The paper analyzes the factors that brand engagement produces in the growth of a brand, studying the values of creating emotional bonds to retain customers and develop consumer cultures. The PACARI brand is taken as a reference, which has international recognition, managing to position Ecuador as the country where the best chocolate in the world originates. The objective is to analyze the impact of PACARI and its connection in ethical consumption, where the brand has generated impact from the word of (...) mouth marketing that it creates from influencers, and the commitment with its interest groups. (shrink)

By the summer of 1948, socialist Yugoslavia seemed determined to follow in the footsteps of its closest ally, the Soviet Union, and strike a decisive blow to “reactionary genetics.” But barely a month before the infamous VASKhNIL session, the Soviet–Yugoslav split began to unravel, influencing the reception of Lysenko’s doctrine in Yugoslavia. Instead of simply dismissing it as yet another example of Stalinist deviationism, Yugoslav mičurinci carefully weighed its political and ideological implications, trying to negotiate the Stalinist origins of Michurinist (...) biology with political and ideological reconfigurations in post-Stalinist Yugoslavia. The essay examines the strategies employed by supporters and opponents of Lysenko’s doctrine, as well as those sympathetic to it but yet unconvinced of its scientific validity and political appropriateness. It emphasizes globally unique attempts to de-Stalinize Michurinist biology and use it in the political-ideological struggle against the Stalinist Soviet Union, pointing to local agency and the bottom-up nature of attempts both in support of and against the doctrine. (shrink)

Los historiadores queery los activistas tienen una relación particular con la historia de la Unión Soviética. Un vínculo que ha sido moldeado por las políticas de la Guerra Fría y el ascenso, en primera instancia en el mundo anglo-americano, del movimiento de liberación gay. Para los militantes de izquierda, saber que el primer Estado socialista del mundo sancionó políticas sexuales radicales ha sido un talismán y una guía. La despenalización de la homosexualidad masculina, caratulada como sodomía, en los primeros años (...) de la Rusia revolucionaria, fue uno de los cambios más radicales en las leyes criminales, familiares y de propiedad que marcaron la llegada de los bolcheviques al poder. La eliminación de las regulaciones religiosas y reaccionarias del régimen zarista sobre la sexualidad ha sido presentada como el punto de referencia de las políticas sexuales progresistas. Siguiendo esa lectura, la re-penalización por parte del gobierno soviético de la sodomía durante 1933-34 es interpretada como una “tendencia reaccionaria” de la mano del régimen de Joseph Stalin, una degeneración del presumiblemente socialismo legítimo de Vladimir Lenin (o León Trotsky). Nuestras narrativas también presentan al cambio en la legislación de la homosexualidad masculina durante los convulsionados años de 1930 a través del prisma de las relaciones internacionales. Esta perspectiva recurre fuertemente al trabajo del reformista sexual freudiano y marxista Wilhem Reich, quien en 1936 publicó una acusación de la represión de los homosexuales soviéticos. (shrink)

Bu makale Sovyet tarihçiliğinde milliyetler meselesini ve bağlantılı olarak tarih yazımındaki değişimleri incelemektedir. Sovyetler Birliği’ndeki politik, sosyal, iktisadi ve askeri değişimler ve kırılmalar tarihsel çalışmaların ve tarih yazımındaki milliyetlere yönelik söylemin değişmesine neden olmuştur. Diğer bir deyişle, söylem değişimleri siyasi gelişmeleri takip etmiş ve siyasi önceliklere göre değişmiştir. Sovyet tarih yazımında dönemselleştirme, Sovyetler Birliği Komünist Partisi’nin yerel milliyetçiliklere yönelik politikalarını nasıl değiştirdiğine ve buna uygun olarak Sovyet tarihçiliğinin milliyetler meselesiyle ilgili söylemlerindeki değişime atıf yapmaktadır. Sovyet tarih yazımında milliyetler meselesi kapsamındaki (...) tartışmalar, yerli halkların, yani Rus olmayanların, Çarlık Rusya’sı yönetimine nasıl yaklaşacakları, kendi geçmişlerine, tarihlerine, kahramanlarına, onların eylemlerine ne kadar odaklanacakları, tarihi ve milli şahsiyetleri ne kadar yüceltecekleri, Çarlık yönetiminin sömürgeci olup olmadığı ve Rus Çarlığına karşı yapılan isyanların gerici mi yoksa ilerici mi olduğu gibi konuları içermektedir. Bu gibi konular Stalin dönemi Orta Asya Sovyet tarihçiliğine egemen olmuş ve merkezin politikaları değiştiğinde tarihçiler de görüşlerini siyasal değişimlere uydurup güncellemişlerdir. 70 yıllık Sovyetler Birliği deneyimi birçok konuda olduğu gibi tarih yazımında da birbiriyle uyuşmayan farklı eğilimleri içermiş, bir dönem Rus milliyetçiliği baskı altında kalır yerel milliyetçiliklerin gelişmesine izin verilirken takip eden dönemde ise yerel milliyetçilikler baskıdan payına düşeni almıştır. 1930’lardan itibaren Türkistan gibi Sovyetler Birliği’nin bazı bölgelerinde birleştirici tarih anlatısı yasaklanıp Orta Asya halklarının ortak bir geçmiş algısına sahip olması engellenirken ülkenin batısında Slav halkları açısından tam tersi bir politika izlenmiştir. (shrink)

Die Kritische Sozialtheorie sowie die kommunistische Herrschaftsphilosophie haben in der posthegelianischen Befreiungslehre ihren Ursprung. Die Kritische Theorie versuchte diesen Denkansatz gegen seine totalitären Konsequenzen anzuwenden. Dieselben Weltdeutungschemata, die man an der Sowjetideologie anstößig fand, galten aber als akzeptabel, sobald man nur zur Kritik der westlichen Industriegesellschaft überging. Der Hauptpunkt der neomarxistischen Kritik des Sowjetsystems bestand darin, daß man die besondere institutionelle Form, in der der reale Sozialismus das Heil zu verwirklichen beanspruchte, in Frage stellte, ohne andere Lösungen der institutionellen Probleme (...) anzubieten oder das zugrundeliegende Denkprogramm aufzugeben, in dessen Kontext diese Probleme durchaus legitim gestellt werden konnten. Die relativen Leistungen der Kritischen Theorie sind in ihren sozial-politischen Folgen zu suchen, u. zw. darin, daß sie zwei Grundlagen der totalitären Ideologie, von der die Legitimierung des Gesellschaftssystems herrühte, erschütterte: (1) Verfügung über die Tradition; (2) Verfügung über die Sprache, in der über heilsrelevante Fragen gesprochen wurde. /// Both critical theory and communist philosophy arise from the posthegelian theory of salvation. Critical theory undertook the effort to preserve the hard core of this theoretical background and at the same time to criticize by its means the totalitarian consequences the communist ideology had derived from it. In effect, the very same patterns of thought which critical theory believed to denounce as instruments of totalitarian manipulation were accepted as soon as they proved useful to contest advanced industrial society and its world view. The crucial point of the new-leftist criticism of the Stalinist ideology was the rejection of a central claim of the latter according to which the salvation predicted in the leftist-revolutionary tradition has found its actual fulfilment in the institutional framework of the Soviet state. Challenging this claim, the Neomarxists neither abandoned this tradition nor offered another solution to the institutional problems which result from it. The relative achievements of critical theory lie in the damage it has caused to the two foundations of the totalitarian ideology, i.e.: (1) its authority over tradition and (2) its authority over language. (shrink)

Lorsqu'on pense à la politique culturelle de l'URSS, un seul mot vient à l'esprit : jdanovisme. Tout le monde connaît Andreï Jdanov, le commissaire du peuple à la culture de Staline et ses diktats en matière de création. En revanche, on ignore tout de son " prédécesseur " et pour ainsi dire, son opposé : Anatole Vassiliévitch Lounatcharski. Nul hasard. L'idéologie a tout intérêt à réduire le communisme au goulag, Lénine à Staline, le matérialisme dialectique à Lyssenko et la critique (...) marxiste à quelques vulgates du réalisme socialiste. Mais pour tous ceux qui n'ont jamais accepté le communisme dans sa version momifiée, à commencer par Lénine lui-même, devenu pharaon malgré lui dans un mausolée sur la place rouge, il est enfin temps de découvrir son plus proche conseiller en matière de culture, Anatole Lounatcharski, philosophe, artiste et révolutionnaire. (shrink)

: Undoubtedly, in the formation of history, relations between religious structures and political powers, which are shaped within certain principles, have an important place. The course of these relations determines the strength and domain of both sides. This form of relationship, in some cases, evolves in favor of political power, and sometimes manifests itself as a political direction of religious interests. It is possible to see politics as a direction of religion or to use it in the direction of its (...) own interests in the politics that the Soviet Union has implemented since the Second World War. As a matter of fact, the Soviet Union, which has embraced the ideology of official atheism and struggled against religious beliefs, did not stop using religion/church for conjuration in its own interests. In this context, The Soviet leader Stalin has almost reconstructed the Russian Orthodox Church, which he had been trying to destroy since the early years of the Second World War. Even, Moscow has made serious attempts to make Patriarchate the pioneer of the Orthodox world. In this article, we aim to emphasize Stalin’s church politics and reasons. We will also stress the reasons behind the Council of the Orthodox Churches, which Stalin sought to achieve through the Moscow Patriarchate in 1947. Finally, we will touch on the policy of the Fener Greek Patriarch against these developments. Summary: Throughout history, politics of states have been under the influence of religion. Likewise, religions have directed political authority in the direction of their own interests. Sometimes a religion takes the state under its influence; sometimes under a state takes a religion under the influence and they try to use the other one in the interests of itself. Concepts that define religion-state relations have emerged under the influence of experiences experienced over time. Secularism is at the head of the concepts that determine religion-state relations today. What secularism is and how it is practiced is much debated in the scientific circles. Despite all these struggles, however, no binding definition has been reached for all political issues. Certainly, the subjective structure of states plays an important role in regulating religion-state relations. The political ideology adopted by this political structure and the world view varies. Sometimes political structures with official atheist ideology can break the principle of secularism. While these ideologies are ungodly in their nature, they benefit from political interests. As an example, it is possible to show the Soviet Union with an atheist ideology. Because the Soviet regime used religion in the direction of political interests between 1943-1948. The Russian Orthodox Church, which was very active and competent during the reign of Tsarist Russia, lost its power with the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917. The Soviet regime has made the Russian Orthodox Church an illegal institution. The struggle against the church by the regime continued until the Second World War. With the Second World War, Stalin's church politics changed. There is no doubt that this political change has become more than one reason. The first is that the state has entered into a war. Stalin did not want to continue the struggle with religion while the war was going on. Another reason for pushing Stalin for a policy change towards the Church is the anti-Soviet propaganda carried out by the Germans. As a matter of fact, the Germans defined themselves as the savior of the Russian people. It was also alleged that Germany was waging a war against the Soviets in order to free Russian people from communism. Even brochures were taken from the airplanes in this frame. The Germans aimed to break the resistance of the Russian people with this method. Stalin acted to ward off this propaganda of the Germans. Stalin therefore had to keep an eye on church politics and stopped the oppression against the church. In this framework, opportunities were provided for the Russian Orthodox Church. For example, have been approved to organize rites in churches. The priests are encouraged to strengthen hand the people. Also closed churches have been reopened by Stalin. In this way the German propaganda has been wasted. The Second World War ended with the victory of the Soviet Union. Stalin, however, continued to use the church after the war was over. So why did Stalin continue to support the church as an atheist? What were the reasons for pushing Stalin into this policy? Stalin's post-war church policy has multiple causes. The most important of these is spreading the Soviet influence over the entire Balkans and Middle East geography through the Russian Orthodox Church. Undoubtedly this is related to the long-term policies of the Soviets. Because the war has changed all the balances in the world. This has given new opportunities to the Soviets. At the beginning of these, the Orthodox world comes to the Soviet influence. It seems that the steps towards this have been started to be started from 1945. In this context, the Russian Orthodox Church found important activities. For example, the Moscow Patriarch has established relations with other Orthodox Churches. Jerusalem, Athens, Cyprus, Antakya churches were visited. In the end, an attempt was made to collect the Orthodox Council. The struggle of the Western and Eastern bloc emerged after the Second World War divided the Orthodox world into two camps. In this process, the Greek, Cyprus and Jerusalem Orthodox churches under the leadership of the Fener Patriarchate were under American influence. The Serbian, Bulgarian and Antiochian Orthodox Churches under the leadership of the Moscow Patriarchate were under Soviet influence. For these reasons, the Soviet regime, which has been fighting for the Church since the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917, has given up its position. It is understood from this historical fact that a regime adopting irreligion as an official ideology uses religion in its own interests as needed. This indicates that secularism is relative. This study will try to show how the Soviet Union uses the Russian Orthodox Church in its own interests despite the atheism ideology. (shrink)

A propósito del libro de Roy A. Medvedev y Zhores A. Medvedev, El Stalin desconocido, Planeta de Agostini, Barcelona 2006, traducido por Javier Alfaya y Javier Alfaya McShane.

The Nazis' use and misuse of Nietzsche is well known. The Superman, the "will to power," Nietzsche's equation of bourgeois democracy and decadence, and his denigration of reason were staples of Nazi propaganda. Communists also used and misused Nietzsche, but that fact is largely unknown because Soviet propagandists invoked reason and labeled Nietzsche the "philosopher of fascism," even while covertly appropriating his ideas. In this pioneering book, Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal excavates the trail of long-obscured Nietzschean ideas that took root in (...) late Imperial Russia, intertwining with other elements in the culture to become a vital ingredient of Bolshevism and Stalinism. Nietzsche made a difference. He furnished intellectual ammunition for a prolonged conflict about culture, society, and politics that began around the turn of the century. His first Russian admirers were poets, philosophers, and political activists. They responded to the changes transforming their society by espousing new values and seeking a new faith by which to live and work. This response resulted in new aesthetic and political amalgams, such as Symbolism, Futurism, Nietzschean Christianity, and Nietzschean Marxism. The ensuing debates between and among their partisans reverberated throughout the wider culture and therefore also into Bolshevism, becoming the subject of an uninterrupted polemic between Bolsheviks and non-Bolsheviks, and among Bolsheviks, that continued into the 1930s. In Stalin's time, unacknowledged Nietzschean ideas were used to mobilize the masses for the great tasks of the first Five-Year Plan and the Cultural Revolution, which was intended to eradicate "bourgeois" values and attitudes from Soviet life and to construct a distinctly Socialist culture. Nietzsche's belief that people need illusions to shield them from reality underlay Socialist Realism, the official Soviet aesthetic from 1934 on. In the aftermath of de-Stalinization, the government cast Nietzsche as the personification of "bourgeois" nihilism and "bourgeois" individualism. Soviet intellectuals wishing to reappropriate their lost cultural heritage discovered the Nietzsche-influenced intellectuals of late Imperial Russia and reopened discussion on the issues they had posed. More than an exercise in historical rediscovery, _New Myth, New World_ offers a new interpretation of modern Russian history. By uncovering the buried influence of Nietzschean ideas on Soviet culture and politics, Rosenthal opens new avenues for understanding Soviet ideology and its influence on the twentieth century. (shrink)

Cet article porte sur les conditions méthodologiques de compréhension des croyances en sciences sociales. Selon une certaine tradition épistémologique, l’attribution de rationalité aux agents est une condition nécessaire à l’explication compréhensive de leurs attitudes et actions. Cet article évalue cette idée en interrogeant le rôle d’une telle attribution dans la manière dont certains historiens et politistes ont tenté de comprendre l’erreur d’appréciation stalinienne concernant l’imminence de l’attaque allemande. Après avoir explicité l’approche poppérienne du principe de rationalité, je définis son équivalent (...) doxastique : l’hypothèse de rationalité épistémique. J’examine ensuite la manière dont ces travaux mobilisent puis réfutent cette hypothèse. (shrink)

As an intensive housing construction drive in the late 1950s began to provide separate apartments for millions of Soviet citizens, aesthetic experts envisioned the Soviet home as a potential site for the display of works of art and for amateur aesthetic production. In the context of de-Stalinization, reformist artists and aestheticians committed to the liberalization and modernization of Soviet artistic criteria, promoted the value of amateur art and even of home decorating in the formation of the new person who (...) would live under communism. They also pressed for affordable art and craft to be made available to ordinary people for their new homes. Thereby they would dwell in their new apartments surrounded by beauty in their everyday lives, and would thus, the experts argued, be brought closer to communist consciousness. Moreover sales of art to individual citizens would provide an alternative income stream to fund artists’ production. The possibility of private art consumption would therefore free artists to some extent from their reliance on state commissions and from the strict stylistic and thematic norms and hierarchies of Socialist Realism as established under Stalin. (shrink)

The end of the Second World War produced a shift in the Soviet mode of legitimation; the original values of Marxism-Leninism were combined with those of patriotic nationalism in a new form of ideology in which the idea of The Great Patriotic War became one of the founding myths. Especially after Stalin’s death in 1953 and the beginning of the process of de-Stalinization, the Soviet political elites made an attempt to change their strategy by reducing reliance on coercion and (...) strengthening political legitimacy in order to gain compliance from the ruled population. The system of socialist ritual became one of the most important legitimation procedures. The political elites came to regard the system of ritual as an important factor in maintaining and strengthening the legitimacy of the regime and their own position in the power structure. (shrink)

Andrzej Walicki, the last Polish world-renowned humanist of the 20th century, passed away in August this year. The article offers a concise description of his personality and work, which partly undermines some aspects of his autobiography published in 2010. Walicki, who, like Leszek Kołakowski, was a member of the 56’ generation, also known as the “thaw” generation, became famous, first and foremost, as an expert in Russian thought. His publications, devoted to, among other things, retrospective utopianism and liberalism in the (...) 19th and 20th century Russian philosophy and social thought, were novel on a world scale. Equally novel were his works on the history of Marxism, where he challenged Kołakowski’s standpoint. Moreover, Walicki signifi cantly contributed to research on the history of Polish romantic philosophy, which had previously been overshadowed by great poetry. Walicki is considered to be one of the personalities who, in the 1960s and 70s, the time when Poland was part of the Soviet empire, made Polish humanities flourish. However, no matter how highly one estimates Walicki’s achievements, the impression that humanities were thriving in the communist Poland aft er de-Stalinization is an illusion. The illusion is an eff ect of the crisis in which humanities in Poland found themselves aft er the change of the regime, under neoliberal and populist governments. (shrink)

em Origens do totalitarismo , publicada em 1951, Arendt pensa o grande mal do século XX: o fenômeno totalitário como destruição da pluralidade humana, negação da semelhança dos homens e da sua pertença a uma mesma humanidade. Esse mal, para ela, reduz-se a dois regimes: o nazismo de Hitler e o comunismo de Stalin. A proposta deste artigo é analisar as características comuns entre esses dois regimes como descritas por Arendt.

Karel Kosík’s book Dialectics of the Concrete. A Study on Problems of Man and World, elaborated under the impact of the de-Stalinization process, is one of the important attempts to rethink Marxist philosophy; it was an attempt to overcome the theoretical stagnation caused by the Stalinist period. It considers the state of Marxist theory, its relations to the past theoretical tradition, as well as it attempts to develop a critical and creative dialogue with different contemporary theoretical conceptions, then hegemonic. (...) Through his reading of Marx and his A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy project, Kosík searches for ways of discussing different relationships between philosophy and economics in the contemporary world, and, in particular, he analyzes different theoretical or ideological forms of the reified characteristics of the pseudoconcrete world of care, homo oeconomicus and economic factor. (shrink)

Es conocida la oposición de Albert Camus a la pena capital. En sus Réflexions sur la guillotine (1957) va a criticar la máquina judicial que hace sufrir en el tiempo y en el espacio al condenado a muerte. Antes, en L'homme revolté (1951), ha criticado la perversa lógica contractual rousseauniana implicada en la auto-imputación que conduce silenciosamente a Saint-Just al patíbulo en la época del terror revolucionario en Francia y a los condenados a muerte en la purgas del régimen de (...) Stalin en la Unión Soviética. Pero unos años antes, en El Mito de Sísifo (1942), hablando del suicidio, se ha referido a Galileo y al peligro que ha corrido de morir en la hoguera por defender sus verdades. Nos preguntamos aquí por aquello que, en el pensamiento de Camus, convierte a la pena capital en suicidio. (shrink)

L'Althusser antihumaniste, ou de la coupure: Le problème de la "philosophie de Marx" -- Du côté de Staline -- Les thèses de l'antihumanisme -- Spinoza l'antihumaniste -- Louis Althusser entre déterminisme et liberté -- Althusser de la lecture: Le détour par Spinoza -- Le Traité théologico-politique, une politique du discours -- Lire Le Capital avec Spinoza -- Althusser de la structure: Du "marxisme structuraliste" à l'immanentisme spinoziste : un parcours philosophique -- Déterminisme et coupures -- Coupure et lecture symptômale -- (...) Althusser, de la conjoncture au retour du sujet: Penser la conjoncture -- Le détour par Machiavel -- Spinoza Machiavellianus -- Interpellation et constitution du sujet -- Est-il simple d'être spinoziste en philosophie? -- Althusser et l'aléatoire: -- Entre la nécessité et l'aléatoire -- La crise du marxisme -- Les "manifestes" du matérialisme aléatoire -- À quoi s'oppose le matérialisme aléatoire? -- Une conjoncture sans politique. (shrink)

Lukács' last work, The Ontology of Social Being (written between 1963 and 1968, rewritten since and left incomplete) is a monumental and tragic document of an era that seems long past, that of the rebirth of Marxism. De-Stalinization provided Lukács with a fresh dynanism. During those years, he returned to his Heidelberg Aesthetics, a large, systematic effort started during his youth. The first of the three volumes projected on Marxist aesthetics, The Specificity of the Aesthetic, was completed around 1960 (...) and published in 1963. A project on ethics followed immediately. But in a letter May 10, 1960, to Ernst Fischer, Lukács wrote of a difficult transition to the new work: “I now find myself in the transition phase that follows giving birth. (shrink)

Este artigo tem o objetivo de analisar a interpretação que Leon Trotsky produziu sobre a Revolução Russa. Abarcando desde o período pré-revolucionário até a fase de liderança de Stalin, as fontes são as obras de Trotsky relacionadas ao tema. Investiga-se a hipótese de que existe uma unidade fundamental na interpretação de Trotsky, assegurada por duas coordenadas. Primeira, o fio condutor da interpretação é a teoria da revolução permanente. Segunda, Outubro de 1917 é o centro de gravidade, na medida em que (...) teria confirmado os pressupostos da teoria da revolução permanente, anunciados em 1905 e traídos pelos acontecimentos do período subsequente. (shrink)

Mikhail Nikolaevich bridges 19th- and 20th-century Russian culture as well as Leninism and Stalinism, and later became an instrument in Khrushchev's effort at de-Stalinization. Pokrovskii was born in Moscow in 1868. He described the years before 1905 as his time of "democratic illusions and economic materialism." His interest in legal Marxism began in the 1890's but it was only with the Revolution of 1905 that he stepped into the Marxist camp. Pokrovskii was a leader in the creation of the (...) "historical front"—an organization of scholars authorized to work out a Marxist theory of the past. He formalized the bond between scholarship and politics through his belief that historians should assist party authorities in effecting a cultural revolution; thus he supported Stalin's collectivization of agriculture and leg a campaign to silence non-Marxist scholars, some of whom he had defended earlier. Yet his accommodation with Stalin was uneasy, and after Pokrovskii's death in 1932 his allegedly "abstract sociological schemes" were condemned and his career was dubbed _pokrovshcina_—era of the wicked deeds of Pokrovskii. (shrink)

No verão de 1957 a União Soviética recebeu mais de 30 mil jovens do mundo todo reunidos para o Sexto Festival Mundial da Juventude em Moscou. Os soviéticos se apresentavam para o mundo de uma nova forma, na tentativa de mostrar um socialismo renovado e muito mais humano, antagonizando com os anos de Josef Stalin no poder. Moscou não era uma capital comunista sombria e atrasada, mas uma cidade moderna e colorida. Durante o festival, todos os cinemas, circos, exposições, eventos (...) esportivos e transportes públicos foram abertos ao público. Os partidos comunistas em todo o mundo foram instruídos a enviar tantos jovens não-comunistas quanto possível, a ideia é que todos poderiam participar independente das convicções políticas e religiosas. Os tradicionais símbolos da foice e do martelo e as faces de Stalin e Mao Tsé-Tung deram lugar à pomba branca de Pablo Picasso sob o lema “por paz e amizade”. Ainda em Moscou, criaram a Rádio Festival que transmitiu sua programação em espanhol e com diversas músicas latinas, o evento era todo voltado aos jovens do chamado Terceiro Mundo. (shrink)

Terme renvoyant à un âge immémorial, moins politique que religieux, moins religieux que superstitieux, le charisme reste pourtant un élément incontournable de l’histoire politique contemporaine, au point que son rôle dans l’accession de Hitler au pouvoir ou le succès du culte de la personnalité de Staline semble, aujourd’hui encore, bien plus flagrant que n’importe quelle explication d’ordre socio-économique ou culturel. Reliquat religieux au sein d’un monde sans foi? Pathologie dans le cours « normal » de l’histoire de la démocratie en (...) Occident? Mais comment séparer le bon grain de l’ivraie, et est-on même certain que le charisme soit toujours l’ivraie, à l’heure où l’on accuse l’Union européenne d’être devenue une structure technocratique tentaculaire, confirmant les craintes de Max Weber à l’égard d’une « démocratie acéphale » totalement dépourvue de charisme? Quitte à renouer avec le paradoxe d’un « éloge de la folie », Jean-Claude Monod, fort d’une analyse historique rigoureuse des pensées charismatiques du XXe siècle, se risque à faire la part du feu, à imaginer une forme originale de « charisme progressiste », nécessaire supplément d’âme à la machine démocratique. (shrink)

De son expédition autour du monde de 1831 à 1836, Charles Darwin, né en 1809, rapporte d'importantes collections de plantes et d'animaux. Retiré à la campagne pour raisons de santé, il publie en 1859 son grand oeuvre, De l'origine des espèces au moyen de la sélection naturelle. Dès lors, il s'impose comme le fondateur de la théorie de l'évolution biologique, dans laquelle la notion de sélection naturelle des espèces sous l'influence du milieu occupe une place centrale. Décrivant d'une plume alerte (...) et rigoureuse le rayonnement posthume d'une doctrine qui finit par être reconnue non sans mal, l'auteur montre notamment en quoi les idées de Lyssenko - le biologiste préféré de Staline - étaient antidarwiniennes et représentaient une insulte à la science. De même, il s'attaque au créationnisme d'aujourd'hui. Enfin, il expose les éléments importants de la théorie synergique qui renouvelle le darwinisme, englobant ainsi les plus récentes découvertes de la connaissance contemporaine. (shrink)

En s’appuyant sur l’historiographie russe la plus récente, cet article retrace le parcours de l’académicien soviétique David Riazanov, de son premier engagement aux côtés des populistes russes à son exécution lors des grandes purges. L’article se concentre principalement sur la contribution essentielle de Riazanov à la fondation de la « marxologie » scientifique à travers la création de l’Institut MarxEngels de Moscou en 1921. En présentant l’éditeur de la première MEGA tant comme un érudit marxiste respecté que comme un militant (...) inflexible opposé à l’emprise de Staline sur le parti, l’article traite également des enjeux inhérents à toute recherche marxologique, comme la difficile articulation entre approche scientifique et impératif politique. (shrink)

This volume is a translation from the French original which appeared in 1965. It is a concise and critical examination of Soviet philosophical thought since the death of Stalin. The study is restricted to dialectical materialism probably on the supposition that this crucial area would provide significant clues to the status of Marxist philosophy as a whole in the post-Stalin period. The author discloses that Soviet philosophers, even before the 20th Congress, had already begun to criticize as thought-stifling Stalin's dogmatic (...) views on diamat. De-Stalinization has encouraged the renewed serious study of Hegel and the rediscovery of the importance of the categories for philosophical synthesis. But the author finds Soviet philosophic thought still barren of originality. Soviet philosophy is found to be the least critical of all philosophies. The easiest way to discredit Soviet philosophy, the author asserts, would be to translate one of their contemporary texts on the history of philosophy! Planty-Bonjour does not make any comparisons between the interplay of philosophers and working scientists in the western world and in the U.S.S.R. He reports that diamat is of no particular use to working Soviet scientists and that it has lost practically all control over scientific activity. The main body of the book is devoted to a critique of the Soviet notion of category and to the dialectification of the categories. In the author's view, Soviet philosophers are inevitably led to a dead-end by the incompatible and nonjustified concepts that the real is rational and that the real is matter. This incompatibility makes diamat inherently incoherent. Hegel's dialectic cannot serve as a means of avoiding the problem of transcendence toward which the basically realistic attitude of Soviet philosophy is leading. A genuine dialogue between Soviet philosophers and spiritualist philosophers is possible only if the former drop the dialectic of nature and allow the realistic tendency in their philosophy to develop.--H. B. (shrink)

Coming from anarchist circles and revolutionary-syndicalist trade unions, Simone Weil initially saw herself as a Marxist and an anarchist, before increasingly becoming their early and extremely pointed critic. From 1933 on, she distanced herself more and more from the syndicalist movement in terms of content, and at the same time she was increasingly skeptical of its politics. She saw in the syndicalists, socialists, and communists no more accurate knowledge of society than in the conservatives or fascists. Moreover, she came to (...) realize that they did not have the necessary means of action to carry out a revolution. In the assertion of the "historical mission of the working class," she saw a phrase that served the functionaries but only further humiliated and betrayed the working class. In this respect, even Marxism was for Weil still the intellectual expression of the bourgeoisie, because even a change in property relations would not have eliminated the oppression of the working class. Until the end of her life, she held that instead a radical change in labor relations was necessary to end the oppression of the working class and its social misery. The article attempts to situate Simone Weil's early disillusionment with syndicalism, socialism, Marxism and Stalinism, as well as her recognition of what was widely labelled totalitarianism in Western societies at the latest after the Second World War, in her writings. (shrink)

Ao tratar da ação do homem contemporâneo no que diz respeito à Revolução Russa, Hannah Arendt elabora abordagens no campo da filosofia política. Trata-se de abordagens que, certamente, podem iluminar o tempo presente, principalmente quando comemoramos o centenário dessa importante ruptura ocorrida em1917. Aautora, em suas análises, procura demonstrar que as experiências dos conselhos na Rússia, configurados em Sovietes, se fortaleceram a partir dos movimentos de 1905 por meio de ondas de greves espontâneas. Arendt faz referência ao caráter republicano dos (...) Sovietes. Ou seja, havia um ideal de fundação de uma república baseada na estrutura organizacional dos Sovietes, traduzidos em espaços de liberdade. A movimentação dos Sovietes e do Partido Bolchevique culminou com a tomada do poder. Os rumos assumidos pelo governo de Lênin abriram precedentes para o desenvolvimento posterior quando o Partido, com toda a sua máquina, se tornaria onipotente. Com a ascensão de Stalin ao poder, instaurou-se o domínio total. Isto é, o totalitarismo alcançou o seu clímax com a perseguição e destruição daqueles que foram considerados inimigos objetivos e com a criação de campos de concentração. Com a ascensão de Nikita Khrushchev ao poder, iniciaram-se alguns sinais de destotalitarização da União Soviética. (shrink)

Na de Tweede Wereldoorlog heerstte in Duitsland nog lange tijd zwijgen over de misdaden van het Nazi-bewind. Pas in de Historikerstreit van 1985-1986 kwam het onverwerkte verleden in de openbaarheid.. Enerzijds werden de Duitse oorlogsmisdaden vergeleken met die van Stalin en Pol Pot, anderzijds werd de holocaust afgeschilderd als een soort natuurramp, die zich buiten de historische realiteit had afgespeeld. Over dit dilemma is het laatste woord nog niet gezegd.

Grundlage des vorliegenden Aufsatzes ist ein auf der IV. Jahreskonferenz der Estnischen Philosophie am 6. Mai 2008 gehaltener teilweise erinnerungsbildlicher Vortrag. Der Vortrag bietet einen verhältnismäss ig ganzheitlichen und überblickartigen Einblick in die Forschung und Lehre des Fachs Philosophie in Estland während der sogenannten Sowjetzeit in den Jahren 1940/41 und 1944 bis 1991. Genauere Aufgabe des Vortragenden resp. Verfassers war eine Charakterisierung der vorherigen Forschung und Lehre vom Standpunkt der Philosophiegeschichte, der Ästhetik und der Übersetzung philosophischer Werke her. Nach der (...) Besetzung Estlands im Jahre 1940 wurde sowohl die Universitätsstudium als auch Wissenschaft, darunter auch die Lehre und gesamte Forschungstätigkeit auf dem Gebiet der Philosophie an der Universität Tartu einer strengen ideologisch-politischen Kontrolle unterworfen, um sowohl organisatorisch als auch inhaltlich die groben ideologisch-politischen Ziele der neuen Macht zu verwirklichen. Diese Richtung wurde nach der neuen sowjetischen Besetzung Estlands 1944 fortgesetzt. Gewisse Voraussetzungen und Möglichkeiten für die freieren Philosophieunterricht und entsprechenden Untersuchungstätigkeit, die man auch maximal zu benutzen versuchte, eröffneten sich nach dem Stalins Tode in Jahren 1953-1956. Allmählich bildete sich an der Universität Tartu auch eine nationale Kerngruppe der estnischsprachigen Philosophie-Lehrer und -Forscher, dank dem und denen konnte man in Jahren der neuen Befreiung Estlands 1987-1991, fast problemlos zur freien Philosophieunterricht als Fach und philosophischen Forschung in der im ideologisch-politischen Sinne freien Atmosphäre überzugehen. Der Verfasser belegt das durch reichliches faktisches Material. This article is based on a presentation held on the 4th Annual Conference of Estonian Philosophy on May 6th 2008. The article presents a comprehensive overview of teaching and research in philosophy during the Soviet occupation in 1940-1941 and 1944-1991. It focuses on history of philosophy, aesthetics and translation of philosophical literature. After Estonia was occupied in 1940, higher education and research, including teaching and researching philosophy in the University of Tartu, were substantially submitted to the rough ideological-political purposes of the new rule. This path continued from the year 1944, when Estonia was occupied again. Some kind of new more-or-less free possibilities and expectancies for teaching philosophy and doing research became available in years 1953-1956 after the death of Stalin. Slowly begun the formation of the cadre of Estonian teachers and researchers of philosophy. Gradually philosophy became a separate speciality in the University of Tartu and during the years 1987--1991 teaching and research became free from ideological and political pressure. The author illustrates this with enormous amount of facts. (shrink)

Les lecteurs de Machiavel forment une troupe nombreuse où se mêlent les philosophes et les rois, les empereurs et les tyrans. Le Prince est de toutes les oeuvres de la pensée politique la seule qui ait durablement accroché l'intérêt des hommes de gouvernement : Charles-Quint en avait fait un de ses livres de chevet, Frédéric II s'efforça de le réfuter, Napoléon voulut qu'il fût dans ses bibliothèques successives, Mussolini en écrivit une préface. Staline l'annota. Hitler dit l'avoir lu et relu. (...) Du côté des écrivains et philosophes, la liste est longue et prestigieuse : Bodin, Bacon, Marlowe, Spinoza, Montesquieu, Rousseau, Hegel, Nietzsche... Mais qu'y a-t-il donc dans ce livre ambigu, écrit avec brio et semé de contradictions? Pour tenter d'y voir clair, Philippe Bénéton mène une vaste enquête sur l'art d'écrire du Florentin : des explications de texte serrées, une analyse systématique des sources, la confrontation du témoin Machiavel avec l'histoire de son temps. D'étape en étape, les brouillards se dissipent. Machiavel apparaît comme un maître dans l'art de la rhétorique. Quant à son intention profonde, il s'avère qu'elle n'est guère au diapason de ce que dit la doxa contemporaine. Il y avait une énigme Machiavel : voilà sa solution machiavélique. (shrink)

De George undertakes the formidable task of compressing within 154 pages of text a description and critical analysis of the changes which have taken place in Marxist theory in the socialist countries of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union since the Twentieth Congress in 1956. The brevity of the book is its chief handicap detracting from what is otherwise a stimulating study of modern Marxism. The summary form of statement leads to some unsupported claims and to others which are ambiguous (...) because they lack development. Most of the space is devoted to the two extremes of Soviet and Yugoslav Marxism, with sketchy references to Poland and Hungary and scantier references to Czechoslovakia. East Germany and Rumania are dismissed in one sentence as puppet versions of Soviet Marxism. Among the interesting and provocative observations which would benefit from expanded treatment are: Contemporary Marxists in Eastern Europe view Marxism or Marxism-Leninism as a philosophy, not as a science. Even in the Soviet Union, where Marxism-Leninism is still considered a science, the term has been given a meaning distinct from the ordinary meaning of science. Theory and practice have become separated, although not divorced. The political leaders are not the theoreticians and the theoreticians are not the party spokesmen. The power centers are removed from the centers of theoretical activity. There is a continuity between the Stalinist and post-Stalinist periods which is not recognized or admitted by most Marxists. Stalin himself initiated some of the developments which are generally regarded as post-Stalinist features. The wide variety of interpretations of Marxism by contemporary Marxists in the countries under study indicates the vitality of the basic doctrine and its potential for further development. They also prove that Marxism need not go the way of Lenin and Stalin and that communism need not go the way of Soviet Russia.--H. B. (shrink)

Derrière le mythe de Matérialisme et empiriocriticisme tel qu’il a été érigé par Staline se cache en réalité un large débat à la fois épistémologique et politique qui s’étend sur deux générations de militants marxistes. L’objectif de cet article est de restituer le contexte historique de la production du seul ouvrage philosophique publié par Lénine de son vivant, afin de montrer les ressorts qui ont conduit son auteur à le rédiger. Loin d’être une simple dénonciation des déviations par rapport à (...) l’orthodoxie philosophique, le livre s’avère être né de la rencontre entre deux débats parallèles, l’un portant sur la philosophie marxiste et l’autre sur la stratégie politique, dont les trois acteurs principaux se révèlent être Plekhanov, Bogdanov et Lénine. (shrink)

Le livre de Magali Delaloye est issu d’une thèse originale « Des moustaches et des jupes : rapport de genre au sein du cercle du Kremlin sous Staline (1928-1953) » dont des publications scientifiques de très grande qualité avaient fait connaître les résultats. Cette fois-ci, l’auteure de l’ouvrage semble s’être fixé un objectif quelque peu différent, celui de les rendre accessibles à un large public. La narration de l’historienne décrit de façon très vivante le milieu entourant le dictateur d...

L'objet de ce livre est le rapport complexe et assez conflictuel du socialisme/ communisme avec la religion (ou les religions), comme conséquence de la sécularisation, du développement de la pensée matérialiste-athée et de la critique radicale de la religion par Feuerbach, Marx et tous les autres représentants d'une pensée socialiste, communiste ou athée aux XIXe et XXe siècles. Après avoir abordé la problème de la "guerre" déclarée à la religion, au nom de l'athéisme et de la vision du monde scientifique (...) du matérialisme historique et dialectique, par Lénine, Staline et les bolcheviks, pendant les campagnes anti-religieuses, menées en Union Soviétique, notamment à partir de l'année 1925, ainsi que la situation a priori difficile des Eglises dans les pays satellites de l'URSS, en Europe de l'Est, dans l'après-guerre, l'auteur consacre une partie importante de ce livre à l'analyse de l'amorce d'un dialogue entre marxistes (athées) et chrétiens, dans les pays de l'Est, dans la période 1960 à 1975, en focalisant notamment sur la situation en R.D.A. et sur la contribution importante et originelle à ce dialogue par le philosophe marxiste allemand Ernst Bloch dont le livre Athéisme dans le christianisme (1968) avait été assez favorablement accueilli par certains théologiens protestants progressistes allemands (J. Moltmann, C.H. Ratschow...) mais surtout par les représentants de la Théologie de la Libération en Amérique Latine (L. Boff, Gutierrez, Dussel, E. Cardinal) qui s'en sont inspirés pour leur combat en faveur d'une Eglise des pauvres et une alliance des chrétiens avec les forces politiques progressistes. En effet, il s'agissait, pour Ernst Bloch, de plaider en tant que philosophe "athée-religieux" pour une alliance constructive d'un marxisme authentique libéré de ses scories dogmatiques, avec les chrétiens de gauche, libérés des entraves de l'orthodoxie religieuse, afin de construire ensemble un monde meilleur, démocratique et plus égalitaire, libéré des injustices et des violences. (shrink)

Das Buch behandelt die herrschaftstheoretischen, sozialen und instrumentellen Komponenten des russischen Absolutismus unter Peter I. (1689 - 1725). Als Quellengrundlage dienen sämtliche Gesetze der Epoche, Briefe des Zaren, Schriften seines Chefideologen Feofan Prokopovic, Darstellungen russischer Zeitzeugen sowie Berichte ausländischer Diplomaten.Folgende Ergebnisse zeichnen sich ab: Die Weite des Raumes bewirkte eine Asymmetrie der Macht, die darin bestand, daß der Wille des Herrschers zwar in seiner unmittelbaren Umgebung bestimmend war, nicht jedoch an der Peripherie des Reiches. Den multinationalen Charakter der Bevölkerung suchte (...) man offiziell herunterzuspielen. Anders als im westeuropäischen Ständestaat knüpfte der russische Absolutismus nahtlos an die Strukturen der Moskauer Autokratie an, wobei die Machtmittel nach westlichen Standards modernisiert wurden. Ergänzend zu den gewohnten Legitimationstopoi der Zarenherrschaft - Tradition und göttlicher Wille - fand neu der westeuropäische Begriff des Allgemeinwohls Eingang in die russische Staatstheorie, ohne daß Zar oder Senat diesen Wert klar definieren konnten. Die Wirtschaftspraxis trug merkantilistische Züge. Gesellschaftspolitisch zeichneten sich Nivellierungstendenzen ab. Um Rußland eine Vormachtstellung unter den Großmächten zu erkämpfen, führte Zar Peter fast ununterbrochen Angriffskriege und brachte sich damit in Gegensatz zu allen Schichten der Bevölkerung, die unter steigenden Belastungen litt. Hinsichtlich seines Hegemonialstrebens, der Vorliebe für Mammutprojekte, des Einsatzes von Zwangsarbeit und der skrupellosen Ausschaltung innenpolitischer Gegner könnte Peter I. als Ziehvater Stalins aufgefaßt werden. (shrink)

Wolfgang Harich (1923-1995) zahlt zu den wichtigen und streitbaren Intellektuellen des 20. Jahrhunderts. Befreundet mit Georg Lukacs, Bertolt Brecht und Ernst Bloch wirkte er als Philosoph, Historiker, Literaturwissenschaftler und durch sein praktisches politisches Engagement. Letzteres brachte ihm ab 1956 eine achtjahrige Haftstrafe in der DDR ein. Die nachgelassenen Schriften Harichs erscheinen nun erstmals in einer achtbandigen Edition, die das unbequeme Werk des undogmatischen Querdenkers in seiner ganzen Breite widerspiegelt: von seinen Beitragen zur Hegel-Debatte in der DDR uber seine Abrechnung mit (...) der 68er-Bewegung im Westen bis zu seinen Uberlegungen zu einer marxistischen Okologie. Zum vorliegenden Band: Kaum ein Klassiker der Philosophie war in der DDR derart umstritten wie Hegel - von Stalin wurde er als preussischer reaktionarer Staatsphilosoph denunziert, von Georg Lukacs als Anhanger der Franzosischen Revolution positiviert. Wolfgang Harich hat sich immer wieder mit dem Haupttheoretiker des deutschen Idealismus auseinandergesetzt und wurde dafur deutlich von der SED kritisiert. Seine Hegel-Vorlesung von 1951, die in diesem Band zum Abdruck kommt, markiert einen wichtigen Wendepunkt der Diskussionen um Hegel und trug ihm eine Parteiruge und ein Magengeschwur ein. 1956 sollte dann sein Aufsatz zu Hegels 125. Geburtstag in der von ihm geleiteten "Deutschen Zeitschrift fur Philosophie" erscheinen. Die SED liess das bereits fertig gestellte Heft jedoch konfiszieren und vernichtete die Auflage. Die Beitrage von Harich und Ernst Bloch wurden durch Reden von Walter Ulbricht und Kurt Hager ersetzt. Der 5. Band der "Schriften aus dem Nachlass Wolfgang Harichs" enthalt zudem weitere fruhe Texte Harichs zu Hegel, darunter das Gutachten, welches er als Lektor des Aufbau-Verlages anfertigte, um den Druck von Lukacs' "Der junge Hegel" zu ermoglichen. Auch verschiedene Manuskripte aus den spaten sechziger Jahren werden erstmals vorgestellt. Daruber hinaus prasentiert die Edition Aufsatze Harichs zu Heine, Feuerbach und Marx, da sie mit den Hegel-Studien in engem Zusammenhang stehen. Eingeleitet wird der Band durch einen ausfuhrlichen Essay des Herausgebers uber die Hegel-Debatte in der DDR. (shrink)

Im Gegenwind von «freier Erziehung» und Reformpädagogik entwickelte der ukrainische Erzieher Anton Semenovic Makarenko nach der Oktoberrevolution seine erzieherische Konzeption. In ihrer autoritären Form knüpfte sie an die Tradition des Zarismus an. Zugleich erkennt man darin die Vorboten der neuen Stalinschen Ära. Diese Untersuchung macht deutlich, daß sich das Phänomen des Stalinismus nicht allein aus der Person Stalins erklärt.

continent. 2.1 (2012): 22–28. Jeroen Mettes burst onto the Dutch poetry scene twice. First, in 2005, when he became a strong presence on the nascent Dutch poetry blogosphere overnight as he embarked on his critical project Dichtersalfabet (Poet’s Alphabet). And again in 2011, when to great critical acclaim (and some bafflement) his complete writings were published – almost five years after his far too early death. 2005 was the year in which Dutch poetry blogging exploded. That year saw the foundation (...) of the influential, polemical, and populistically inclined weblog De Contrabas (The Double Bass), which became a strong force for internet poetry in Dutch in the years to follow. In the summer of that year, a lively debate raged in the aftermath of Bas Belleman’s article “ Doet poëzie er nu eindelijk toe ?” (“Does poetry finally matter now?”), on a blog specifically devoted to this question. Up to that point, the poetical debate in the Netherlands had largely been confined to literary reviews (which were often subsidized), having become mostly marginalized in more mainstream media, where poetry could be covered by only a small number of so-called authorities. As a result, literary debate had acquired a rather placid quality. Though a variety of camps with different aesthetics could be discerned, most poetical positions shared a general acceptance of poetry as a form of art somewhat apart from fundamental political concerns. Late modernists would pursue subtlety and density of reference. Others would insist poetry was best understood as a form of entertainment that should ideally be accessible and work well on the stage. Still others would insist that poetry is mostly a play with forms. Linguistically disruptive strategies were valued highly by some, but mostly for their aesthetic effect. Values of disinterested playfulness reigned supreme everywhere. Any idea that poetry could be a field in which one confronts politics and the world was decidedly marginal. This led to a climate in which most attempts at polemics were DOA, often based on far too superficial positioning and analysis. The greatest polemical debates were revolving around the question of whether poetry should be difficult or easy, with both camps defining their ideas of difficulty and accessibility in ways that were so utterly shallow as to make the entire point moot. Debates were performed, rather than engaged with. It was a postmodern hell of underarticulated poetics. Half-consciously, people were yearning for new forms of criticism that could put the oomph back into poetry. Weblogs provided for ways to explore debate directly outside of the clotted older channels of the reviews and the newspapers. Belleman’s essay and the resulting online activity had shown that there was a widespread eagerness to take poetry more seriously as a social art form. It was in this environment that Mettes started his remarkable project Dichtersalfabet . At that moment, Mettes was active mostly in academic circles, having become noted at Leiden University as a particularly gifted student of literary theory. Within the Netherlands, the field of literary theory has a very odd relationship to literature as it is practiced in the country. Academic theory tends to have a mostly international view and engage with international debates of cultural criticism, literary theory, and philosophy, with academics often publishing in English and attending conferences around the world. Literature itself however is much more concerned with domestic traditions. Consequently, in the Netherlands, there exists a language gap between academic theoretical practice (as it is studied in the literary theory departments) and literary practice (which, academically, gets studied in specialized departments of Dutch literature). The Dichtersalfabet can be seen as Mettes’s attempt to close this gap. It is also an attempt to bridge the divide between theory and practice, in which he could apply his theoretical knowledge in a very unorthodox and unacademic critical mode that moreover could reach far beyond the domain of conventional criticism. Mettes’s goal was to trace a diagonal through Dutch poetic culture, to “strangle” what he perceived to be its dominant oppressive traditions of agreeable irrelevance, in order to see whatever might be able to survive his critical assaults. But he could only do so by means of a very serious engagement with poetry itself. To this end, he would go systematically through the poetry bookshelf of the Verwijs bookshop (part of a mainstream chain of booksellers) in The Hague, buying one publication per blog item, starting from A and working his way through the alphabet, reading whatever he might encounter that way in the restaurant of the HEMA store (another big commercial chain in the country). He would subsequently write down his reading experiences, refraining however from trying to write a nuanced book review. Rather, he would write about anything that caught his attention and sparked his critical interest. This way of working would yield vast, at times somewhat rambling, dense, lively, and generally brilliant essays, in which he held no punches. He never hesitated to pull out his entire arsenal of concepts from the international theory traditions, while never degenerating into mere academic exercise and pointless intertextualities. The attempt was rather to live the poetry that he read, and to engage it with the full range of political, academic, cultural, and personal references that he had at his disposal—all that composed the individual named Jeroen Mettes as a reader. Often what he wrote would not be according to the standards of what we usually think of as a critical review of a book of poetry. Sometimes he would even be a little sloppy in his judgments of poets or representations of the books he read, for example by basing an entire essay on the blurb of a book rather than its poetry content. But what he did was always brilliant writing nonetheless—virtuoso riffs on poetic fragments randomly found within capitalist society, exposing an incisive and insistent poetical sensibility. Mettes read poetry for political reasons, to see whether poetry could offer him a way to deal with a political world he detested. The right-wing horrors of the Bush years, the Iraq war, and the turn of Dutch public opinion towards ever more conservative, narrow-minded, and xenophobic views alongside a complete failure of the political left to present any credible alternative, were weighing heavily on the times in which Mettes reported on his reading. Poetry was to measure this world, diagram it, to lay bare its inconsistencies and faults, to indicate where lines of flight might be found. Amid the ruins of a world wrecked by imperialist policies, corporate capitalism, and doctrinal neoliberalism it would have to show the possibility of a new community. And it was, through its rhythmical workings, to release the reading subject from his confinement to ideologically conditioned individuality and lead him into the immanent paradise of reading. The stakes were high. Much higher than anything Dutch poetry had seen for many years. Mettes’s blog was widely read from the start. His posts sparked lively debates. Some of these subsequently led to the publication of extensive essays on a few key poets in some literary journals, particularly Parmentier and the Flemish journal yang , for which Mettes would become a member of the editorial board, a few months after starting the Dichtersalfabet . This could have been the start of a brilliant career, but this was not to be. The initial manic energy that fueled the blog gradually subsided. The Alfabet was updated less and less regularly. Mettes sometimes just disappeared for many weeks, then suddenly returning with a brilliant essay. Until, on September 21, 2006, he posted his final blogpost, consisting of no text whatsoever. That night I learned from his mentor at Leiden University that he had committed suicide. Mettes and I had had some fruitful exchanges on poetry, rhythm, music, and form, mostly on the blogs, but also by email. Three weeks before his death was the last time I heard from him: a very sudden, uncharacteristically curt note saying “My old new sentence epic.” Attached to that message I found a DOC-file of a work so major that I felt intimidated. This was N30 , a text he had been working on for over five years. After his death, it took me a long time before I dared to read it in its entirety. In the meantime, the work of preparing the manuscript for publication was entrusted by his relatives to his colleagues at yang magazine. It took them a few years to brush up the text and to edit the Dichtersalfabet -blog (which, apart from the Alphabet project itself, incorporated many other fragments of political, polemical, and theoretical writing) into book form along with the essays. The result of this labor was finally published in 2011 as a two-book set, and Mettes burst onto the Dutch poetry scene for the second time. The work was widely reviewed, on blogs, in journals, magazines, and newspapers. Many critics who had not followed the blogs in 2005 showed themselves surprised, baffled even, by the intensity of Mettes’s critical writing. But for those who had read the blog, the main surprise was in the poetry. During Mettes’s lifetime, some of his poems had already been published in Parmentier . Although these were strong texts by themselves, in no way did they prepare readers for N30 . Nothing like it had been written in Dutch before. Instead, N30 explicitly follows the American tradition of Language Writing, directly referencing Ron Silliman and his concept of The New Sentence. However, it would seem that much of the poetical thinking around his use of this technique puts him closer to a writer such as Bruce Andrews. For Mettes, using non sequiturs as a unit of poetic construction was not only a way of reinventing formal textual construction, but it was another way of finding the fault lines in the social fabric. From the perspective of the Language tradition, one may put N30 somewhere between Silliman and Andrews. N30 shares an autobiographical element with Silliman’s New Sentence projects, and as in Andrews, there is a concern for mapping out social totality within text—what Mettes refers to as a “textual world civil war.” Again this shows a formal textual strategy for allowing the person “Jeroen Mettes” to be absorbed by the world, which here appears as a whirlwind of demotic and demonic chatter, full of violence, humor, intensity, beauty, disgust, sex, commerce, and strife. Influenced as it may by American precursors, Mettes’s tone and form end up quite different from his American counterparts, consistently referencing a world that is Dutch, all too Dutch, taking on the oppressive orderliness of Dutch society with its endemic penchant for consensus by introducing chaos into its daily life and laying bare its implicit aggressions. The work’s 31 chapters each have a different feel and rhythmical outline, but none of them follow a predetermined pattern. Rather, Mettes would consistently edit and reedit the text, randomly rewriting parts of it, as he explains in his poetical creed Politieke Poëzie (Political Poetry). N30 – referring to the 1999 antiglobalist protest in Seattle – was to be the first text of a trilogy. The work itself was written “in the mode of the present.” A second text was to be written in the mode of the future, and a third one, in the mode of the past, was going to be an epic poem about the Paris Commune, and to form an alternative poetic constitution for the European project. I still deeply regret that Jeroen Mettes never got to complete those projects, just as I would be very keen on knowing what he might have had to say about more recent political developments. Instead, in 2006, he remained stuck in the horrors of the present, that ended up consuming him completely. He left Dutch literature with some of its most piercing criticism and its most profoundly moving, exciting and powerful poetry. Excerpts from N30 Translated by Vincent W.J. van Gerven Oei from Jeroen Mettes. "N30." In N30+ . Amsterdam: De wereldbibliotheek, 2011. Published with permission of Uitgeverij Wereldbibliotheek, Amsterdam. Chapter 1 1999. A day is a space too. And another man, who had chained himself, had his ribs crushed, and a motor has driven over somebody’s legs. Dutch health care system spends ±145 million guilders per year on worriers. A spiderweb vibrates as I pass by. Randstad renovating. She slaps her bag against her ass: “Hurry up!” OPINION IS TRUE FRIENDSHIP Your skin. It doesn’t express anything. “But the use of the sword, that’s what I learned, and you’ll need nothing more for the moment.” Just try to interrogate a guy like that. Gullit in Sierra Leone. Codes silently lying all around. But that’s simply what belongs to “that it’s just allowed”: that sigh of “world” (a word expressing that the trees are now standing along the water like black men with white bags in their hair); that’s nothing else right? And you see how everything has to move, and first of all what cannot do so. Without Elysium and without savings, barbarians lashing out, horny for an enemy, staring across the water, staring into the air—staring to get out of it. “You’ve never showed me more than the mall,” she said. All those “dreams” in the end—and now? It was lying on the stairway, so I picked it up and took it upstairs. Chapter 3 “You know what?” Telecommunication. For love… I don’t really like that cheap cultural pessimism, but… The holy city is on pilgrimage in the earthly bodies of the faithful until the time of the heavenly kingdom has come. The end of an exhausting autumn day behind the computer, my eyes filled with tears of fatigue. KITCHEN / INSTALLATION / SPECIALIST. Network integration. In the sun, stretched out on a sheet. (…) I don’t believe what I’m reading, because I want to believe something else. An illusion? Suits me. There’s a variety of shapes and tastes… “So what?” you may think. 102 dalmatians can’t be wrong. But I want more, dear… A feel good movie. I’m smashing the burned body. So what? We continue to save the European civilization. What’s there to win? Plato with poets = Stalin without gulag? Ball against the crossbar. No wonder. She comes straight to her point. She’s standing in the kitchen eating an apple. (…) The godless Napoleon had used her as a stable and wanted to have her taken down. “Our” Rutger Hauer. Ready or not here I come. Psst… are you also wearing a string? Nobody understands our desire. Cliffs breaking the waves and shattering the sunset. I used to be a real romantic (as a poet). A typical fantasy used to be the one in which I brutally raped mother and daughter Seaver from the sitcom Growing Pains . Nevertheless you only contain bad words. Eyelashes. Automatic or manual? That your skin always in the afternoon. Integration. The air is empty. Too bad! Hand in hand on their lonely way. Alaska! Chapter 12 May 5, 2001 [10:00-10:30] A dust cloud on a hill. Globe. Indian (British) (tie) / pope. Damascus. Rape. We’re carrying the ayatollah’s portrait through the streets. At the moment the girl is mostly suede jacket with white ribbons on her sleeves. A small explosion flares up/impact. Camouflage. Close up. We’re analyzing the situation. He’s dead right? Dead dead. Dead. Everything without, these, and only with the body. Indices signal death. Dollar bills are printed in factories. Holes. Light patch. Globe in a box. Microphone. What’s the situation? Grey impact on a green hill (field?). The water is blue. He has no lips. Interns on the background with skirts that are too long. This is an example of a sonnet. An Islamic woman pushes against the door of an electronics shop. Arrows (percentages (prices)). Is this what awaits the American? Touch screen interface. The word, an island, can only be a sign in that situation. We pull up a chair, join in on the fun. On the shelves only books about computers. One glance in the distance is enough to lighten up a luna park in the distance. She’s really desperate, especially when she laughs. Click. Ah. Next. And now it’s raining, but that’s ok. Yellow stains sliding over the south. Shallow caves light: clothes, boots, electrical equipment. 45. 22:10. Nothing gives you the right to eat more than people starving to death. The Hague. Slam dunk. Traffic light. Two H’s, one L (standing for the L (little prick)). We’re happy to say something. Clouds, small suns, temperatures, cities. The truth is never an excuse. Yellow. Yellow. Green. Yellow. Yellow. Yellow. Yellow. Green. Green. Yellow. Will you email me? Skeleton: “No.” Ex-nerds in brand-new and brightly red sport cars. $$$. I love. Shihab. Hooves in the sand. Skinny senior with over-sized sunglasses; old jockey (cap, trophy) smiling in slow motion. And there I am again, flashback, crying with my head in between my hands. Sometimes I’ve got the feeling that cannibals. Eyes: blue. Cancer. Why would I wait until tomorrow? Golden beams protruding from the lifted/lit earth. May 5, 2001 [11:30-12:45] You’ll remember this for the rest of your life. Graphs, diagrams. Bu$ine$$. Blue shirt, white collar, no neck (porn star). A name lights up. I’m hysteric. Will you join us? Letters falling in their words. Fingers set up a tent and start to dance. Young entrepreneurs from poor neighborhoods (read: black) guided by Microsoft. Kinda makes me happy, that sort of kitsch. A sense of exhaustion/impotence to see anything but the present. (…) Wouldn’t you like to? Orange explosion in an industrial zone. YOU’RE DOING THIS FOR AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL. Would you. A familiar face. Clouds and blossom. Sunflowers. Supermodels. Mountainous area in a rectangle: shades of brown, from dark to beige, more green toward the south. Tents and next to them (it’s all a blur) people. Plane. Stadium. Geometrical block of people. No, I ain’t crying. I don’t speak no more. I just want. Quote + photo. (Positive:) screaming crowd. Three-piece suit, seen from the back, before entering the arena. On the back: “Daddy abused me.” Oh, bummer. State of emergency has been declared and everyone has to cooperate. She’s cut her wrists. What we do know (…) is that there’s never been a unique word, an imperative name, nor will there ever be. [Click here for work that suits you.] Barefooted children are watching it (coherent pieces revelation of what’s lying below). Who knows how she’s changed during those two years. “Everything used to be better” + sigh. And here we are. An empty field of parquet. A city lying behind it. Explosion. Blue. A rain drop falling in my coffee. May 5, 2001 [14:30-15:30] A young Arafat on video speaking with raised finger. “I’m calling from my convertible.” Names on walls, victims, numbers… Tourists. Yellow. Yellow. “Your own child! Really, what kind of human are you?” I don’t want to hear it no more. A woman jumping out of the water in a yellow bikini against a background of fireworks and the Cheops pyramid. Thy sorrow shall become good fortune, thy complaints laudation. All planets will float and wander. Wo die Welt zum Bild wird, kommt das System (…) zur Herrschaft. It is something, but is it? May 5, 2001 [18:30-19:00] Iris. Leaves. NASDAQ. Open / and white and. For the one who’s doing nothing, just waiting. (…) NO DEFEAT is made entirely up of defeat -- since / the world it opens is always a place / formerly / unsuspected. October 2002. “Jeroen, I’m leaving for the cemetery, byeeee.” The rise of the middle class. My entire oeuvre is an ode to the. My entire head is a fight against the. God always demands what you cannot sacrifice. You may take that the easy way, but… “The state hasn’t made us, but we make the state” (Hitler). A stork exits the elevator. Skeletons of. Moscow. Helsinki. Palermo. Paris. Chapter 30 Like your paradises: nothing. United Desire, as only remaining superpower. And even though the sea is now calmer and the wind is blowing pleasantly in my face… Heart! Who determines whether a tradition is “alive”? The yellow leaf or the white branch? Mars. This sentence is a typical example. Most Dutch people are happy. No consolation. When I see a girl sitting at a table with a book, a notepad, a pen, a bottle of mineral water, her hand writing in the light—then I consider that one thing. “Presents,” “poetry,” “classics.” We are what we cannot make from ourselves. “Left”: mendicant orders, missionaries. Saint-Just: “A republic is founded on the destruction of its enemies.” She crosses the street with a banana peel between her fingers. (…) We chose our own wardens, torturers, it was us who called all this insanity upon ourselves, we created this nightmare… But “no”? Girl (just like a beach ball) talking rapid Spanish (Portuguese?) in a mobile phone. Do I have a chance now that her boyfriend is getting bold? CLIO, horny bitch. What else do you want? An old woman, between the doors of the C1000, is suddenly unable to go on; her husband stretches out his hand, speaking a few encouraging words. Selection from. Der Führer schenkt den Jüden ein Stadt. How can it reach us if we haven’t been already reached somehow? It doesn’t “speak.” No problem. Each word she uses is a small miracle, as if she doesn’t belong to it, to language, but wanders around with a pocket light looking for the exit; she’s never desperate (maybe a little nervous), lighting up heavy words from the inside. But indeed, we’re free. But the predicate is not an attribute, but an event, and the subject is not a subject, but a shell. That’s why also samurai, knights, and warriors raised the blossom as emblem: they knew how to die. Locked up in a baby carriage with a McDonald’s balloon. Blue helicopter, the blue sky. Whether you want to refer? The point is. How / Motherfucker can I sing a sad song / When I remember Zion? You’ll feel so miserable and worthless that you think: “If only I were dead!,” or: “Just put an end to it!” “So you’re an economist?” Her card—two little birds building a nest, her handwriting shaking—is still on the mantelpiece. Guevara: “No, a communist.” A straw fire, such was our life: rapidly it flared up, rapidly it passed. I’m fleeing, coming from nowhere. (…) Eazy-E drinking coffee with the American president. If I’d scream, would that be an event? Drown it: the cleaner it will rise up from the depths. No! The night, so fast… As if there’s something opened up in that face. Come on, we may not curse life. He shows me his methadone: “If you drink that all at once, you’ll die instantly.” The last one dictates how we should behave to deserve happiness. One shine / above the earth. “I want to go to Bosnia,” I said bluntly. I don’t even know the name of the current mayor. Let’s despise our success! “There is no future; this is the future. Hope is a weakness that we've overcome. We have found happiness!” Sun. Sushi. Volvo. I feel like a bomb about to explode at any moment. Makes a difference for the reconstruction right? The decor moves forward. Daughter of Nereus, you nymphs of the sea, and you Thetis, you should have kept his tired head above the waves! Alas! This sentence has been written wearing a green cap. I receive my orders from the future. A frog jumps into it. Her husband has turned the Intifada, which he follows daily on CCN, into his hobby, “to forget that he doesn’t have his driver’s license yet." Suddenly the sun slides over the crosswalk. Her (his?) foot is playing with the slipper under the table. Is this how I’m writing this book now? I’m not a fellow man. I hate you and I want to hurt you. These are my people. Their screaming doesn’t rise above the constantly wailing sirens which we've learned to ignore. My whole body became warm and suddenly started to tremble. Unfortunate is he who is standing on the threshold of the most beautiful time, but awaits a better one. Arafat’s “removal” is contrary to American interests. Jeep drives into boy. What you can do alone, you should do alone. A food gift from the people of the United States of America. Two seagulls. [...]. (shrink)

This guidebook contains all the information needed if you are planning to live and work in Riyadh. From finding a place to live and making it a home from home, to choosing the right school and doctor, this handbook offers hints and contacts needed to take the strain out of relocation. travel, hotels and restaurants, a brief history of the city plus advice on things to do and see, details of sports facilitites and parks and activities for the children, this (...) should be a useful companion. (shrink)