The emergence of the global administrative sector and its new forms of knowledge production, expert rationality, and standardization, remains an understudied topic in science studies. Using a coproductionist theoretical framework, we argue tha the mutual construction of epistemic and legal authority across international organizations has been critical for constituting and stabilizing a global regime for the regulation of food safety. The authors demonstrate how this process has also given rise to an authoritative framework for risk analysis touted as ‘‘scientifically rigorous’’ (...) but embodying particular value choices regarding health, environment, and the dispensation of regulatory power. Finally, the authors trace how enrollment of the Codex Alimentarius in World Trade Law has heightened institutional dilemmas around legitimacy and credibility in science advice at the global level. Taken together, the case illustrates the importance of attending to the iterative construction of law and science in the constitution of new global administrative regimes. (shrink)

‘Heliodori Aethiopica, sive Fabula … complectens amores castos Theagenis et Chancleae Libris X quorum singuli, quoad initium et finem, cum editione Graeca Basil[iensi] MDXXXIV. 4. collati, cum ipsa penitus consentire comperti sunt.… ‘Codex Graecus Chartaceus Ms. in 8 Saec. XV plurimis in locis manu Saec. XVI suppletus. Constat foliis scriptis 211.’.

This essay advances an interpretation of early Christian codex books, which goes beyond Catherine Pickstock’s critique of Jacques Derrida. Firstly, it summarizes Derrida’s deconstruction of Plato’s Phaedrus and introduces his understanding of writing as différance. Secondly, it outlines Pickstock’s After Writing in order to understand her emphasis upon the liturgical nature of platonic dialogue. It is here that an ambiguity emerges between writing and codex books in Pickstock’s account. In response, the insights of book historians such as Roger Chartier will (...) be brought to bear in order to understand the longer history of the codex, which sees the printing press as a continuation of the early transition from roll to codex in the second century of the Common Era. It has long been noted that Christians of this period were early and pervasive adopters of codex binding for their sacred literature. By summarizing the reasons why, it will be shown how the codex expressed early Christian religious concerns. (shrink)

The most reliable manuscript of Statius' Achilleid is the Puteaneus , and its authority, against the group QKC, is frequently upheld only by the Codex Etonensis . The readings of this manuscript , which contains, apart from the Achilleid, Maximian, Ovid's Remedium Atnoris and other poems, were collated by C. Schenkl, Wiener Studien, iv , 96 ff., and were used by H. W. Garrod for the O.C.T. of Statius: Klotz in the Teubner 2nd edition merely notes the readings of Schenkl (...) and of the Oxford text. Unfortunately these are neither complete nor always accurate; and the latter should be corrected as follows: 1. In three passages the Oxford text differs from the reading of PEKQ without noting the fact: Ach. i. 145 Non superant is not, as implied, the MS. reading, but Havet's conjecture: PEKQ have nam superant. 306 PEKQ have impulsam , not impulsum. 680 PEKQ ibi, not ubi. (shrink)

The critical problems of the Third Decade of Livy have long been familiar to students. In Books XXI.–XXV. we have only the mutilated Codex Puteanus of the fifth century and later manuscripts derived from it, directly or indirectly, at one or more points in its history. R, C, and most probably M, are copies of P, after it was corrected by P2 and probably P3. Here the problem in the parts in which P is preserved is to correct its numerous (...) corruptions by conjecture as far as possible; and, where it is now defective, by comparing the later MSS. to arrive at their inter-relation and at P's original text, and then subject this text to the same process of criticism. Also a study of the corrections in the earlier of these MSS. may reveal the previous existence of other traditions and of other MSS. now lost—such corrections, e.g., as are made by P4, R2, and M2. (shrink)

For the purposes of the new text of Livy which Professor Conway and Professor C. F. Walters are preparing for the Oxford Series of Classical Texts, I undertook in 1908 to examine the Codex Leidensis, which contains Livy's first decade.

The adoption of the codex for literature in the Roman world was one of the most significant developments in the history of the book, yet remains poorly understood. Physical evidence seems to contradict literary evidence from Martial's epigrams. Near-total adoption of the codex for early Christian works, even as the book roll dominated non-Christian book forms in the first centuries of our era, has led to endless speculation about possible ideological motives for adoption. What has been unquestioned is the importance (...) of Christian scribes in the surge of adoption from 300 C.E. onward. This article reexamines the foundation of many theories, the timeline for non-Christian adoption sketched by Roberts and Skeat in their study, The Birth of the Codex, and reevaluates it through the lens of “diffusion of innovations theory” in order to reconcile the evidence and elevate practical considerations once and for all over ideological motives. (shrink)

In 1933 Frederic Kenyon was one of the first to note the early Christian addiction to codex books. As later scholars confirmed, Christian communities reproduced their sacred literature in a way that differed from the largely scrolled Greco-Roman as well as Jewish bibliographic cultures of the first centuries of the Common Era. Book historians and scholars of biblical literature alike have developed a range of competing theories in order to better understand this peculiarity. By evaluating their claims, a number of (...) clarifications can be made in order to demonstrate the codex's sensitivity to Jewish scribal practices as well as its capacity to include a cosmopolitan diversity of texts. Through these clarifications the codex book form itself can provide vital interpretative insights into early biblical literature and the longer history of the book today. (shrink)

In 1992, Bengt Hägglund put forward a thesis according to which a codex in his possession is based on material Johannes Rudbeckius (1581–1646) authored in 1611, maintaining that the codex gives us information about Rudbeckius's lectures on _loci theologici_ in Uppsala during the years 1611–1613 and that it reveals to us characteristic features of Rudbeckius's thinking about dogmatics. Hägglund published the codex in 2001. I point out, first, weaknesses in Hägglund's argumentation. Second, I present indirect evidence against his thesis employing (...) the two series of Rudbeckius's published dissertations on dogmatics (1611–1613, 1620–1644) and his own comments about his lectures. Third, I indicate that three parts of the codex that are particularly important for Hägglund's argumentation stem from other authors: the introductory part on the nature of theo­logy, as well as the chapter on _locus de ecclesia_, have their origin in Jesper Brochmand's _Universae theologiae systema_ (1633), while the conclusion is taken from a dissertation that Balthasar Meisner published in 1614. The codex does not allow us to access a work Rudbeckius would have authored in 1611: it contains too many parts he cannot have authored then. In particular, the introduction and the conclusion of the codex do not tell us anything about Rudbeckius's characteristic thoughts on dogmatics. Hägglund's main reason for thinking that the codex is a transcript of Rudbeckius's work from 1611 is a date mentioned at the end of locus of the church. As it happens, this locus is borrowed from Brochmand, not from Rudbeckius. (shrink)

God’s 21st-century message is to coexist. To the universal God, it is ultra-blasphemous for humans to fail to tolerate and respect the loving, compassionate religions of others and to condone violence done in the name of any religion. This edition represents Spiritual Humans seeking tolerance, a virtue not found in most world religions. To be tolerant is to be fair and open-minded about the religious and political beliefs of others, and to disagree without attempting to suppress those not in agreement. (...) We are trying to provide Spiritual Humans and Others with a way to promote respect and tolerance so all can help God to bring more peace to our planet Earth, now troubled by religious strife. Thirty-one million or more North Americans are spiritual but not religious. The MeetingHouse feels that those in faiths with more traditional religions will see a common meeting ground for our mutual beliefs about God. (shrink)

Felipe Ehrenberg es uno de los artistas contemporáneos mexicanos más destacados por su trayectoria artística a lo largo de su vida. Su trabajo con los Libros de Artista fue muy importante pues es considerado uno de los pioneros en México al experimentar en ese campo y junto con otros artistas e intelectuales, impulsó su propagación. El Codex aeroscriptus ehrenbergensis es un Libro Objeto creado por Ehrenberg que representa una postura vital y de resistencia del artista frente a temas emergentes surgidos (...) en la frontera, como la migración y la identidad latinoamericana. (shrink)

My apology for reverting to this subject is a recent article by Mr. W. C. F. Walters in the April number of the Classical Quarterly for 1910 on the signatures in the Vatican Codex . Mr. Walters does not seem to have been aware that this manuscript, though not of direct value in the constitution of the text of Livy, is one whose interest from a palaeographical point of view has long been recognized. A number of articles have been written (...) concerning it, most of which deal with the signatures, the subject of Mr. Walters' paper, more fully and more accurately than he has done. Beyond giving the signatures, two of them incorrectly, Walters does nothing more than to conclude that there were eight scribes, who copied 42 quaternions. But a great deal more than this is known about the scribes and the manuscript. In fact, thanks to the ingenious combinations of Chatelain and Traube in piecing together the hints suggested by the signatures, more is known about this particular manuscript and the circumstances under which it was made than is the case with any other manuscript of a classical author of so early a date. It may therefore be worth while to summarize the known data concerning the manuscript, with a brief account of how they were worked out, referring the reader for the details to the articles mentioned in the footnotes. (shrink)

One of the natural shortcomings to which historians are prone is a failure to give ignorance its due, and to acknowledge the force of the haphazard in human affairs. We know that Bede was eager for knowledge and industrious in acquiring it. With respect to Cassiodorus, however, he labored under difficulties we have been slow to perceive. Before his eyes in his monastery at Jarrow lay an imposing volume that had taken shape under Cassiodorus's direction at Vivarium in southern Italy, (...) but neither he nor his brethren, including their abbot Ceolfrith, who had bought the book in Rome, knew what it was that they possessed. For years they saw it only as a splendid old volume where all the books of the Bible had been assembled together between two covers, in a text they recognized as predating Jerome's Vulgate. Bede had been a young boy when he accompanied Ceolfrith to Jarrow from Wearmouth; he grew to maturity in the presence of this volume, Cassiodorus's Codex Grandior, and his increasing acquaintance with it is reflected in his writings. Eventually its connection with Cassiodorus was recognized, although imperfectly. Over the years Bede's respect for Cassiodorus grew and deepened, but his knowledge remained limited to the end. The extent of that limitation and the understanding achieved despite it are examined in the following pages. (shrink)

Name der Zeitschrift: Klio Jahrgang: 96 Heft: 1 Seiten: 1-25.

Professor J. van Wageningen has sent me a review of my fourth volume of Manilius which he has published in Museum vol. 28 pp. 173–7. I never contradict the taradiddles usual in reviews, because, if the reader thinks it worth his while, he can find out for himself whether they are true or no, and if he chooses to believe them without enquiry, it serves him right. But when he is fed with false information about a MS which is out (...) of his reach, he can do nothing to help himself, and may fairly claim to be protected. (shrink)

In a general account of this Livian MS. given in the Classical Review of 1904 I dealt more especially with the text of the first decade; now that my study of its text of the third decade is completed, it is possible to give a brief estimate of its importance and interest in this portion also.

Created at the behest of the abbess Uta, it is not only one of the most beautiful of Ottonian manuscripts but also one of the most complex. The collection of liturgical readings is preceded by four full-page frontispieces illustrating the Hand of God, Uta dedicating the codex to the Virgin and Child, a Crucifixion, and Saint Erhard celebrating Mass. Four evangelist portraits accompany the readings from each Gospel. In this groundbreaking study, Adam Cohen provides comprehensive explications of the codex’s renowned (...) illuminations as well as the first thorough investigation of its historical context. Cohen shows that the lavish miniatures, among the most elaborate pictures of the Middle Ages, use figures, ornaments, Latin tituli, and geometric schemata to fashion visual exegeses of great range and complexity. Through consideration of questions of function, patronage, and program, Cohen also demonstrates that the codex commemorates the abbess Uta’s efforts to reform conventual life and education. _The Uta Codex _will be of interest to scholars of medieval art as well as those exploring questions of women, monastic culture, and intellectual life in the Middle Ages. (shrink)

Codex Louaniensis, or L, the best MS. of Caesar in the British Museum , which is assigned to the eleventh century, has been collated by Alfred Holder for his edition of the Bellum ciuile and by Mr. R. L. A. Du Pontet for his edition of the Bellum Alexandrinum and the Bellum Africanum; but for the Bellum Gallicum no collation has hitherto been available. Last year I made one, which I sent to Dr. Meusel. He urged me to publish it, (...) remarking that it would be very useful, as ‘wir haben nun ein sichereres Urteil über die Familie φ.’ Relying upon Holder's collation, he had described L in his own edition of the Bellum ciuile as ‘a twin-brother of Ashburnhamianus’ ; and so it is in the Bellum ciuile, but, as he acknowledged after reading my collation, not in the Bellum Gallicum. The first folio, comprising i, I–6, §3 , is by a later hand. The MS. is described in the Catalogue thus: ‘c. Jvlii Caesaris commentariorum libri. Desinit cum verbis “res eis suppeteret” in libro de Bello Africano, cap. 33. Codex membranaceus, sec. XL, sed folium primum a manu recentiori suppletum est. Folio [10,084.].’. (shrink)

This paper explores how the Codex de la Cruz Badiano illustrates the ability of indigenous Mexicans to appropriate European forms to their own ends, even when seemingly conforming to European traditions and theories. To fully appreciate the Codex readers must reevaluate the concepts of literacy and cultural assimilation in the light of the bicultural nature of sixteenth-century Mexico. The European "contamination" seen by many scholars might actually reflect indigenous ethnocentricity and misinterpretation of European texts, rather than the wholesale acceptance of (...) European culture. (shrink)

This article presents texts recovered by post-processing of multispectral images from the fifth- or sixth-century underwriting of the palimpsest Codex Climaci Rescriptus. Texts identified include the Anonymous II Proemium to Aratus’ Phaenomena, parts of Eratosthenes’ Catasterisms, Aratus’ Phaenomena lines 71–4 and 282–99 and previously unknown text, including some of the earliest astronomical measurements to survive in any Greek manuscript. Codex Climaci Rescriptus also contains at least three astronomical drawings. These appear to form part of an illustrated manuscript, with considerable textual (...) value not merely on the basis of its age but also of its readings. The manuscript undertexts show significant overlap with the Φ Edition, postulated as ancestor of the various Latin Aratea. (shrink)