In this article, I attempt once more to revisit the subject of logic in African philosophy or as some would have it, African logic. I discuss the views of those I call jingoists and irredentists and distance myself from them. I argue that there is logic in every human culture and language. I argue also that even the ancient Africans had logic in their languages. My goal is to show that logic as the tool of thought is universal and not (...) culture-bound. To do this, I will investigate the nature of logic and then examine again the notion of African logic before showing the relevance of logic to life. My method will be descriptive, prescriptive and analytical. Keywords : Logic, African logic, Irredentism, Afrocentrism, jingoism, African philosophy. (shrink)

On scientific and moral revolutions -- Using the dead for the living: the benthamite moral revolution -- Immoralizing and criminalizing abortion: the doctors revolution -- Irredentism and counter-revolutions in geology and abortion -- The american bioethics revolution -- The structure of moral revolutions.

The article contains critical theoretical examination of approaches toward revitalization movements in Anthony Francis Clarke Wallace’s meaning. The examination includes a presentation of main shortages and drawbacks which are characteristic of these movements’ typologies. There is also an authorial and innovative proposal for typologies of revitalistic attitudes which may be a useful device for analysing political thought of the populations influenced by globalization. The new approach formulated encompasses entire semantic fields of revitalistic movements and simultaneously it is free from the (...) weaknesses captured. Indeed, the dual typologies created on the basis of various criteria, that is: attitude toward indigenous culture, attitude toward foreign culture and attitude toward homeland, consist of the ideal behavioural types in Max Weber’s perspective and their antinomic types, so they make up a multi-dimensional look at the subject of future empirical analysis on revitalistic thought. (shrink)

El artículo indaga si es posible caracterizar como expresión del irredentismo el ethos palestino de Retorno a territories donde fueron expulsados en la guerra con Israel en 1948-49. Después de una reseña histórica sobre los campos de refugiados palestinos, y el rol de la UNRWA, se compara cuál fue el destino de refugiados de otras naciones irredentistas tras guerras de descolonización y poscoloniales. Finalmente, se reflexiona sobre el dilema identitario y político acerca del Irredentismo palestino sin estado o la alternativa (...) de un “sionismo palestino” en su propio estado-nacional. Palabras clave : irredentismo, descolonizacion, conflicto Israel-Palestina, nacionalismo The article assesses if it is possible to characterize the Palestinian ethos as an expression of irredentism of an extra-territorial nation, whose young generations long to return to territories from where their families were expelled in the 1948-49 war. After making a historical account of the Palestinian refugee camps and the role of UNRWA, the article compares the fate of refugees from other irredentist nations expelled by decolonization and postcolonial wars. Finally, identity and political dilemmas are raised about stateless Palestinian Irredentism or the alternative of a “Palestinian Zionism” in its own nation-state. Kaywords: irredentism, decolonization, Israel-Palestine conflict, nationalism. (shrink)

No one will deny that the history of the last two centuries is incomprehensible without some insight into the meaning of nationalism. In the modern world, references to ‘nation’ and ‘national feelings’ are political forces of the first order that have played a much greater role than have references to other ideas that had raised expectations among political thinkers. Nevertheless, it is not a simple matter to define nation and nationalism; the terms have a weak analytical and explanatory power. We (...) lack a definition that would allow us to determine unequivocally and objectively whether or not we have to do with a nation. Many objective criteria for identification are proffered individually or in combination. None, however, has been consistently satisfactory.A first superficial examination shows that nationalism has a chameleon-like character. It is presented, and we experience it, as a liberating force freeing individuals and peoples from social and political serfdom. Linked to this liberal ‘Risorgimento-nationalism’, which coincided with the political emancipation of the bourgeoisie, was the hope for a better future, for economic prosperity and for the reification of such universal values as human rights, equality, justice and the constitutional democratic rule of law. Yet nationalism has also appeared to include an imperialistic tendency towards domination, belligerent aggression and expansion, racism and exclusion, authoritarianism and rightist radicalism, a blind and infatuated cult of ones’ own. International conflicts were fought and legitimized in the name of nations’ ‘natural’ borders, in terms of return to the homeland, of irredentism.Seen thus, there seems to be two nationalisms: one liberal, liberating nationalism of peoples and another official or state nationalism that proceeds from the nation state and serves its needs. The question is whether this superficial distinction gains any insight. Often, once national liberation has been accomplished and the nation state established, nationalism of peoples is mobilized by and for state nationalism. Nor should we forget that the nationalism of peoples has from the start the establishment of its own nation state as its goal. From this it is evident that our understanding of nationalism is hindered by its seldom being observable in a pure state. It is nearly always linked to other political, social, and religious ideas and values which in turn strengthens its grasp on hearts and minds. (shrink)

This chapter focuses on the implications of economically self‐interested behavior by voters and lobbyists, rather than important issues of irredentism, demagoguery, and security. It also focuses on the political problems of liberalizing migration between poor and wealthy states. Economists often support temporary migration in order to guard against potential adverse effects of brain drain. International organizations can serve to engage in surveillance, communication, and adjudication in order to enforce rules. Responsibility for international economic migration could be assigned to an (...) existing organization or to a new organization. The chapter addresses the possible features of a new international organization addressing migration. It also describes the present migration‐related functions of the International Organization for Migration (IOM), International Labor Organization (ILO), and World Trade Organization (WTO). The ILO has broad experience in a variety of labor and migration issues, and its tripartite structure facilitates negotiations that involve the concerns of industry and labor. (shrink)