The incorporation of niche construction theory (NCT) and epigenetics into an extended evolutionary synthesis (EES) increases the explanatory power of evolutionary analyses of human history. NCT allows identification of distinct social inheritance and cultural inheritance and can thereby account for how an existing-but-dynamic social system yields variable influences across individuals and also how these individuals’ microlevel actions can feed back to alter the dynamic heterogeneously across time and space. An analysis of Chinese footbinding, as it was ending during the (...) first half of the twentieth century and China was industrializing, illustrates the evolutionary dynamics of niche construction across inheritance tracks and explains regional heterogeneity as well as the persistence of a cultural belief that was socially inaccurate. Incorporating anthropological and sociological insights into an EES with NCT has the potential to proffer source laws for relationships between individual actions and macro-patterns in beliefs, structures, climate, and demography. (shrink)

My purpose in this paper is to present a non-Marxist conception of exploitation. While this analysis of exploitation may share features with a Marxist conception, its acceptability is not dependent upon a prior agreement with that world view.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:When the Political Becomes Personal:Circumcision as a Cause and as a Parental DecisionJ. Steven SvobodaAs I prepared for the arrival of my first child, a son, a central activity that I previously saw as political suddenly also became very personal. I had founded a non-profit organization in 1997 devoted to educating the world that genital cutting of a child, regardless of a child's gender, is unnecessary and harmful. This (...) includes male circumcision. In 2001, as part of my non-profit work I led a team that went to the United Nations in Geneva and for the first time, put the issue of male circumcision as a human rights violation in the United Nations record. At the time, my then wife was pregnant with our first child, a son. (I had the ultrasound photo of my son-to-be on my nightstand while in Geneva.) Now the circumcision question would be posed to me!A few months after the Geneva trip, when it came time in early 2002 for my son's birth on the US territory of Guam, I naturally was never going to agree to the procedure. Nevertheless, I was trying not to inject my own beliefs into the arrival of my first child. My children's mother, while Jewish, is a pediatrician who always had some doubts about the wisdom of circumcision and easily agreed with my desire to keep our son intact. No one in either of our families had any serious problems with our decision.The nurse at the hospital in Guam where my wife worked and gave birth asked me a total of five separate times if I wanted my son to be circumcised. Each time, I answered, "No," without saying more, until the fifth time, when I politely added, "You do know that there is no medical reason for this to be done, right?" The nurse replied in a chirpy voice, "I know." I then asked, "Why do you ask parents about it then?" She replied, "Because they want it sometimes." Well, the odd thing about that is there is no other medically unnecessary procedure on their children for which parents are repeatedly solicited. And if I had agreed even one time, I am sure that my child would have been circumcised [End Page 73] without any follow-up questions to make sure I really wanted this done. Besides, at least in the absence of any medical condition making it necessary (which is essentially never the case), it should not be my decision to make, nor his mother's, but rather the child's whose body it is.The oddest aspect of this whole chain of events may be that I was not given a single shred of information explaining why I should support my son being cut. My son had zero issues after being left intact, and how could it be otherwise? My advice, naturally, to parents expecting boys (or girls, or intersex children, for that matter) is to educate yourself. You will learn, the more you look into these issues, that there are thousands of people around the world, including countless physicians and other experts, who believe childhood circumcision is as outmoded, useless, and as harmful a practice as footbinding. Why not leave the choice for the child to make about their own body? No asserted medical reason withstands the most minimal scrutiny. And religious claims must stop at the boundaries of another person's body, even if the person is your child. Parents: you have the right to teach your children your beliefs, but your children may not follow your beliefs, and they have the right to make their own decisions, so please consider refraining from marking their bodies with your religion. Two months to the day after his birth, I was holding my son in Washington, DC, having just traveled halfway around the world from Guam. (I was in DC to receive the National Organization of Circumcision Information Resource Center's (NOCIRC) Human Rights Award, which I was presented with for my founding of the non-profit.)My own experience with circumcision strongly influenced my decision. For a decade, I felt that no other single... (shrink)

In this chapter, Talbott explains the development of women’s rights as a response to the cultural universal of paternalistically justified patriarchal norms that severely limit opportunities for women. Talbott uses evolutionary psychology to explain why norms that severely limit opportunities for women are cultural universals and to show how it is possible to question even culturally universal justifications from the moral standpoint. Talbott uses the evidence of violence against women and the examples of footbinding and female genital cutting to (...) explain how social enforcement can make oppressive norms stable and can even motivate voluntary compliance with them. Talbott also explains how certain kinds of paternalist justifications for patriarchal norms can be self-reinforcing. Talbott explains how the development of women’s rights fits the model of the extension of rights to white, male property owners, then to white male non-property-owners, then to males in other racial and ethnic groups. In each case, the extension of rights is a guarantee of a sphere of autonomy, in a sense to be explained in the next chapter. Talbott gives the example of the Senegalese organization Tostan as a model of how to advocate universal human rights, and thus autonomy, without being a moral imperialist. Talbott concludes with an explanation of why cultural relativism about internal norms is too wishy-washy. (shrink)

In her latest book, Dr. Louise Kaplan, author of the groundbreaking Female Perversions, explores the fetishism strategy, a psychological defense that aims to tame, subdue, and if necessary, murder human vitalities. Through an exploration of such cultural phenomena as footbinding, reality television, and the construction of robots, Kaplan demonstrates how, in a technology-driven world, an understanding of the fetishism strategy can help to preserve the human dialogue that is the basis of all human relationships. Kaplan writes from the heart (...) as well as from the intellect. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:The Sage and the Second Sex: Confucianism, Ethics, and GenderLi-Hsiang (Lisa) LeeThe Sage and the Second Sex: Confucianism, Ethics, and Gender. Edited by Chenyang Li, with a foreword by Patricia Ebrey. Chicago: Open Court, 2000. Pp. xiii + 256.The relationship between Confucianism and sexism, or between "the sage and the second sex," as Chenyang Li suggests in the title of his new anthology The Sage and the Second (...) Sex: Confucianism, Ethics, and Gender, is a complex issue. For one [End Page 429] thing, scholars who engage in the field of Chinese gender studies would immediately be confronted with the questions "What constitutes Confucianism?" and "Can such sexist social practices as footbinding, concubinage, and widow suicide in premodern China be attributed to Confucian ideology?" Yet, since the surge in interest in women's studies in the 1970s—and even as far back as the 1930s—the Confucianism in Western feminist studies on the condition of Chinese women has commonly been portrayed as a sexist, feudal ideology that is solely responsible for the oppression of women in China. In some sense, the attribution of women's oppression in China to Confucianism is justified, since Confucianism, as scholars generally agree, is the underpinning of the social structure of China. However, by reducing Confucianism to a set of hierarchical kinship and rigid gender roles in its ritual presentation, one also overlooks the dynamic aspect of Confucianism, whose ethical theory of ren as well as its emphasis on self-cultivation, at least on the theoretical level, are akin to the feminist ethic of care and its understanding of the self as socially constructed. In other words, Confucianism, despite its historical and social connection with women-oppressive practices, is also an ethical theory of care, self-cultivation, and proper relations, which can provide a platform for the flourishing of a harmonious society. The similarities, and hence a possible convergence, between Confucianism and Feminism are, then, the subject of Li's anthology.The engagement between Confucianism and Feminism, however, as Li points out in the Introduction, has long been one-sided; that is, feminists criticize Confucianism for victimizing Chinese women (pp. 1-2). The characterization of Confucianism by Western feminists as a patriarchal ideology through and through is indeed an over-simplification of the root of women's oppression as well an obstacle to achieving a genuine understanding of Confucian ethics. And the lack of research studies from contemporary Confucian scholars on the issue of sexism has also fueled the misunderstanding. The well-known disagreement between Margery Wolf and Tu Weiming on the openness of Confucian self-cultivation is a case in point. Yet, as Li points out, Confucianism cannot remain a world philosophy and religion if it continues to ignore the issue of sexism and fails to respond to the feminist critique of its role in women-oppressive practices (p. 1). Li's anthology is an attempt to reconcile this antagonistic relationship and to overcome the one-sided engagement between Confucianism and Feminism by exploring the possibility of a rapprochement based on their common approach to ethics and their understanding of the self as a relational one. In short, this collection can be seen as a bold experiment on a positive convergence between two seemingly conflicting ideologies.The Sage and the Second Sex is a collection of ten heterogeneous essays whose eleven contributors represent such divergent fields as philosophy, religion, history, Asian languages, and interdisciplinary studies. Although the content of the essays is diverse, the anthology as a whole, according to Li, aims to provide a starting point where Confucianism and Feminism can begin to come to terms with one another (p. 19). In general, the content can be divided into three different themes: first, the commonality between Confucian ethics and Feminist ethics; second, the Confucian [End Page 430] construction of gender and its solution; and third, the representations of women in early China.The essays that fall into the first category set out to demonstrate the similarity between Confucian and feminist ethical thinking and hence to suggest that a significant convergence is possible. For instance, Chenyang Li, in his pioneering contribution "The Confucian Concept of Jen and the Feminist Ethics... (shrink)