Plethon, Marsilio Ficino, Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, and Michel de Montaigne, whether or not and to what extent their views on the relation between philosophy and death are different from the theories of ancient and medieval Platonists. (shrink)

ABSTRACT Modern elephant tusk is compared with Byzantine plaques as regards the surface microstructure by means of macrophotography. We are thus able to illustrate the differences between elephant bone and elephant tusk, whereas many exhibitions and publications wrongly refer to ivory as elephant bone. It is not uncommon in Greek and German literature to confuse elephant bone with elephant tusk. Bone is porous and white, whereas ivory is yellowish and compact with characteristic dentine structural lines. The structural lines (...) of dentine in plates made of organic mineralized tissues are diagnostic features of ivory that conclusively differentiate it from elephant bone. Dentine is also more compact than bone. Unlike bone, which is inexpensive and common, ivory is expensive and rare in keeping with the stature, wealth and power of Byzantine Emperors. (shrink)

This article discuss the origin of the Byzantine Cultural Model, influenced by the patristic anthropologic perspective, which discerns that present-day man is notgeneric man, but is at an intermediate stage, between a lost condition and one that could be attained. A dimension of the Eastern Christian understanding of man that is less known nowadays is related to the theme of the garment of skin. This is connected with another one, the theme of the simplicity of the mind.

Dieses seit langem angekündigte, in drei Bänden geplante Handbuch, das sein Erscheinen mit dem zweiten Band über das byzantinische Hochmittelalter und die nachbyzantinische Epoche eröffnet, könnte mit seinen betont lapidaren Titel den Eindruck erwecken, erstmalig eine breite oder gar erschöpfende Darstellung der byzantinischen Theologie zu bieten; doch im Unterschied zu H.-G.Becks Klassiker „Kirche und theologische Literatur in byzantinischen Reich“ (München 1959, 1977), in dem ein lückenloser Überblick über die Gesamtheit der theologischen Produktion in Byzanz(330 bzw. Mitte des 6. Jahrhunderts – (...) 1453) angestrebt ist, setzt sich das vorliegende Werk das Ziel, eine Reihe herausragender Theologen eingehend in Biographie und Werkanalyse darzustellen; dabei nehmen die Bearbeiter, wie im Vorwort J. Norets (S. 3f.) betont, an der „Clavis Patrum Graecorum“ Maß, so daß erstmalig alle echten, unechten und zweifelhaften Werke eines Autors dieser Epochen eine feste Nummer tragen, der dann noch Angaben zu den Handschriften, evtl. Editionen und Übersetzungen folgen. Als weiteres Neuheitsmerkmal ist eine umfassende, internationale Bibliographie zu jedem behandelten Autor beigegeben. Diese immense Arbeitsleistung konnte nur auf möglichst viele Mitarbeiter und Berater, besonders aus dem Forschungspersonal der „Ecole pratique des Hautes Etudes“ und des „Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique“, verteilt werden, die neben den ausländischen Kollegen in den Einführungen und Danksagungen (S. 1–6) erwähnt werden. Andererseits besitzen die seitenlangen bibliographischen Listen leider nicht den Charakter einer „Bibliographie raisonnée“, insofern wichtige und unwichtige Titel gleichberechtigt nebeneinanderstehen; nur in Einzelfällen sind auch kritische Rezensionen mitberücksichtigt. (shrink)

A Byzantinist specializing in the history of the Empire of Trebizond, the author presents four books of different genres written in English and devoted to the medieval state on the south coast of the Black Sea. The most spectacular of them is a novel by Rose Macaulay, Towers of Trebizond. Dąbrowska wonders whether it is adequate to the Trebizondian past or whether it is a projection of the writer. She compares Macaulay’s novel with William Butler Yeats’s poems on Byzantium which (...) excited the imagination of readers but were not meant to draw their attention to the Byzantine past. This is, obviously, the privilege of literature. As a historian, Dąbrowska juxtaposes Macaulay’s narration with the historical novel by Nicolas J. Holmes, the travelogue written by Michael Pereira and the reports of the last British Consul in Trabzon, Vorley Harris. The author of the article draws the reader’s attention to the history of a rather unknown and exotic region. The Empire of Trebizond ceased to exist in 1461, conquered by Mehmed II. At the same time the Sultan’s army attacked Wallachia and got a bitter lesson from its ruler Vlad Dracula. But this Romanian hero is remembered not because of his prowess on the battlefield but due to his cruelty which dominated literary fiction and separated historical facts from narrative reality. The contemporary reader is impressed by the image of a dreadful vampire, Dracula. The same goes for Byzantium perceived through the magic stanzas by Yeats, who never visited Istanbul. Rose Macaulay went to Trabzon but her vision of Trebizond is very close to Yeats’s images of Byzantium. In her story imagination is stronger than historical reality and it is imagination that seduces the reader. (shrink)

The name of Gerhard PODSKALSKY is well known to all Byzantinists and his works on Russian Christianity and theology (988–1237) and Greek theology (1453–1821) published by Beck in 1982 and 1988 respectively have become classic works of reference. Since both Bulgaria and Serbia were the Empire's immediate neighbours and at various times integral parts of the Byzantine Empire this book is of greater importance for the Byzantinist than the previous two and without any doubt it will find a place (...) in every scholar's library. In his preface the author stresses (p. VII) that the book has been written with Western scholars in mind and for this reason he not only gives brief summaries of the contents of all original Slav works but also lists translations in Western languages of the works discussed, which makes the book invaluable for scholars who do not have a working knowledge of Slavonic and modern Slav languages. (shrink)

Plato in the Third Sophistic examines the influence and impact of Plato and Platonism on later Christian and Byzantine rhetoric. The volume brings together specially commissioned articles from leading scholars of late antique philosophy and literature. Their examinations show that Plato is the single most important and influential literary figure used to frame the literature of this time. Plato in the Third Sophistic will help scholars and students from a wide range of disciplines better understand the development (...) of Christian and Byzantine rhetoric and philosophy during the third through sixth centuries. (shrink)

This volume combines twenty-six contributions on Byzantine literature in which well-known Byzantine scholars approach subjects from epistolography, historiography, hagiography, philology and prosopography. New editions of many of the texts and documents analysed are included.

This paper focuses on the 12th-century Byzantine scholar Michael Glykas and the two main pillars of his multifarious literary production, Biblos Chronike and Letters, thoroughly exploring for the first time the nature of their interconnection. In addition to the primary goal, i. e. clarifying as far as possible the conditions in which these two works were written, taking into account their intertextuality, it extends the discussion to the mixture of features in texts of different literary genre, written in parallel, (...) by the same author, based on the same material. By presenting the evidence drawn from the case of Michael Glykas, the paper attempts to stress the need to abandon the strictly applied taxonomical logic in approaching Byzantine Literature, as it ultimately prevents us from constitute the full mark of each author in the history of Byzantine culture. (shrink)

The 14th century Συναξάριον τοῦ τιμημένου Γαδάρου (in English: the Tale of the heroic donkey) could be described as an aitiological story. In medieval Greek there was a synonymous word, νικóν (nikón), which alternatively to the more common word γάδαρος (ghádharos) meant donkey. The word νικóν recalls the verb (nikó) and even reminds us of the homophonous participe derived from the same verb. The tale explains how the word νικóν came into being. Due to a fatal error in the editio (...) princeps by W. Wagner (Carmina Graeca medii aevi, 1874) the pointe of the Tale is not intellegible in the printed text. K. Tsantsanoglu in 1971 realised the problems of Wagner's edition, but his article did not lead to a re-evaluation of this fine piece of late-Byzantine literature. The present article offers: a new edition of the Tale of the heroic donkey, based on a completely new reading of the single manuscripts that preserves it; a new reading of the texts, focussing on questions of rhetorics and literary genre; a full glossary, based on the new edition. (shrink)

La novela griega, género polifacético de ficción en prosa, que floreció del siglo I al IV d.C., tuvo su continuación en la literatura bizantina. La trascendencia de la novela llegó al Renacimiento con Longo y su Dafnis y Cloe, que influenció obras como la Arcadia de Sanazzaro, en Italia, o la Diana, de Jorge de Montemayor, en España; y tuvo cierto influjo en la Galatea de Cervantes e incluso en El Quijote. También la Arcadia de Sidney es tributaria del tema (...) y la Astrea de Honoré d' Urfé, en Francia, refleja también este efecto. En esta comunicación quiero destacar la influencia de la novela griega en La Tempestad, comedia en cinco actos de Shakespeare, que revela gran afinidad con la novela de amor y aventuras, así como con la novela utópica. The Greek novel, a multifaceted fiction genre in prose, flourished between the first and the fourth Century A.D., had its continuation into the Byzantine literature. The significance of the Greek novels reached the Renaissance with Longus and his Daphnis and Chloe, that influenced Sanazzaro's Arcadia in Italy, or Jorge de Montemayor's Diana, in Spain. It also had a certain influence in Cervantes' Galatea and even in his Quijote. Sidney's Arcadia is also tributary to the theme, such as Honoré d' Urfé's Astrea, in France. In this paper I want to point out the influence of the Greek novel in Shakespeare I will focus in The Tempest, comedy in five acts, that reveals great affinity with the Greek novel of love and adventures of Longus, Xenophon of Ephesus and Achilles Tatius, as well as in the utopian novel. (shrink)

This paper presents Niketas Stethatos’ use of the definition of philosophy as “knowledge of human and divine things”. The definition, of Stoic origin, was elaborated by the Neoplatonic school of Alexandria together with five other definitions, and was adopted by the Church Fathers. The first part discusses aspects of the definition’s history in ancient, Patristic, and Byzantine literature until the eleventh century, which indicates Stethatos’ uniqueness. The second part presents the definition in his works, with emphasis on its (...) relation to the φυσικὴ θεωρία. Also the extraordinary often and multifaceted appearance of this definition in Stethatos’ works in his controversy with Michael Psellos is investigated. Stethatos, through his elaborated and systematic reference to the definition, propagates the mystical experience as authentic philosophy against the rise of secular philosophy and its tendency to become autonomous. (shrink)

The 4th century CE was definitive for Early Christianity as there emerged an imperial orthodoxy establishment. This was the inception of an era of a Christian polity characterised by symbiotic ties between the imperial establishment and a developing charismatic political Christianity. The established narrative is one overshadowed by the Byzantine influence even in Africa through Alexandria and Carthage. There were, however, dynamics that conceived an African Christian polity, by extension Ethiopian Christianity posed relevance as a complexly diverse Christian political (...) entity. The investigation reviewed 4th-century CE Christianity with regard to the influence of an African Christian polity and, additionally, how it was implied upon relations with the imperial orthodox establishment. Ethiopia became the case in consideration. This was established through descriptive research using document analysis to formulate literature reviews. The development of a Christian political matrix was a dominant feature of Early Christianity, especially after the emergence of a mutual enterprise under imperial orthodoxy. The formative manner of the political characteristic of ecclesiastical leadership was composite to the council resolutions and expansion policy. Inadvertently, the thin line between imperial geopolitical policy and custody of Christendom diminished. Ethiopia intrinsically saw the development of its own Christian political entity, one that curtailed the challenges of ethnic enculturation and schism between charisma and hierarchy. Perceivably, the complexity of the religious political matrix of Ethiopia as derived from its interaction with Byzantine Rome, Alexandria and the Arabian Peninsula was the source for its prolonged existence, thereby establishing basis for further investigation. (shrink)

English summary: Within the span of a single century (from the mid-15th to the mid-16th centuries), the Greek language, which was well on its way to oblivion, became the focus of one of the most heated debates of the Renaissance period. Greek was accused by what was then a Catholic and Latin Europe of being a vehicle for ancient paganism, Byzantine schism, and even Lutheran heresy. The Council of Trent, which deemed that Roman authority was being undermined by the (...) Vulgate's philological criticism, went so far as to confirm the obvious collusion that existed between Greek and heresy. In fact, behind such accusations can be discerned the power struggles that were taking place between ecclesiastical, academic and political factions. Analysis of such confrontations and of the difficulties that Humanists had in circumventing them, infers that, despite its ultimate success, Greek literature remained suspect in Europe throughout the Counter-Reformation. In this very meticulous study, based on previously unpublished texts, of what was at stake in this anti-Greek movement (a resistance actually based on free, progressive and critical thought), the author combines the thoroughness of an historian with a mine of true anecdotes about the moral standards of that era : the censure practices, legal disputes, self-serving denouncements, etc. That, indeed, were the most evident driving forces behind the intellectual and power struggles. French description: Le grec, disparu d'Europe depuis les Grandes Invasions, fit un retour spectaculaire au XVe siecle. Mais l'enthousiasme des humanistes pour la langue d'Homere a fait oublier la violence des resistances que lui opposerent les maitres scolastiques. Lorsque Erasme osa contester la Vulgate latine au nom de la verite grecque (1516), le scandale eclata publiquement et Luther en prit argument pour contester l'autorite de Rome, si bien que les hellenistes furent accuses de faire le jeu de la Reforme. Le statut du grec se vit etroitement lie a celui de l'hebreu, l'autre langue sacree rivale du latin (l'Affaire Reuchlin). Pour extirper le mal a sa racine, le concile de Trente decida finalement d'imposer la legitimite du latin biblique (1545) et d'interdire l'acces aux sources grecques et hebraiques, puis de mettre a l'index les principaux hellenistes et leurs imprimeurs. Les etudes grecques allaient en rester durablement affaiblies dans l'Europe de la Contre-Reforme. En faisant revivre les oeuvres et les hommes qui en furent les acteurs, et en devoilant ses veritables enjeux, ce livre retrace les deux siecles de cette bataille du grec, restee un point aveugle dans l'histoire de la culture occidentale. Jean-Christophe Saladin est docteur en Histoire. (shrink)

In the domestic literature, the beginnings of comparative ideas about supernatural belong to the writing of Kievan Rus. The most meaningful such representation is presented by "The Word of St. Gregory, reproduced in the interpretation of how the first pagans, that is, the pagans, worshiped the idols and laid them down, as they now do." The basis of this monument of the Kyivan culture of the 12th century, also known as the "Word of the Idols," was the sermon of (...) the prominent patriarch Gregory the Theologian on the Epiphany, in which he reacted negatively to ancient paganism. But "The Word," as Y. Anichkov noted, is not a preaching, nor a translation of the thoughts of Gregory the Theologian, but an attempt to study Old Believers: it gives an interpretation of the work of the Byzantine theologian "in the interpretation" of the local paganism. (shrink)

The Byzantine art can also be called the Christian art of East, between 4th century in which arose and 14th century in which the sunset began. In the 6th century the true grandiose of the arts was created by the Byzantine. This art maintained these classic traditions for various centuries and the renaissance of 10th and 14th centuries has had above all the persistence and the awakening of the ancient spirit. In the second half of the 13th century, (...) we assist to the decline of the Empire of East, the advance of the invasion of Muslims and the separation from the Byzantine influence.The western culture is based on the reason of divine origin. The art, beyond the allegorical meaning, becomes technically constructive. The artist today difficultly succeeds to make a face human, an expression of the man-God. We are in full industrial age, from which we achieve egoism. Over the dogmatic contrasts between the two churches, the union is felt in spirit, and also in the spirit of art. The historical schism does not have the total force to separate; the re-unification of the Christian world is an aspiration of all the Europeans today. (shrink)

Manuel Chrysoloras was a Byzantine scholar and diplomat. He is best known as the first notable professor of Greek language in Italy. He occupied the chair of Greek at the Florentine Studium, and he also taught Greek occasionally in Pavia, Milan, and Rome. Among his students were some of the prominent early Italian humanists including Leonardo Bruni, Uberto Decembrio, Guarino of Verona, Pier Paolo Vergerio, Palla Strozzi, Roberto Rossi, Jacopo Angeli da Scarperia, Cencio de’ Rustici, and others. His method (...) of teaching Greek language and literature was innovative and was continued by some of his students. He had a significant impact on the revival of Greek studies in the West through his Erotemata, as this work became the central textbook of Greek grammar until the sixteenth century. He was a pioneer of the so-called transferre ad sententiam method for translating Greek texts into Latin, and he was the first who translated Plato’s Republic (in collaboration with his student Uberto Decembrio). His other writings are mainly rhetorical epistles; he engaged in extensive correspondence with many of his contemporaries, eminent humanists and ecclesiastical and political figures, such as the Emperor Manuel II Palaeologus and Coluccio Salutati. He was appointed to a number of important diplomatic missions on behalf of Emperor Manuel II Palaeologus, and he was in the service of Pisan Pope John XXIII. He spent most of his life visiting the European courts in an attempt to secure help for Byzantium and to negotiate the Union of the Churches. He was an ardent unionist, he participated in the Council of Constance, and he may have converted to Catholicism. (shrink)

The hexameter poems of Theodore Metochites are perhaps the most determinedly baroque of all Byzantine literary productions to have survived. The tortuous constructions of Metochites' prose rhetoric are transmuted into his rather imprecise concept of the hexameter, with a vocabulary that is ostensibly Homeric but in fact ranges over the whole spectrum of Greek literature, with not a few coinages of his own. The twenty poems, in just over 9,000 lines, were written probably towards the end of his (...) period in high office; several clearly date from the period immediately before his fall from power in 1328, with others written in the years between his return from exile to his beloved monastery of the Chora and his death in 1332. The topics treated by Metochites range from solipsistic musings on his youth and the troubles that afflicted his old age to bombastic funerary memorials. Although the poems are preserved in several manuscripts, it has been demonstrated (by Ihor Ševčenko) that Par.Gr. 1776 stands at the head of the tradition. It is in a format similar to that, for example, of another luxury copy of Metochites' own works, Vindob. Phil. Gr. 95, while the corrections to the verses have been shown to be in the hand of Metochites himself. (shrink)

Most of the commentaries on Greek authors which circulated in the towns of Egypt during the late Ptolemaic and early Imperial periods ignored the critical and colometrical problems which had engaged the attention of the great Alexandrian grammarians. A few, however, based themselves on texts equipped with signs, included the signs in their lemmata and offered explanations. Such commentaries must be the source of the scattered references to signs in the older marginal scholia in Byzantine manuscripts of Homer, Hesiod, (...) Pindar and the Attic dramatists. The only Byzantine manuscript to transmit a pagan text still equipped with a large number and a variety of signs, namely cod. Venice, Bibl. Marc. gr. 454, is also the only one to transmit scholia with lemmata retaining prefixed signs. Just as texts and scholium-lemmata lost their signs in the course of transmission, so too did references to signs within scholia either disappear or become garbled. At best, a statement about the reasons for affixing a sign would turn into one about the content or style of the verse in question. The few mentions made of the great Alexandrians give no cause for thinking that we ever have a verbatim quotation of an πόμνημα written by one of them in order to explain his own signs. Time and again it is demonstrable that an explanation of a sign's presence against a particular verse goes back to some writer like Aristonicus. What survives of the ancient discussion of Latin literature is exiguous in comparison with the Greek material. (shrink)

At the centre of the philosophical tradition of Armenia is a thinker who in the Western tradition carries the Latin names ‘David Armenius philosophus’ or ‘David invincibilis’. Today, international philosophical-historical research is increasingly concerned with the enigmatic corpus of the works that have been handed down under the name of David. The historical-critical exploration of early Armenian philosophy and its specific achievements, as well as its intense relationship to late antique Byzantine thought, were, however, initiated by important scholars of (...) Western Europe at the beginning of the 19th century. Before this time, there were few reliable references to ‘David’ in Western European research literature. It was the orientalist Carl Friedrich Neumann who brought about the turnaround. He studied in Heidelberg with Creuzer and Hegel, learned the Armenian language from the Mechitarists in Venice, and found inspiration in Paris. Then he examined the available Armenian and Greek sources of the Corpus Davidis and collected his findings in a monograph in 1829. Neumann’s deeply philosophical mind is clearly revealed in this treatise, entitled Mémoire sur la vie et les ouvrages de David. With great certitude, he traced down the pieces of information from David’s writings, as well as from the related ancient Armenian sources, which had great relevance for further research. These findings included communications on the biography of David and his own works, as well as on Aristotle, late antique Aristotelianism and Neoplatonism. Almost inevitably, Neumann also fell victim to errors, which, however, does not diminish his importance as a pioneer of research into late antique Armenian philosophy. Neumann put David on the map for Western scholars, thus prompting a wider interest in the hitherto isolated Armenian philosophical thought for the first time. (shrink)

Graeco-Arabic studies, or the study of the translations of classical Greek works into Arabic during the early ‘Abbāsid caliphate of the Arabs (ca. 750–1000), is a field that is well known; it has been cultivated, with significant results for the study of medieval Islamic civilization, for more than a century and a half now. What is less well known is the opposite trend of translations from Arabic into (Byzantine) Greek, which began after the Photian renaissance — as a direct (...) result, I have claimed, of the Graeco-Arabic translation movement — and is of comparable significance for the study of Byzantine civilization. For reasons that it might be interesting to investigate at some point, Byzantinists have shied away from Arabo-Greek studies, to the great detriment of a deepened study of Byzantine writings, especially the scientific literature. The book by Dr. Hélène Condylis under review here, a study of the Greek translation of the famous Arabic book of fables Kalīla wa-Dimna (originally of Indian provenance), finally breaks open this unduly neglected area and makes a most impressive first contribution to Arabo-Greek studies that will, in years to come, be considered as pioneering. (shrink)

Although equal in power to other facets of the rich cultural ferment of modern Russia that have profoundly influenced Western civilization—such as painting, literature, drama, and politics—the authentic legacy of twentieth-century Russian philosophy has until recently been eclipsed by Soviet ideological dominance. Of the important philosophers drawing upon the characteristically Russian synthesis of Ancient Neoplatonism, German Idealism, and Byzantine spirituality, Sergei Bulgakov is outstanding, and his work has important implications for our contemporary thinking about the relationship between humanity (...) and nature in an age of environmental crisis. Overcoming the objectivist stance toward nature consolidated by Descartes and ensconced by Kant, Bulgakov anticipates not only many existential and phenomenological thinkers in the West—especially Heidegger—but also current ecological sensibilities, by showing the ontological status of humanity and nature as profoundly interconnected, especially through his understanding of nature as “household.” Beyond this, he elucidates a normative, “thoesophianic” character of nature corresponding to Plato’s “world soul,” the Renaissance natura naturans, and Heidegger’s “divinely beautiful nature” which is best revealed not by science and technology, but by the aesthetic and contemplative energies of a humanity whose essential interconnection with nature is shown most profoundly by means of this mode of revealing itself. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:American Journal of Philology 124.2 (2003) 295-301 [Access article in PDF] Some Recent Controversies in the Study of Later Greek Rhetoric George A. Kennedy The Greeks of the Roman Empireproduced no equal to Cicero or Quintilian: among their extensive writings there is no profound philosophical examination of political rhetoric and no comprehensive account of rhetorical education based on a lifetime of teaching. But the numerous later Greek rhetorical treatises, (...) dry reading as they may seem, sometimes even poorly written, have considerable significance for the intellectual history of the early centuries of the Christian era. They are a major source for our understanding of education, its materials, goals, and values, as experienced by most important thinkers of the times, pagan and Christian; the training they describe directly influenced the form and style of composition of much of the writing that has survived; they are evidence for cultural change and for the perception of Greek language and literature of the classical period more than five hundred years later; and they provide linguists and philologists with useful concepts and terminology to describe the workings of texts, pagan and Christian, ancient and modern.From 1931, when Hugo Rabe published the last of his editions of later Greek rhetorical texts, to 1974, when Josef Martin published Antike Rhetorik: Technik und Methode(1974), making extensive use of later Greek rhetorical treatises, study of later Greek rhetoric was at a low point. There was of course continued interest in On the Sublime, traditionally attributed to Longinus and surely the finest Greek work on rhetoric of the imperial period. Other important exceptions include Guilelmo Ballaira's edition of Tiberius' handbook of Demosthenic figures and Dieter Hagedorn's monograph, Zur Ideenlehre des Hermogenes(1964). Since the 1970s, with the expansion of research opportunities and younger scholars' search for opportunities in original work, there has been a modest renaissance that has produced new insight and new controversy. In some ways we now know more about the authors and their works; in some ways we are now uncertain about what we thought we [End Page 295] knew. Here I shall comment on several major contributions to the field and various continuing controversies, limiting the discussion to rhetorical theory from the time of the Roman Empire (thus omitting Demetrius and Philodemus as well as the orators).First, however, readers unfamiliar with this subject may appreciate a brief historical background. The antecedents of the concept of Rhetores Graecican be found in composite manuscripts of the tenth and eleventh centuries, which collect a number of works that the teachers and scribes of the times thought basic for their studies. 1 One of these manuscripts, now known as Parisinus 1741, was the basis for the first printing of Rhetores Graeci, the Aldine edition in two volumes (Venice 1508-9). The principal texts included are, in the following order: Aphthonius' Progymnasmata, the five rhetorical treatises attributed to Hermogenes, Aristotle's Rhetorica, the pseudo-Aristotelian Rhetorica ad Alexandrum, Aristotle's Poetica, Sopatros' Quaestiones de compendis declamationibus, the Ars rhetoricathen attributed to Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Demetrius' De interpretatione, Alexander's De figuris sensus et dictionis, Menander Rhetor's works on epideictic, two treatises on style attributed to Aelius Aristeides, and Apsines' De arte rhetorica.During the next four hundred years several of these works were given better editions, and additional rhetorical treatises were discovered in other manuscripts. Thus when Christian Walz set out in 1832 to edit Rhetores Graeciin what became an authoritative nine-volume edition, he felt able to omit the three Aristotelian works and the work attributed to Dionysius and to add additional handbooks of progymnasmata (in vol. 1), a few short treatises on rhetoric there and in volumes 3 and 9, and a very large amount of Byzantine scholia and commentary on Hermogenes, constituting all of volumes 2 and 4 through 8.Although Parisinus 1741 has remained a major authority for the text of Aristotle's Rhetoric, by 1854 when Leonard Spengel began publication of his Rhetores Graeciin three volumes, several manuscripts offering better texts of other works had been... (shrink)

In many ways, this is an exemplary publication, with detailed description and analysis of an important Byzantine fortification, based on twenty five years meticulous work. Using photogrammetry, the survey produced a plan at 1:50, reproduced here at half scale, in clearly readable foldouts (Tafel 31–46) that enable the phases of building and reconstruction to be easily distinguished. These plates also include detailed drawings of sections and of varying styles of masonry. There are in addition five useful sketch plans (pp.104–108) (...) that sort out the main stages of the fortifications, and abundant illustrations on 30 other plates. This might be enough for normal purposes, but the author has also produced a long and very detailed text that describes all the towers and walls, and sets them in the broader context of the history of the city, and of the development of the art of war. The different phases are presented chronologically, together with the urban and regional history and discussions of dating (pp.1–91), then usefully summarized (pp.93–103). The historical sections form a valuable complement to the material in K. Rheidt, Altertumer von Pergamon XV.2, die byzantinische Wohnstadt (Berlin 1991), which also includes a useful summary of the city's history (pp.241–253). K.'s meticulous analysis leads to several new interpretations and redatings of the walls. Some of these are open to serious question and will probably need revision, especially since K. operates in a curious ignorance or disregard for much modern literature on Byzantine fortifications, and makes poor use of available comparative material. (shrink)

Discussion of the supervenience relation in the philosophical literature of recent years has become Byzantine in its intricacy and diversity. Subtle modulations of the basic concept have been tooled and retooled with increasing frequency, until supervenience has lost nearly all its original lustre as a simple and powerful tool for cracking open refractory philosophical problems. I present a conceptual model of the supervenience relation that captures all the important extant concepts without ignoring the complexities uncovered during work over (...) the past two decades. I test my analysis by applying it to the problem of defining physicalism, concluding that the thesis of physicalism is best captured by the conjunction of two supervenience relations. (shrink)

At the centre of the philosophical tradition of Armenia is a thinker who in the Western tradition carries the Latin names ‘David Armenius philosophus’ or ‘David invincibilis’. Today, international philosophical-historical research is increasingly concerned with the enigmatic corpus of the works that have been handed down under the name of David. The historical-critical exploration of early Armenian philosophy and its specific achievements, as well as its intense relationship to late antique Byzantine thought, were, however, initiated by important scholars of (...) Western Europe at the beginning of the 19th century. Before this time, there were few reliable references to ‘David’ in Western European research literature. It was the orientalist Carl Friedrich Neumann who brought about the turnaround. He studied in Heidelberg with Creuzer and Hegel, learned the Armenian language from the Mechitarists in Venice, and found inspiration in Paris. Then he examined the available Armenian and Greek sources of the Corpus Davidis and collected his findings in a monograph in 1829. Neumann’s deeply philosophical mind is clearly revealed in this treatise, entitled Mémoire sur la vie et les ouvrages de David. With great certitude, he traced down the pieces of information from David’s writings, as well as from the related ancient Armenian sources, which had great relevance for further research. These findings included communications on the biography of David and his own works, as well as on Aristotle, late antique Aristotelianism and Neoplatonism. Almost inevitably, Neumann also fell victim to errors, which, however, does not diminish his importance as a pioneer of research into late antique Armenian philosophy. Neumann put David on the map for Western scholars, thus prompting a wider interest in the hitherto isolated Armenian philosophical thought for the first time. (shrink)

La tarda antichità fu un periodo di profondi cambiamenti che coinvolse l’Europa, il mediterraneo e il cosiddetto Vicino Oriente, dal IV-V al VII-VIII secolo. Questo paradigma è ormai ampiamente utilizzato negli studi islamici, dagli studi coranici, dove Angelika Neuwirth ha ampiamente scritto sul tema delle basi bibliche della rivelazione coranica come manifestazione dello scritturalismo tardo antico, agli studi storici relativi al Corano e all’Arabia preislamica, come nel libro di Aziz al-Azmeh _The Emergence of Islam in Late Antiquity_, che riprende il (...) filone di studi instaurato da Julius Wellhausen e Toufic Fahd. Sono pienamente d’accordo con la necessità di inserire l’Islam, la sua nascita e il suo sviluppo storico, religioso e filosofico nel contesto della tarda antichità, ma è necessario sottolineare quali temi hanno fatto dell’Islam una nuova religione rispetto al giudaismo e al cristianesimo. Questo è il tema del presente articolo che si articola nei seguenti momenti: 1) una breve rassegna critica della letteratura sulla tarda antichità; 2) il rapporto tra gli imperi – romano, bizantino e sasanide – della tarda antichità e il trionfo del monoteismo; 3) il concetto di _hanifiyya_. La conclusione è che il messaggio coranico trasmesso da Maometto ha diviso la storia in due parti: prima e dopo la venuta della _verità_. Late Antiquity describes a period of profound transformations that involved Europe, the Mediterranean world and the so-called Near East, from IV-V to VII-VIII centuries. This paradigm has now become widely used in Islamic studies, from Qurʾānic studies, where Angelika Neuwirth has extensively published in the past on the subject of the biblical underpinnings of the Qurʾānic revelation as a manifestation of late antique scripturalism, to historical studies related to the Qurʾān and pre-Islamic Arabia, as in Aziz al-Azmeh’s book _The Emergence of Islam in Late Antiquity_, which takes up the trend of scholarship established by Julius Wellhausen and Toufic Fahd. I completely agree with the need to put Islam and its historical, religious, philosophical birth and development in the context of the Late Antiquity, but what is at stake is to emphasize which themes made Islam a new religion with respect to Judaism and Christianity. This is the focus of the present paper which deals with: 1) a brief critical survey of the literature on Late Antiquity; 2) the relationship between the empires – Roman, Byzantine and Sasanid – of Late Antiquity and the triumph of monotheism; 3) the concept of _hanifiyya_. The conclusion is that the Qurʾānic message conveyed by Muhammad broke the history into two parts: before and after the coming of _truth_. (shrink)