L’objectif de cet article est d’évaluer le sens et la portée de la locution autourgous tês philosophias, qui apparaît dans le Banquet I, 5. J’espère montrer que cette locution en dit plus qu’elle n’en a l’air prima facie. Je soutiendrai que l’ensemble du passage dépasse la simple opposition entre la ( philo ) sophia gratuite de Socrate et la sophia non gratuite des sophistes, d’une part, et la richesse de Callias et la pauvreté des socratiques, d’autre part. Mon point de (...) départ sera le prologue du Banquet, suivi d’une analyse des Mémorables I, 6, texte où l’on trouve une conception de philosophia en tant que diaita ; j’analyserai ensuite les textes du corpus xénophontien où figure le mot autourgos, lui aussi associé à la notion de diaita. Ce parcours analytique montrera qu’il y a deux visions de la philosophie en jeu dans le Banquet I, 5 : celle de Callias, qui croit que Socrate et les siens ont les âmes purifiées, mais qui, en même temps, ne comprend pas tout à fait leur pratique philosophique, et celle de Socrate qui, dans sa réplique à la provocation de Callias, lui présente de manière condensée sa vision de la philosophie. (shrink)

O artigo traduzido trata de discussões acerca do quinto elemento na obra De Philosophia, de Aristóteles. Aborda ainda a tradição do quinto elemento em filósofos posteriores, e apresenta instigantes hipóteses sobre o fato de Cícero ter ou não tido acesso a esta obra aristotélica. HAHM. David. E. The fifth element in Aristotle’s “De Philosophia”: a critical re-examination. The Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. 102, November 1982, pp.60-74. https://doi.org/10.2307/631126. Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 October 2013 Os direitos (...) autorais foram comprados da Cambridge University Press, e o Prof. David Hahm autorizou a publicação da tradução. (shrink)

In his De philosophia, Varro lists 288 philosophical schools on the highest good before presenting Antiochus’s doctrine as the only true one. One of the particularities of his moral doxography consists in including cynicism which has never been mentioned in the previous moral sources. This paper therefore aims to show that the De philosophia represents a major turning point for the Roman reflection on cynicism. First, Varro defines cynicism as a simple way of life (habitus) and not a (...) doctrine (ratio) so that it could be adopted by all other philosophies. In fact, by ‘reducing’ cynicism to a way of life Varro makes it compatible with his conception of the highest good based on social duties. In that respect, his position on cynicism is opposite to Cicero’s who, in his De officiis, considers cynicism as a dangerous philosophy for Roman values. Finally, Varro uses cynicism as a conceptual tool for thinking, in philosophical terms, one of the most important issues that run through all his work: the relationship between happiness and Ancient Roman simplicity, especially in the context of Roman decadency. For instance, in Varro’s Menippean Satires, Cynics’s destitution partly reminds of the Ancient Romans’ austerity. Therefore, by mentioning cynicism in his moral doxography, Varro gives an original and Roman treatment of the Antiochian inquiry into the concept highest good. (shrink)

Marsílio de Pádua, embora não tenha escrito sobre Teoria da História, contudo oferece pistas para analisar-se como a ciência histórica estava formulada no século XN. Pela leitura de seus textos, vê-se como formulou a teoria a partir de fatos candentes de seu tempo.

El artículo viene a completar las anteriores investigaciones del autor sobre las fuentes de la antropología agustiniana. Entre éstas se ha subrayado el influjo del modelo antropológico de Antíoco de Ascalón, conocido a través de Varrón y Cicerón. Este ensayo rastrea las huellas del "De philosophia" de Varrón en los escritos de Agustín anteriores a "De ciuitate Dei", para evaluar la medida y el peso de esta presencia.

Scholars have long considered de Philosophia and de Caelo to be in contradiction regarding the nature of the heavenly bodies, particularly with respect to the activity proper to the element composing them. According to the accounts we have of de Philosophia, Aristotle seems to have put forth that stars move because they have minds, and, according to Cicero’s account of the lost text, they choose their actions out of free will. In de Caelo, however, Aristotle seems only to (...) consider that stars engage in the activity of circular motion because it is in their nature to do so, as it is in the nature of, e.g. fire to move upwards or Earth to move downwards. In this paper, I argue against the longstanding view that there is an incompatibility between these two “early” cosmological texts of Aristotle. I aim to show that these two texts endorse complementary, not contradictory, views of the heavenly bodies. I argue that in de Philosophia, Aristotle attributes to stars the intellective counterpart of the spatial motion which is developed in greater depth in de Caelo, while in de Caelo, we see hints of Aristotle’s view in de Philosophia that the stars are also minds and are able to rationally cognize their particular good – a point which is shown in de Caelo 292a18–293a14, where Aristotle attributes both life and praxis to the heavenly bodies. The overarching view which I present of these two texts is that while de Caelo approaches the heavenly bodies qua bodies and de Philosophia approaches them qua minds, they are still examining one and the same substance and that Aristotle has not changed his mind regarding the basic nature of such a substance in the (supposed) interim between writing de Philosophia and de Caelo. Rather, we find echoes of de Caelo in de Philosophia, and echoes of de Philosophia in de Caelo, which speaks to the fact that Aristotle maintains one view of the heavenly bodies which he presents over the course of these two texts. (shrink)

This paper presents the teaching of Isocrates (436-338 BC), Plato’s contemporary Athenian author, and his conceptions about the form and purposes of paideia or education, which he called, as a whole, philosophía. To this end, the list of students Isocrates supposedly had, the popularity of his school and the testimony by other authors of antiquity on his educational influence are described. After that, the isocratic definition of philosophía is discussed: sometimes presented as an intellectual commitment coupled with experience, at other (...) times as the culture or paideia created by Athens, a city where logos, in its double meaning of reason and discourse, occupied a place of exceptional importance. Finally, I move from this general definition of philosophía to that presented and professed by Isocrates in his school, which, according to him, was the only one to fully deserve the title of philosophía, defined as a deliberate educational procedure. Then the philosophía of Isocrates and its most important principles are presented: dóxa or opinion, empeíria or experience, and the kairós or occasion, pointing out the reasons for this option, the expected results of such educational program, and how such principles appear in what we would call its pedagogical methods, among which Isócrates’ practice of submitting his own works to the criticism of his students, in a form of discussion or debate that nowadays we would call a seminar, stands out. ********** O artigo apresenta o magistério de Isócrates (436-338 a.C.), autor ateniense contemporâneo de Platão, e suas concepções acerca da forma e dos propósitos da paideía ou educação, que ele denominava, em seu conjunto, philosophía. Para tanto, descrevemse o rol dos alunos que Isócrates teria tido, a popularidade de sua escola e o testemunho, por outros autores da Antiguidade, de sua influência educativa. Em seguida, discute-se a definição isocrática de philosophía, apresentada, por vezes, como um empenho intelectual conjugado à experiência; em outros momentos, como a cultura ou paideía criada por Atenas, cidade em que o lógos, em seu duplo sentido de razão e discurso, ocupava lugar de excepcional importância. Por fim, passa-se dessa definição geral de philosophía para aquela que a apresenta como um procedimento educativo deliberado, sendo que o professado por Isócrates em sua escola seria, segundo ele, o único a merecer, de todo direito, o título de philosophía. Descreve-se, então, a philosophía de Isócrates, com seus princípios mais importantes, a dóxa, ou opinião; a empeiría, ou experiência, e o kairós, ou ocasião, indicando as justificativas para essa opção e os resultados esperados de tal programa educativo, e de que modo tais princípios estariam presentes no que chamaríamos de seus métodos pedagógicos, dos quais se destaca a prática de Isócrates de submeter suas próprias obras à crítica de seus alunos, em um formato de discussão ou debate próximo do que denominaríamos, hoje, de seminário. (shrink)

Alberto Magno designa una división tripartita para la filosofía, en la cual la “filosofía real” se encuentra compuesta por la física, la matemática y la metafísica, dispuestas de este modo secundum ordinem doctrinae. El saber metafísico constituye el saber más excelso y es denominado scientia divina, que se articula con la teología a modo de una gradación de distintos estadios de inteligibilidad, y pone de manifiesto el problema dialéctico fe-razón.

Journal Name: Philologus Issue: Ahead of print.

v. 1. Academicarum quæstionum editionis primæ liber secondus. Editionis secundæ liber primus. De finibus bonorum & malorum libri v. Tusculanarum quæstionum libri v. -v. 2. M. T. C. De natura deorum libri III. De diuinatione libri II. De fato liber I. Scipionis somnium, quod e sex. De rep. libris superest. De legibus libri III. De Vniuersitate liber I. Q. Ciceronis de petitione consulatus ad Marcum fratrem liber I.0.

I attempt to clarify the specificity of Spinoza’s hermeneutic proposal of the Scripture in the Political-Theological Treatise. In this regard, I assume two levels of analysis in Spinoza interpretation: the historic-critical and the philosophical one. My aim is to find out the relationships between these two levels, and also the differences of Spinoza’s interpretation with others, in particular, that one developed by Lodewijk Meyer in his Philosophia S. Scripturae Interpres.

Andrés de Guevara y Basoazábal (1748-1801), jesuita novohispano guanajuatense, escribió las Institutionum elementarium philosophiae, donde su autor ofrece un currículo deseable para la juventud mexicana que incluya la ciencia moderna empírica, la política virtuosa y la sabiduría humana. A través de una traducción comparativa del latín al español del proemio de la citada obra, este artículo pretende: 1) contextualizar al autor novohispano, 2) mostrar la recepción de la ciencia moderna desde los elementos aristotélicos de los que Guevara dispuso, y 3) (...) mostrar que la modernidad y la tradición aristotélica se enriquecieron mutuamente; y lo que debía de reformarse era la escolástica anquilosada. Se concluye que a través del proemio De vicissitundinibus de Guevara se evidencia la recepción mexicana de la modernidad emanada de una mentalidad aristotélica. (shrink)

In this paper I aim to discuss a fragment of Aristotle’s De Philosophia (fr. 21 Ross = Cic. N.D. ii, 44). After defending Cicero’s reliability as a source for the present fragment, I will focus on its contents, with particular reference to the similarities and differences between fr. 21 Ross and De Caelo A-B: my aim in this comparison is to identify two different astronomical systems underlying, on the one hand, the account of fr. 21 Ross and, on the (...) other hand, that given in the treatise. This shift of model is in my view the actual reason for the inconsistency between these accounts. Such an inconsistency might be explained in chronological terms: the last part of the paper, indeed, develops the hypothesis that De Philosophia Γ was written before 353–350bc, namely before Aristotle got acquainted with Eudoxus’ astronomical system. (shrink)

Die Untersuchung der wallonischen consolatio-Übersetzung führte zur Entdeckung und Neudatierung eines lateinischen consolatio-Kommentars, der auch von Jean de Meun benutzt wurde. Somit kann durch Gegenüberstellung von Vorlage und Übersetzung an einem konkreten Beispiel Einblick in die Übersetzungspraxis im Mittelalter gewonnen werden.