本书是美国著名汉学家艾兰女士研究中国早期哲学思想中的本喻的新著,其切入点非常独特、方法新颖、具有创造性,对国内中国哲学思想史的研究会有积极的推动作用。.

“六经”是中国传统文化和中华民族优秀的思想文化遗产，也是推动当代社会文化不断前进发展的动力资源之一，所以值得深入研究。本书选取《穀梁》中有关中国传统政治伦理的几个核心问题，如死义、复仇、慎让等，通过经 典诠释的方法，以文本的深入解读，不同文本的对比和义理的细致阐发，对中国传统政治伦理意识的相关内容的形成和历史演变、基本内涵、主要特征，及其价值取向等，作了较为系统、深入的论述，并能提出自己的许多独立见 解。在一些文本解读和义理阐发上发人之所未发，取得了一些突破性的进展。.

Ben shu yi "zhou xin shi dai" Zhongguo wen hua ren wen xing te zheng xing cheng ji qi dui Zhongguo zhe xue te zhi de su zao wei qie ru dian, zai xi tong shu li ru xue xin xing lun de ji ben zhu ti he li shi fa zhan, jie shi qi te zheng de ji chu shang, cong dao de yu sheng ming, dao de shi jian deng fang mian dui tang jun yi dao de xing (...) shang xue jin xing le shen ru de yan jiu. (shrink)

◎孔子為何周遊列國？因為沒有一個國君想用儒家治國，他只好到處教書遊說。 ◎秦國用法家統一天下，漢高祖劉邦用道家蓄積國力，直到漢武帝登基，儒家才被注意。 ◎儒學為何從沒人理，轉眼變治國工具？這得從董仲舒的「解釋」說起。 ◎儒學就像作業系統，幾千年來更新過四次版本，孔子的儒學不等於現在的儒學。 作者馬大勇，清華大學、上海交通大學國學特聘教授。 曾被推舉為最受歡迎的中文教授。 在本書中，他將儒家文明分為五個時期： 孔子奠基期、孟子成熟期、兩漢經學期、宋代理學期和明代心學期。 解析儒家思維是如何像電腦作業系統一樣，歷經四次的版本更新， 從原本的中庸之道、民為貴、君為輕的民主思想， 一步步變成君權神授，天人感應， 成為各朝代帝王穩固皇權的最佳推手。 就此儒學變成帝王學，開啟了千年以來人民為皇權奴隸的中央集權體制。 ◎孔子的儒學，是教你如何當君子 《論語》中，仁字出現了104次，禮字出現74次， 孔子的重要理念「中庸之道」，更成為宋元以後科舉考試的必讀書。 這個具有人道主義的思維，為何不被當時的統治者如春秋諸侯或秦國採納？ 因為亂世中，做君子的好處太少，當小人能得到的利益比較多。 ◎孟子是民主思想的啟蒙者，但被後代皇帝刪掉了 孟子思想的最大亮點就是「民為貴，社稷次之，君為輕」， 這套民主思維後來為何會消失？ 因為明太祖朱元璋看到「君為輕」三個字，就把《孟子》一書狠狠摔地上， 刪節版《孟子》就此誕生，往後一百年，學生學到的孔孟儒學知識都是不完整的。 ◎因為董仲舒的「特殊解釋」，從此百家遭罷黜，皇帝獨尊儒術 秦國用法家思想滅六國一統天下，漢高祖劉邦用道家治國，修生養息， 兩大皇權都對儒家思維沒興趣，直到漢武帝劉徹時期， 董仲舒為了拍皇帝馬屁，重新解釋，儒術從此轉化帝王術。 他口中的儒教，跟孔孟闡述的儒學，哪裡不一樣？差在造神。 ◎宋元明清重新詮釋儒學，想當官者必讀四書 宋、元之後，孔子的《中庸》又重新被提起， 因為它教你用大學之道維持國家秩序。 儒學家朱熹更讓《四書集注》成為為官者的必讀聖書。 至於為什麼是宋朝與明朝，跳過了大唐盛世？ 因為東漢黨錮之禍殺害許多知識分子，儒家文化走向低谷； 南北朝興盛佛教；至於唐朝則儒、釋、道並重。 直到韓愈寫的《原道》為儒家文明打下基礎，在宋代發揚光大。 打天下靠武力，龍椅要坐穩就靠統治， 儒家思想如何經過五階段改造，從民主思維變中央集權， 而且延續千年「至今」不墜。 本書特色 儒學為何從沒人理，轉眼變治國工具？這得從董仲舒的「解釋」說起。 孔子的儒學，如何經過五階段改造，從民主思維變中央集權。 名人推薦 淡江大學中文系教授／高柏園.

Ben shu xuan ru de shi liang shu ming ren sheng zhe xue zhuan zhu zhi wai tan ren sheng gan wu de xiao wen zhang, Da zhi fen wei"dui ren de ren shi", "dui ren sheng yi yi de ren shi", "dui ren sheng ju ti wen ti de kan fa", "dui ren sheng jiao se he shi duan de kan fa"si ge bu fen.

Ben shu fen " zhong guo zhe xue " " wai guo zhe xue " " ma ke si zhu yi zhe xue " " ke xue ji shu zhe xue " " lun li xue " " mei xue " liu ge lan mu, shou lu " zhu xi yan jiu de shi lun " " guan yu zhe xue de kai duan wen ti " deng wen zhang.

Technological innovation has an important impact on environmental pollution. In this paper, first, we analyze the influence mechanism of technological innovation on environmental pollution and then design the index system of technological innovation. Then, we use the entropy method to calculate the technological innovation level of different regions in China based on provincial panel data from 2004 to 2016. Finally, the panel vector autoregression model is adopted, and taking the discharge of sewage, solid waste, and exhaust gas as the research (...) objects, the impact of technological innovation on them is empirically analyzed. The results show that China’s technological innovation level is steadily improving, but there are significant differences in the impact of technological innovation on wastewater, waste gas, and solid waste. Specifically, technological innovation can contribute to an increase in wastewater and solid waste emissions. However, the impact of this technological innovation on them is not equal. Secondly, the impact of technological innovation on exhaust emissions is to inhibit exhaust emissions in the short term and promote exhaust emissions in the long term. Finally, there are clear differences between them in terms of the specific impact of changes in wastewater, solid waste, and exhaust emissions. Changes in wastewater discharges and solid waste generation are largely derived from their own effects, while the role of technological innovation is supportive and insignificant. The change in exhaust emissions is initially influenced by itself, but in the long run, the influence of technological innovation gradually increases and eventually exceeds its own influence. Based on these research results, this paper puts forward corresponding policy suggestions to speed up environmental pollution control. (shrink)

Ben shu zhu zai zhang xian ru jia yi li zai xiu dao fan chou de te se, Bao kuo wang chuan shan liang duan yi zhi lun yan yi, Bian zheng si wei yu shi jian zhi he, Zhong guo ren wen chuan tong yu xian dai jiao yu.

Ben shu dui Luling Wang xue de yan jiu, zhu yao cong yi xia liang fang mian zhan kai: shou xian, zhong dian jie shao le ti chu Luling Wang xue de li lun yi ju he Luling Wang xue fa zhan de ge ge jie duan de jie ding, te dian ji qi zhu yao de dai biao ren wu. Qi ci, ju ti lun shu le Luling Wang xue fa zhan de ge ge jie duan de (...) zui zhu yao dai biao ren wu de zhi xue li lu, xin xue si xiang, jing xue te dian. Tong guo dui Luling Wang xue zong ti shang de yan jiu, gai kuo he zheng li yi ji dui ge ge fa zhan jie duan zhu yao de dai biao ren wu Wang xue si xiang de bu tong shi jiao de tan tao chan fa, cong zong ti shang rang shi ren jiao wei xi tong de liao jie Luling Wang xue de gai mao ji qi cao chuang, fa zhan, ding sheng ji shi wei de li shi guo cheng he zhong yao dai biao ren wu de Wang xue si xiang. Tong shi, zai qian mian yan jiu de ji chu shang, dui Luling Wang xue zai Jiang you Wang xue nai zhi Yangming hou xue fa zhan guo cheng zhong de zhong yao di wei yi ji dui zhong wan Ming ru xue si xiang fa zhan de ying xiang zuo le zong jie. (shrink)

As considerações de Merleau-Ponty sobre a historicidade são significativas, tanto como um relato fenomenológico, quanto como um relato existencial de nossa situação histórica. Naturalmente, estes aspectos de seu trabalho não se excluem mutuamente, mas se entrelaçam. E cada aspecto contribui para o sentido da crise da historicidade humana. Primeiro consideraremos a crise fenomenológica da historicidade – ou seja, consideraremos a crise da historicidade fenomenologicamente. Esta é a tentativa de revelar as condições da possibilidade da história a partir da história ou (...) da estrutura de nossa situação histórica – onde a posição de Merleau-Ponty se afasta da fenomenologia husserliana. Em seguida, consideraremos a crise existencial de historicidade – ou seja, consideraremos a crise de historicidade existencialmente. Esta é a tentativa de compreender o imperativo de que as coisas são importantes para nós historicamente. Finalmente, vamos indicar brevemente a importância destes aspectos de nossa historicidade como um entrelaçamento crítico. Este entrelaçamento crítico revela a intrusão mútua do “como” e do “porquê” de nossa historicidade, que Merleau-Ponty descreve no final de sua carreira como uma existência chiasmática dentro da carne do mundo. O cruzamento crítico como interrogatório de nosso ser histórico fornece o “quem”, “o quê”, “quando” e “onde” de nossa historicidade. (shrink)

The theme of this issue of Ethical Perspectives is the French tradition in liberal thought, and the unique contribution that this tradition can make to debates in contemporary liberalism. It is inspired by a colloquium held at the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven in December of 2008 entitled “In Search of a Lost Liberalism: Constant, Tocqueville, and the singularity of French Liberalism.” This colloquium was held in conjunction with the retirement of Leuven professor and former Dean of the Institute of Philosophy, André (...) Van de Putte, who found much inspiration in this tradition. A revised version of his valedictory lecture from the conference serves as the final contribution to this issue. Much contemporary liberal political philosophy is currently done in conversation with a line of liberal thinkers starting with John Locke, running through Immanuel Kant and John Stuart Mill, and culminating in the work of John Rawls and his followers. The reasons for the enormous appeal of this philosophical tradition are, among other things, the combination of the central role of the intuitively appealing value of individual liberty with a strong rationalistic, universalistic, and normative character. The thread running through most of these liberal theories is a commitment to what the French liberal Benjamin Constant referred to as “the liberty of the moderns,” that is, liberty in a negative sense, as a lack of interference in one’s activity from others and from government. This focus has expanded over time to include a richer body of civil, political, social, economic and cultural rights, for instance, in the work of liberal thinkers who have tried to integrate the insights of communitarian thought and discourse ethics in their work. However, the emphasis on individual liberty in the negative sense continues to be the normative and theoretical touchstone and default position for many contemporary liberal theories. The limitation of the canon of liberal thought to the aforementioned authors and themes deprives the contemporary debate of a rich source of ideas: the French liberal tradition. Montesquieu, considered to be the father of this tradition, provides a good example of how it can enrich current debates in liberal theory. Montesquieu’s work evinces a keen eye for the dynamics of power relations and the limitations of the power of the better rational argument. His insight that power can sometimes only be checked by an equal and opposing power, so that a system of separation and balance of powers is necessary in order to preserve liberty, is reflected in the foundations of most modern democracies. Montesquieu also argues that contingent environmental, historical, social and economic conditions play a dramatic role in determining what kind of government is appropriate for a particular society. On his view, ignoring these facts when framing a government can inadvertently end in despotism. Montesquieu’s observations challenge us to reexamine some of contemporary liberalism’s universalist and rationalist claims. Benjamin Constant is most famous for his distinction between two kinds of liberty: the liberty of the ancients and the liberty of the moderns. The ancient form of liberty manifested itself in the active political participation of citizens in the ancient republic. While this form of government and decision-making was suitable for small, homogeneous city-states, Constant argues that it is impracticable for large modern nation-states. Hence, the concept of modern liberty shifts to an emphasis on the rule of law and the non-interference of the state in private matters. This form of liberty is familiar to us from contemporary liberalism – and Constant cherishes this form of freedom as much as any liberal does today. However, his position is complex: he also argues that the liberty of the ancients should not be neglected. Active political participation is needed to ensure that the government is executing its duty of preserving the modern form of liberty by publicly pointing out violations. The contemporary relevance of Constant’s work is clear when we consider the alleged “democratic deficit” that plagues the EU and international institutions such as the UN, the IMF, and the World Bank. Not only does this democratic deficit threaten the modern form of liberty by placing decision-making processes out of sight of the people, it also threatens citizens’ sense of self-respect derived from self-governance. Constant’s argument for the necessity of combining the liberty of the ancients with that of the moderns provides a fruitful resource for confronting these contemporary issues. Tocqueville’s work on liberalism benefits from his opportunity to observe a society founded on liberal democratic principles – the United States of America – in action. In his Democracy in America, he examines the social consequences, both intended and unintended, of building a society on ‘the equality of conditions’, as he defines ‘democracy’. Tocqueville sees a tension between the democratic value of equality and the aristocratic value of the rule of the best. He observes that democratic societies do not necessarily choose the best leaders and instead promote mediocrity instead of virtue, talent, and excellence. Democracy also confronts citizens with the threat of ‘soft despotism’, where a government that preserves the outer signs of the liberty of the moderns nevertheless controls the behavior of its citizens in minute detail through a system of detailed rules ostensibly aimed at their welfare. This paternalism is an even more insidious threat to liberal values than the hard variety of despotism, since it is so difficult to detect and done in the name of liberal values themselves. Taking Tocqueville’s observations seriously would add complexity to attempts to theorize about the modern social-democratic welfare state. The contributions to this issue supplement and critique mainstream liberal thought and its relation to contemporary issues through a serious engagement with the French liberal tradition. Annelien De Dijn’s contribution discusses Bertrand de Jouvenel, a lesser-known 20th Century representative of the French political tradition she terms ‘aristocratic liberalism’. This tradition has its roots in the work of Montesquieu, and emphasizes the importance of intermediary bodies, most importantly the aristocracy, in providing a check to the top-down power of despotic state authorities and the bottom-up power of revolutionary leveling tendencies, both of which threaten liberty. De Dijn situates Jouvenel in this tradition, but then indicates an important difference between his thought and that of his predecessors: his most significant work, On Power, is not only on French history, but on European history. Pointing to the enthusiastic reception of this work in the Anglophone world, she suggests that the rise of totalitarianism in Europe gave the anti-totalitarian features of aristocratic liberalism a broader appeal. Valentino Lumowa’s paper concerns Constant’s classic text, The Liberty of the Ancients Compared with that of the Moderns. Lumowa argues that in order to understand Constant’s piece, we must be aware that its two parts were written under different historical circumstances and decipher the argumentative thrust inherent in the text. Following Stephen Holmes, he argues that to understand the shift Constant made in the second part of the text, we should read it within the context of the increasing influence of the ultra-Royalists in the legislature during the Bourbon Restoration. However, in contrast to Holmes, he contends that the spirit of both civic and individual freedom, which enlivens representative system, is the backbone of the text in its unity. Demin Duan’s essay investigates an apparent ambivalence between liberal and imperialist tendencies in the work of Alexis de Tocqueville, which has already drawn some attention from Tocquevillian scholars. These interpretations of Tocqueville and his writings on empire generally agree that Tocqueville stands in a recognized tradition of liberalism, which is characterized by respect for human rights, individual freedom and a sense of universal humanism. On this standard view, Tocqueville’s support of imperialism represents nothing but an unfortunate breach of his own otherwise consistent liberal thinking. Duan’s article questions this standard position. By questioning the assumption of Tocqueville’s liberalism in the first place, he tries to gauge the influence of both the old republican tradition and the new liberal perspective on his thinking. In conclusion, he argues that Tocqueville’s overall thought, especially his notion of freedom, is very much informed by an old republican tradition. His support of French imperialism could be better understood from this perspective rather than be rendered simply as a deviation from liberal norms. Pawel Marczewski’s contribution is an attempt to show that Tocqueville’s conception of liberty transcends the divisions between negative and positive aspects of freedom. He begins by juxtaposing this conception with the opposition drawn by Constant between liberty of the ancients and liberty of the moderns. While Tocqueville and Constant shared a concern for the preservation of individual rights, Tocqueville was much more reluctant to accept the modern loss of the communal dimension of liberty. He did not accept the view that jouissances privées, private pleasures, are the main compensation that the modern world has to offer for the lost ancient treasure of political participation. The essay then looks into the relevance of Tocqueville’s standpoint for current debates between liberal defenders of negative freedom and republican advocates of freedom as non-domination. Participants on both sides of the debate seem to be so devoted to showing that their particular approach provides the best guarantees against actual and possible threats to liberty that they overlook the fact that their definitions of freedom remain significantly similar. By arguing that ‘to be free is to be guided by one’s own will’, contemporary republicans, as well as their liberal counterparts, move along the lines drawn by Constant towards private pleasures. By questioning the inevitability of this turn, Tocqueville provides us with a valuable contribution to these discussions in contemporary political philosophy. Finally, André Van de Putte’s contribution, an adaptation of his emeritus speech that closed the conference on French Liberalism, appeals to Tocqueville in order to draw attention to the importance of intermediary, dialogical bodies in mitigating the implicit despotic tendencies of the democratic drive to equality. In Tocqueville’s view, the transition from the feudal corporate inequality to democratic individual equality was not a clean break. Rather, this transition is a continual process of democratization that is driven by a desire for equality, or egalité des conditions. This dissolution of distinctions of estate, class and status has the unintended consequence of concentrating the diffuse power of these entities into a centralized state, which is responsible for ensuring the equality of all under the law. This process leaves increasingly isolated and atomized individuals to face the power of a monolithic state in defense of their freedom, and moves toward a soft, paternalistic despotism. Constant’s freedom of the moderns is not sufficient to protect individuals from this centralized power. Democracy also requires the political freedom of the ancients. Van de Putte argues for a system in which atomized individuals organize themselves into intermediary bodies that, in a Montesquieuian balance of powers, can enter into dialogue with each other and the state on more equitable terms. Van de Putte’s contribution closes with a plea for a conception of democracy as a regime of dialogue. (shrink)

Karl Schmitz‐Moormann argues that the doctrines of God and Creation, usually explicated in Roman Catholic theology by using the analogy of being, must rather be conceived in light of evolution and an analogy of becoming. God the Trinity, characterized by unity, information, and freedom, provides the image toward which the creation tends in its evolutionary processes. Informed by Teilhard and others, the author hereby provides more of a new research program for theology's engagement with natural science than a fully developed (...) theology. (shrink)

Robert Litman descreve quatro casos extraordinários em que indivíduos revelam esse conhecimento reprimido por meio da análise de sonhos após o suicídio do “outro”. Em cada caso, ocorre um momento de reconhecimento da significância do sonho tal que o sujeito se dá conta da culpabilidade. E, em cada caso, essa culpabilidade teve que ver com uma interrupção na comunicação que é revelada através da psicanálise. Quero desconstruir a relação transferência-contratransferência como uma reciprocidade simbiótica. Não ouso adiante, inalterado, quando transcendo quem (...) eu era através da língua com outros. A língua é a alteração da subjetividade. Ofereço uma crítica de certas compreensões de alteridade envolvidas em psicoterapia pelo exame da situação geral do encontro com outros por meio do evento-língua, peculiar à psicoterapia. Devo reconhecer que a ameaça da alteridade do paciente é também a promessa da minha habilidade em oferecer ajuda. Se consideramos seriamente a transcendência do evento-língua da terapia, vemos que o processo de alteração do outro implica mudanças para todos os envolvidos.Robert Litman describes four remarkable cases where individuals reveal this repressed knowledge through dream analysis after the suicide of the “other.” In each case, there comes a moment of recognition of the significance of the dream such that the subject realizes culpability. And in each case, this culpability had to do with a communication breakdown that is revealed through psychoanalysis. I want to deconstruct the transference / counter-transference relationship as a symbiotic reciprocity. I do not venture forth unchanged as I transcend who I was through language with others. Language is alteration of subjectivity. I offer a criticism of certain understandings of alterity involved in psychotherapy by examining the general situation of the encounter with others through the peculiar language-event of psychotherapy. I must recognize that the threat of the alterity of the patient is also the promise of my ability to offer help. If we take seriously the transcendence of the language-event of therapy, we see that the process of altering another involves changes for all involved. (shrink)

Recently, creative deviance has been lauded to be an innovation-enhancing approach with applications in many new and high-tech domains. Previous study on antecedents to creative deviance remains scattered and vague. Our research conceptualizes creative deviance from the perspective of independent innovation and explores its antecedents, mechanisms, as well as conditions. Team authoritarian leadership is conceptualized as a contradictory unity as it mixes advantages and disadvantages. However, it is surprising to find that there are very few researches that have examined its (...) relevant influence mechanisms and boundary conditions for authoritarian leadership. Contributing to an advanced understanding of authoritarian leadership in research and development teams, we investigated whether team authoritarian leadership is positively or negatively related to creative deviance. Drawing on social information processing theory and regulatory focus theory, we supposed that team authoritarian leadership facilitates creative deviance when the degree is low and inhibits it when the degree is high; dual occupational stress and prevention regulatory focus play mediation roles between team authoritarian leadership and creative deviance respectively, both variables play a chain mediation role in that relationship; and the mindfulness characteristic of an individual moderates the inverted-U team authoritarian leadership-creative deviance association, such that this association is weaker with low individual mindfulness. With two-phase questionnaire data collected from 433 members in 82 R&D teams of high-tech enterprises in electronic information technology, new material technology, new medical technology, resource and environment technology and advanced manufacturing technology randomly selected from five provinces in eastern China, these hypotheses are supported empirically. Overall, we find that, our study broadens antecedents and the relevant occurrence mechanisms of creative deviance when studied through a leadership management lens. Moreover, our research enriches the cognate studies on authoritarian leadership by empirically demonstrating that team authoritarian leadership may function as an double-edged sword of creative deviance in the R&D workplace. These above findings offer insightful thoughts to scholars in the field of authoritarian leadership and bring practical suggestions for team superiors who seek to implement best innovation practice. (shrink)

continent. 2.2 (2012): 152–154 Levi R. Bryant. The Democracy of Objects . Ann Arbor, MI: Open Humanities Press. 2011. 316 pp. | ISBN 9781607852049. | $23.99 For two decades post-anarchism has adopted an epistemological point of departure for its critique of the representative ontologies of classical anarchism. This critique focused on the classical anarchist conceptualization of power as a unitary phenomenon that operated unidirectionally to repress an otherwise creative and benign human essence. Andrew Koch may have inaugurated this trend in (...) 1993 when he wrote his influential paper entitled “Post-structuralism and the Epistemological Basis of Anarchism.” Koch’s paper certainly laid some of the important groundwork for post-anarchism’s continual subsumption of ontology beneath the a priori of an epistemological orientation, and his work continues to be cited as an early and important venture into post-anarchist philosophy. The problem is that Koch could not conceive of an anti-essentialist and autonomous ontological system, one not subject to regulation or representation by the human mind. Consequently, he was forced to assert a subjectivist claims-making ego as the foundation of a post-structuralist anarchist politics. Saul Newman was indebted to this heritage insofar as he also posited the ego (extrapolated from the writings of Max Stirner) and the subject (extrapolated from Jacques Lacan’s oeuvre ) as the paradoxical ‘outside’ to power and representation. Todd May fell into a similar trap in his book The Political Philosophy of Post-structuralist Anarchism when he wrote that “[m]etaphysics [...] partakes of the normativity inhabiting the epistemology that provides its foundations.” 1 Whereas Newman’s approach did not necessarily foreclose the possibility of metaphysics—at least to the extent that he began with the subject of the Lacanian tradition (wherein the subject is believed to be radically split between thinking and being)—May completely foreclosed the possibility of any escape from the reign of the epistemological. There laid the impasse of yesterday’s post-anarchism. This impasse at the heart of the project of post-anarchism has forced Koch, Newman, May, and many others, to come to similar conclusions about the place of ontology in post-anarchist scholarship. The post-anarchists have all formulated a response strikingly similar to Koch’s argument that any representative ontology ought to be dismantled and dethroned in favour of “a conceptualization of knowledge that is contingent on a plurality of internally consistent episteme .” 2 By dismissing all ontologies as suspiciously representative and as incessantly harbouring a dangerous form of essentialism, post-anarchists have overlooked the privilege that they have placed on the human subject, language, and discourse, at the expense of the democracy that the human subject shares with other animals, objects, and beings in the world. This epistemological characterization of post-anarchism has held sway for far too long. It is not by chance that post-anarchism, as a concept, was first formulated by Hakim Bey as an “ontological anarchism,” 3 and subsequently repressed by the canon of post-anarchist authors. Perhaps Bey’s ontological anarchism also lacked the ‘rigour’ required of today’s scholarly audience and for these two reasons (at least) he has received very little credit for his inaugurating efforts into post-anarchism. In any case, I want to challenge this reluctance and revive the roots of post-anarchism. Levi Bryant gives us a reason to believe that we can achieve the promise of Bey’s ontological anarchism without sacrificing the scholarly standard of rigour. Levi Bryant’s newest open-access book, The Democracy of Objects , is a tour de force . His book challenges post-anarchists to take their radical critique of representation a step further by questioning the “hegemony that epistemology currently enjoys in philosophy.” Bryant maintains that post-structuralism, and radical anti-humanisms, only appear to reject the subject as the locus of political agency. Their rejection is actually more of a disavowal, a replacement of the human subject with the equally human order of language or discourse. What post-structuralism attempts to elucidate is the manner in which the subject is colonized by the Other of language, discourse and social relations. What here appears as a movement away from the determining subject of humanism and existentialism is only replaced with the determining apparatuses of structures as they are conceived by astute analysts of political culture. Post-structuralism thus re-enters the anthropocentric discourse to the extent that the cultural analyst believes himself capable of conceiving the determinative structures of society. In contradistinction to the claims of post-structuralism and post-anarchism, the role of the ontologist is not to suture the gap between epistemology and the real but to de-suture it, as Bryant puts it: “[o]ntology does not tell us what objects exist, but that objects exist, that they are generative mechanisms.” Above all else, the role of ontology, for post-anarchists, ought to be a real de-centering of the subject in relation to other objects in the non-human world such that the subject becomes conceived as one object among others within a living democracy of equality. This inevitably leads to the conclusion that objects exist whether or not the subject or analyst is there to represent them: they represent themselves and are autonomous from our dictation, just as each object finds its autonomy in relation to other objects. Ontology must now be distinguished from representation. We must shift the terms of the debate and interrogate the hegemony that epistemology has been afforded within post-anarchist philosophy. At least two possibilities are now permitted. On the one hand, one could intervene into the reigning mode of philosophy, namely epistemology, by latching onto concepts from meta-ethical philosophy. Meta-ethics allows one to easily separate the ontological from the epistemological and to answer very particular questions about each in order to formulate an overarching meta-ethical position. 4 Post-anarchism is particularly adept at this task because of its resounding ability to frame itself as an ethical political philosophy in relation to the strategic political philosophy of classical Marxism. On the other hand, Bryant argues that “[p]erhaps the best way to defeat [the privilege currently held by epistemology] is to shift the terms of debate.” Shifting the terms of debate is also something that post-anarchists have been very good at doing. Thus, instead of asking the question ‘how do representative ontological systems harbour concealed epistemological orientations toward the political?’ one might ask ‘ do epistemological orientations toward the political always harbour representative and subject-centred ontological systems?” The genius of Bryant’s book rests in its ability to convincingly argue for the radical autonomy of being and of objects. This claim speaks to some of the most compelling theories of the political in anarchist and marxist political philosophy (for instance, hegemony, representation, democracy, and so on) and it re-stages the political drama of our times across a much wider terrain. The fallacy of strategic political philosophy in the Marxist tradition, as Todd May quite correctly points out, is that it remains committed to a concept of power that is unitary in its analysis, unidirectional in its influence, and utterly repressive in its effect. Similarly, Bryant’s ontology allows one to argue that there is a fallacy that occurs “whenever one type of entity is treated as the ground or explains all other entities.” Whereas May’s post-structuralist anarchism moved away from the fallacy of the unitary analysis of power, whereby subjects are constituted by the influence of a single site of power, it nonetheless remained committed to a tactical political philosophy which is monarchical in the final analysis . It remains monarchical to the extent that the human world, the world of epistemology, is treated as the yardstick of democracy. Bryant’s argument is quite instructive: “[w]hat we thus get is not a democracy of objects or actants where all objects are on equal ontological footing [...] but instead a monarchy of the human in relation to all other beings.” The real fallacy is thus not against strategic political philosophy but philosophy itself and the way it has played out over so many centuries. “The epistemic fallacy,” writes Bryant, “consists in the thesis that proper ontological questions can be fully transposed into epistemological questions.” The point that Bryant is making relates to the way ontology is today always reduced to an epistemology and thereby loses its significance as a philosophical question. This book should be applauded for its novelty and its thesis ought to be taken seriously by post-anarchists today. Because of this book, and the attendant post-continental movement that is being called ‘speculative realism,’ we can now distinguish three stages in the life of post-anarchism. First, we can deduce what Süreyya Evren has described as its ‘introductory period.’ The introductory period of post-anarchism is defined by its inability to side-step the ontological problem in the literature of classical anarchism. During this period, post-anarchism needed to distinguish itself from classical anarchism while nonetheless remaining committed to its ethical project. The second period overcomes the problem of the separation of post-anarchism from classical anarchism by re-reading the classical tradition as essentially post-anarchistic. Some of the critiques of post-anarchism—especially that from Cohn & Wilbur 5 —are included into this period insofar as post-anarchism, for them, was always already anarchism. Whereas the first and second phases have included only explicitly anarchist literature under their rubric of worthwhile investigation, in the third period this no longer holds true. To be certain, the second period permitted the incorporation of post-structuralist literature into post-anarchist discussions (but always with a certain amount of reservation). This third period, the one that is to come—the one that is already here if only we would heed its call—will not take such care with attempts at identification or canonization. Indeed, post-anarchism is already here, like a seed beneath the snow, waiting to be discovered. Levi Bryant teaches us that the third period is already here: and yet where is it? NOTES 1) Todd May. The Political Philosophy of Post-Structuralist Anarchism . University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press. 1997. 2. 2) Andrew Koch. “Post-structuralism and the Epistemological Basis of Anarchism” [1993] in Post-Anarchism: A Reader . Eds. Duane Rousselle & Sureyyya Evren. London: Pluto Press. 2011. pp. 23-40. 3) Bey, Hakim. “ Post-Anarchism Anarchy .” 1987. 4) I have attempted to do this in my paper on Bataille’s post-anarchism; see Duane Rousselle. “Georges Bataille’s Post-anarchism.” Journal of Political Ideologies . 17(3): in press. 5) Jesse Cohn & Shawn Wilbur. “ What’s Wrong with Post-anarchism? ” 2010. (shrink)

本书内容包括：审美意识形态与中国马克思主义美学的理论建构、“社会主义文学生产方式”与中当代文学的现代性、文化研究与中国当代文学理论范式及其构成等。.

In the ethical texts, Aristotle claims that all instances of choice (prohairesis) must be preceded by deliberation, but it is not clear why he believes this. This paper offers an explanation of that commitment, drawing heavily from the De Anima and showing that the account emerging from there complements that of the ethical texts. The view is that the deliberative faculty has the capacity to manipulate reasons combinatorially, while the perceptual/desiderative faculty does not, and choice requires the combinatorial manipulation of (...) reasons. (shrink)

Resumo: O atual ecossistema de mídia em rede é claramente caracterizado pela convergência. Recentemente, a convergência de mídia tem progredido rapidamente, tanto nos círculos teóricos quanto nas aplicações práticas, e o desenvolvimento da convergência tornou-se inevitavelmente uma tendência importante no desenvolvimento da mídia. A convergência de mídias transformou, de forma única, a ecologia das notícias, da comunicação e da opinião pública, na qual uma revisão da produção de notícias se destaca enquanto sua expressão principal. Como resultado da convergência da mídia, (...) a produção de notícias mudou de um modo linear tradicional para um modo não linear. Devido ao uso de vídeo, áudio e formas H5 de notícias, na nova mídia, além da mídia tradicional, baseada principalmente em conteúdo de texto e imagem, as reportagens de notícias são agora mais diversificadas, visualmente atraentes e inovadoras. O processo de produção de notícias mudou como resultado da convergência da mídia, tornando-se mais eficaz, adaptável e diversificado. Ao estudar o impacto da integração da mídia sobre a produção de notícias, este artigo teve, por objetivo, entender como a mídia deve ser ajustada na era da integração, de que maneira a produção de notícias deve se desenvolver e se superar, e as leis gerais da produção de notícias no processo de desenvolvimento da integração. Ao mesmo tempo, nesse contexto, a pesquisa em questão investiga o impacto da convergência da mídia na produção de notícias, delineia a maneira como a mídia pode se adaptar a cenários dinâmicos, propõe novos métodos de produção de notícias para promover o progresso da era da convergência e visa estabelecer os princípios básicos da produção de notícias no desenvolvimento integrado. Sob a tendência de digitalização, rede e informatização, o modo de produção de notícias passou por mudanças. Com o surgimento da nova mídia e a transformação gradual da mídia tradicional, o ambiente e o modo de produção de notícias também passaram por mudanças profundas. Este artigo revelou os mecanismos subjacentes e as tendências futuras dessa mudança, que podem melhorar a eficiência e a qualidade da produção de notícias, e aumentar sua competitividade em um ambiente de mídia diversificado. Ele tem um valor de referência importante para organizações de notícias, profissionais de mídia e formuladores de políticas relevantes, podendo fornecer uma base científica para a tomada de decisões. (shrink)

本书主要内容包括:初恋风云——数学教育主心骨的的百年寻觅之旅、践约时代——“现代数学教育方式”渐行渐的近、热题冷谈——数学教育焦点话题的哲学断想.

Explore the importance of love with the youngest readers in a wonderfully accessible way. Even little children have big questions about life. Plato believed showing and receiving love makes us wise, and Love with Plato brings his philosophy to the youngest thinkers. Asking young readers what being loved feels like to them and how they can show others love prompts questions about how we treat one another and ourselves. This book will lead to inspiring conversations about loving people for what (...) is on the inside, and helping others do the same. Look for all six Big Ideas for Little Philosophers board books: Equality with Simone de Beauvoir, Happiness with Aristotle,Imagination with René Descartes, Kindness with Confucius, Love with Plato, and Truth with Socrates. (shrink)

Resumo: No contexto da “era da leitura de imagens”, a animação também é um produto moderno, e a animação chinesa sempre foi uma “transmissão de imagens por meio de imagens”. Os autores acostumaram-se a pegar emprestado desenhos animados de países, como o Japão ou países europeus, e sua criatividade no pensamento de animação foi bastante suprimida, o que é um golpe devastador. Ao rastrear a origem do pensamento de animação, a partir de uma perspectiva filosófica, a evolução do pensamento e (...) da expressão humana pode ser mais bem compreendida. Isso ajuda os pesquisadores a entender a evolução e as inovações da cultura humana e, assim, perceber melhor a relação entre cultura, arte e filosofia. O pensamento objetal enfatiza a divisão de problemas complexos em componentes menores, ou seja, os objetos. Na animação, isso pode ser interpretado como a divisão de cenas e ações complexas em objetos, personagens e elementos separados. Essa abstração e correlação de objetos ajudam os animadores a entender e projetar melhor as interações entre os personagens, o movimento dos objetos e a dinâmica da animação geral. Embora o estudo do “pensamento Xiang” tenha se desenvolvido na história da filosofia, ele não está diretamente relacionado ao rastreamento do pensamento de animação e à reconstrução artística. De fato, ele tem um impacto significativo no pensamento da animação. Por meio da análise do texto filosófico das obras de animação, os pesquisadores podem descobrir os temas filosóficos, os símbolos e os significados da animação. Isso pode incluir a interpretação de um trabalho de animação específico e como determinados pensamentos filosóficos são expressos, por meio da narrativa, dos personagens, dos elementos visuais etc. Portanto, o estudo do pensamento objetal tem um significado prático importante, para explicar a singularidade do pensamento de animação. Um dos objetivos da pesquisa pode ser descobrir a intertextualidade entre animação e filosofia, o que inclui explorar como os escritos e pensamentos filosóficos são representados na animação e, consequentemente, como a animação afeta o pensamento filosófico. (shrink)

本书讲述了中国传统道德文化治国之道, 强调了传统文化对国家发展的重要性.内容包括: 故国之思, 核心之道, 庙堂之器, 大道之行及复兴之焰五个部分.

My purpose is to present a thesis concerning the nature of philosophical argument. I shall present it by way of examining a number of philosophical disputes. Whether all philosophical disputes resemble the ones I examine is an empirical question. However, I suspect they do. My thesis concerns the nature of the process involved in the adopting or abandoning of ‘basic assumptions’ or ‘presuppositions’..

Resumo: A fotografia, como ferramenta, apresenta principalmente a relação entre pessoas e objetos, por meio do uso de elementos artísticos, como luz, sombra e cor, nas imagens. A criação de fotografias é uma atividade que requer inspiração e habilidades. Isso exige que os fotógrafos observem e pensem cuidadosa e profundamente sobre a estrutura geral do trabalho, a fim de tirar boas fotos que sejam artísticas e bem pensadas. O desenvolvimento e a popularização da fotografia, na sociedade atual, não podem ser (...) subestimados por seu impacto na estética pública e no pensamento humanístico. Este artigo tem, como objetivo, analisar a conotação estética da fotografia chinesa e explorar seus padrões e valores estéticos. Os pensamentos filosóficos da fotografia chinesa são explorados, e suas reflexões e perspectivas sobre a vida e a sociedade são analisadas. A relação e a influência mútua, entre as conotações estéticas e os pensamentos filosóficos na fotografia chinesa, são exploradas, e sua importância e influência nos trabalhos fotográficos são analisadas, para que se possa entender e apreciar melhor a singularidade da fotografia chinesa. A fotografia chinesa é uma forma única e diversificada de expressão artística que reflete o rico patrimônio cultural e o desenvolvimento social da China. Ao enfatizar a harmonia, a integração de elementos de pintura, a narração de histórias e a apreciação da natureza, a fotografia chinesa proporciona uma experiência estética profunda e transmite significados mais profundos de unidade, tranquilidade e a relação entre as pessoas e o meio ambiente. (shrink)

É com grande prazer que realizo este projeto. Não apenas por realizar um trabalho de um trabalho de amor para um amigo querido, Denis Guénoun, mas também por oferecer um presente para todos os anglófonos. Desde Sartre, não surgiu uma voz tão original no cenário francês. Guénoun escreve com autoridade em várias disciplinas, na grande tradição dos intelectuais franceses: filosofia, teatro, literatura, literatura de arte e literatura de arte; no entanto, ele escreve com a voz irreverente e poderosa irreverente e (...) poderosa necessária para chamar a atenção de especialistas em cada um desses campos. (shrink)