Celem artykułu jest prześledzenie kariery wojskowej wojewody krakowskiego Mikołaja Zebrzydowskiego oraz próba znalezienia odpowiedzi na pytania, w jakim stopniu wpłynęła ona na jego cywilną działalność oraz pomogła w budowie prestiżu Zebrzydowskiego i jego rodziny. Badania zostały przeprowadzone na podstawie źródeł rękopiśmiennych oraz wydanych drukiem (księgi Metryki Koronnej, akta skarbowe oraz skarbowo-wojskowe, korespondencja, diariusze), jak również literatury przedmiotu. Przyjęta na wstępie badań teza zakładała, że służba wojskowa – najpierw w charakterze rotmistrza jazdy, później zaś hetmana nadwornego – odegrała istotną rolę w (...) życiu Zebrzydowskiego, znacznie przyczyniając się do rozwoju kariery urzędniczej oraz pozwalając na gromadzenie przezeń majątku, zwłaszcza dzięki nadaniom dóbr królewskich. Bezpośrednia oraz pośrednia analiza źródeł oraz opracowań pozwoliła pozytywnie zweryfikować przyjęte założenia badawcze. Mikołaj Zebrzydowski nie należał do najwybitniejszych rotmistrzów epoki Stefana Batorego oraz Zygmunta III, ale służba wojskowa odegrała znaczącą rolę w jego karierze. Zdobyte w toku wypraw wojennych zaufanie Stefana Batorego, a zwłaszcza jego najbliższego współpracownika, kanclerza oraz hetmana koronnego Jana Zamoyskiego, zaprocentowało nadaniami urzędów oraz dóbr królewskich i pozwoliło Zebrzydowskiemu wspiąć się na szczyt hierarchii senatorskiej oraz położyć podwaliny pod potęgę rodziny. Ciekawe, że formy aktywności wojskowej Zebrzydowskiego zmieniają się wraz z rytmem jego awansów. Rotmistrz jazdy nadwornej w latach 1576–1582, a następnie wojska kwarcianego zostaje wraz z uzyskaniem starostwa krakowskiego strażnikiem stolicy państwa, po czym jako wojewoda lubelski i hetman nadworny dowodzi znaczącymi – w owych czasach – oddziałami wojskowymi. Wydatki, poczynione w związku z działaniami wojennymi, zwracają się jednak nie tyle dzięki dochodom z żołdu, ile dzięki łasce królewskiej i zaufaniu Zamoyskiego. (shrink)

Celem artykułu jest pogłębiona analiza przyczyn i konsekwencji rozdwojenia sejmiku wiszeńskiego w 1597 r. z naciskiem na relacje polityczno-społeczne obejmujące teren dawnego województwa ruskiego oraz głównych politycznych aktorów zdarzeń: Stanisława Stadnickiego z Łańcuta, Stanisława Żółkiewskiego i Jana Zamoyskiego. Pomimo stosunkowo obfitego materiału źródłowego w postaci listów, protestacji i sejmowych diariuszy jedyna poważna próba zbadania tego tematu podjęta przez Jana Rzońcę okazała się dalece niewystarczająca, zawężając temat rozbicia sejmiku jedynie do obszaru wpływu na późniejsze obrady sejmu oraz ogólną kondycję państwa. Przeprowadzona (...) w artykule krytyczna analiza zachowanych źródeł pozwoliła w dużym stopniu zrekonstruować obrady tytułowego sejmiku, ustalić dokładne przyczyny jego rozbicia oraz powiązać zaszłe na nim zdarzenia z politycznym przesileniem, do którego doszło w województwie ruskim pod koniec roku 1597 w postaci lokalnego sojuszu Jana Zamoyskiego ze Stanisławem Stadnickim z Łańcuta. Poznanie kulis zawarcia powyższego porozumienia oraz powodów jego fiaska pozwoliło natomiast lepiej zrozumieć mechanizmy funkcjonowania stronnictwa kanclerskiego pod koniec XVI w. i stanu, w jakim się wówczas znalazło. W artykule podjęta została ponadto próba rozwikłania problemu uczestnictwa w sejmiku żołnierzy kwarcianych/prywatnych oraz zbadania ich rzeczywistego wpływu na obrady sejmiku w Wiszni. Bezrefleksyjnie przyjmowana do tej pory teoria personalnie obarczająca winą za rozbicie sejmiku hetmana polnego Stanisława Żółkiewskiego wydaje się co najmniej przesadzona, zupełnie pomijając własnowolność służących w wojsku żołnierzy oraz przysługujące im jako szlachcie prawa do uczestnictwa w życiu publicznym Rzeczypospolitej. (shrink)

This paper examines the type of devotion of the early modern soldiers which was referred to as “the fearing of God”. The phenomenon started in the 1560s and continued for two centuries in the Polish and Lithuanian Duchy armies. It was based on the belief in the direct intervention of God during military action, which depended on the conduct of the soldiers. The commanders-in-chief promoted the vision of reality in which crimes were equated with sins and affected the outcome of (...) wars and battles, and even determined the safety of the soldiers themselves. The acts that were displeasing to God were to result in severe punishment during battles, while piety and good behavior guaranteed success. The analysis of this issue was conducted on the basis of normative acts issued by the commanders-in-chief, called military articles, which were supplemented by the analysis of military treaties. The paper emphasizes that this concept was promoted by all commanders regardless of denomination, including Polish Brethren, Lutherans, Reformed Evangelicals and Catholics. It was placed, as a rule, at the beginning of the military articles as an arenga, providing the basis for the validity of the criminal laws. The combination of the “fear of God” and the military law was shown to have rational justification: it guaranteed a higher discipline and morale, which could be reflected in the effectiveness of the warfare conducted. The application of this idea led to the breakdown of soldier solidarity and to the belief that the misconduct of individuals affected the fate of troops and entire armies. The most important creators of this concept include Florian Zebrzydowski, Jan Chodkiewicz and Stanisław Cikowski, and at the turn of the centuries it was developed by Jan Zamoyski and Krzysztof Radziwiłł, nicknamed Piorun. The most elaborate formula in the military articles was presented in the 17th century by Krzysztof Radziwiłł II, and a century later by Michał Kazimierz Radziwiłł. A hypothesis was also formulated that an old concept, which survived as one of the elements of Old Polish culture, was adopted to evaluate the Battle of Warsaw of 1920, which has been referred to as the Miracle on the Vistula, what was supposed to symbolize the causal role of God during the war. (shrink)

The article attempts to show the activity of Stanisław Fogelweder in the service of Queen Anne of Austria, the first wife of Sigismund III Vasa. The aim was to reconstruct the scope of his courtly duties and to present an assessments of his activities, which appear in the letters by the monarch herself, her mother Archduchess Maria Anna of Bavaria, and the courtiers of the queen, as well as in the accounts of foreign diplomats. The period of Fogelweder’s life in (...) which he fulfilled his duties as chancellor and secretary to the Habsburgs is among the least discussed phases of his court and diplomatic career in the literature. The scant interest in this period of Fogelweder’s life may be surprising given the surviving source material. His position at the courts of Sigismund III and Anne of Austria can be reconstructed on the basis of his correspondence – especially his letters to Maria Anna of Bavaria and Jan Zamoyski. In the light of these sources, Fogelweder’s duties, apart from typical chancellery work, included attending audiences and delivering speeches on behalf of the queen, accompanying the monarch on her travels, obtaining and transmitting information, on top of acting as an intermediary in establishing the young monarch’s relations with members of the ruling elite, especially Jan Zamoyski. The commencement of his service at the court of Anne of Austria did not end his activities as a royal secretary or interrupt his relationship with Anne Jagiellon and the court of the queen dowager. This is evidenced by entries in the Crown Metric and information contained in royal accounts. Lasting uninterruptedly for four decades, Fogelweder’s court service was based on loyalty and total devotion to the ruling dynasty. He was usually assessed positively. The queen’s confessor Sigismund Ernhofer characterized him as a good man and an extremely hardworking courtier. Archduchess Maria called him a faithful old servant. Georg Schiechel, the queen’s valet, jealous of Fogelweder’s influence, emphasized the importance of his friendship with Zamoyski. Sometimes, however, his close relationship with the monarchical couple had to be the subject of criticism, painful and incomprehensible to Fogelweder. (shrink)

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie wybranych wątków związanych ze sprawowaniem przez Mikołaja Zebrzydowskiego urzędu starosty krakowskiego (1585–1620). Autor skoncentrował się na trzech kwestiach: objęciu starostwa, zaangażowaniu Zebrzydowskiego w sprawowanie wymiaru sprawiedliwości oraz wpływie rokoszu sandomierskiego (1606–1608) na działalność grodu krakowskiego. Główną podstawę źródłową tekstu stanowią krakowskie akta grodzkie, przechowywane w Archiwum Narodowym w Krakowie. Będąc studium przypadku, artykuł bada problem z perspektywy historycznoprawnej, krytycznie analizuje źródła oraz korzysta z metod statystycznych i porównawczych. Dzięki ich wykorzystaniu udało się odtworzyć przebieg czynności, które (...) doprowadziły do objęcia starostwa przez Zebrzydowskiego w 1585 r. Z zestawienia działalności Zebrzydowskiego z Janem Zamoyskim i Gabrielem Tarnowskim wynika, że jego zaangażowanie w sprawowanie wymiaru sprawiedliwości nie było duże, chociaż większe niż poprzednika i następcy. Limitując roki, Zebrzydowski chętnie powoływał się na sprawy prywatne, ale jego następca czynił to jeszcze częściej. Duży wpływ na funkcjonowanie starostwa miał rokosz sandomierski. Sąd nie działał przez ponad trzy i pół roku, urząd przez ponad 17 miesięcy, a kancelaria grodzka przez niecały rok. W sporze o położoną na Wawelu kamienicę starościńską, który stanowi symbol konfliktu Zebrzydowskiego z Zygmuntem III, rację należy przyznać królowi, pełnoprawnemu właścicielowi budynku, chociaż jego postępowanie w tej sprawie zaostrzało napięcie. (shrink)

Is the history of philosophy one of philosophical disciplines? Should not one give up pursuing the traditional history of philosophy on behalf of the history of philosophical culture as a historical discipline? Considerable divergences in defining the history of philosophy and its relation to philosophy and history show profound differences in the views on philosophy itself. The differences are an essential part of the history of philosophy. This paper does not intend to give a critical assessment of all positions that (...) concern the relationship between the history of philosophy and philosophy. We shall address the issue of consequences of historicism that bear on the history of philosophy. The main negative point of reference will R. Rorty\'s standpoint, which is representative of the radical version of historicism. The American neo-pragmatist\'s manners of pursuing philosophy and the relations between them will be submitted to criticism. In the perspective of radical historicism (historical and cultural relativism) the inquiries on the history of philosophy have no strictly philosophical importance. They may be cognitively interesting only from the historical point of view, for the history of culture, to be precise. Moderate historicism does not mean acceptance for the relativistic theory of truth. It makes us reconsider the issue of the difference between true knowledge and adequate knowledge, the difference well-known in tradition. Overcoming radical historicism prepares grounds for the pursuit of the history of philosophy as a philosophical discipline, the discipline that studies the history of philosophical problems in their variability and permanence. (shrink)

The paper consists of two parts. The first contains the paradox of Truth-teller, i.e. a sentence which asserts own truth. The paradox appears when we apply logic of rejection to the Truth-teller sentence. The Truth-teller paradox is symmetric with respect to the Liar paradox. The second part considers a sentence which asserts own provability. This sentence is unprovable on the base of rejection logic. This leads to counterparts of the Gödel incompleteness theorems and other metamathematical results.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Leibniz & Clarke: A Study of Their Correspondence by Ezio VailatiJan A. CoverEzio Vailati. Leibniz & Clarke: A Study of Their Correspondence. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997. Pp. xii + 250. Cloth, $45.00.When Leibniz received the 1710 issue of the Royal Society’s Philosophical Transactions in early 1711, he read John Keill’s public charge that he had stolen the calculus from Newton. Leibniz twice sought amends (...) from the Society in the form of a retraction, in response to which a committee was formed to investigate and issue a report. The resulting Commercium epistolicum, written by the good Isaac Newton himself and condemning Leibniz, was published in early 1713. In Vienna at the time, Leibniz learned of its contents in a June letter from Johann Bernoulli, who complained about this “scarcely civilized way” of holding what was in effect a tribunal from which the chief witness was absent. By year’s end Leibniz had enlisted Wolff to see into print Leibniz’s anonymous statement—overstatement, in fact—of his case, and nine months later Keill replied with an equally overstated rejoinder. Late autumn of 1714 found Leibniz back in Hannover, suffering from gout and the tiresome pressure to advance his work on the history of the house of Brunswick-Lüneburg. If only he felt better and had more free time, he could collect his mathematical papers and set an end to the dispute by writing his own Commercium epistolicum: as it was (Leibniz told Wolff in the spring of 1715), he had no intention of giving Newton’s cronies the luxury of his time.The Leibniz-Clarke exchange began in the shadows of this dispute, contributing to Leibniz’s already established distaste for parts of British philosophy. Already in 1690 he was describing (to Huygens and others) Newton’s gravitational attraction as “inexplicable.” Soon after Leibniz was surprised to discover that Locke had accepted Newtonian attraction in the second edition of the Essay—surprised, at least, until he came to see it as part and parcel of the dangerous idea that God could attach any old property whatever to matter if He chose, including thought. Materialism and frequent miracles [End Page 533] were just around the corner, and from there it was a short distance to the mortality of the soul, and a mean view of God’s power; the decay of natural theology itself could only follow. Leibniz’s misgivings didn’t see the light of day in the early 1700s, when he penned them in the Preface to the Nouveaux Essais; but he went out of his way to work an explicit complaint about Mr. Newton and Mr. Locke into the Théodicée of 1710 (§19 of the Preliminary Discourse). The calculus dispute followed. By the time Leibniz got round to writing Princess Caroline about the dispute in a letter of May 1715, he was insisting that the Newtonians deserved public censure, and that the Britons deserved Leibniz as historiographer of England. For her own part, Caroline now wondered if Samuel Clarke, who had translated Newton’s Opticks into Latin, would in the end be unbiased enough to translate Leibniz’s Théodicée into English. Moreover Caroline doubted that Clarke’s notion of the soul was theologically innocent. Replying in November, Leibniz summarized his view that natural religion was in great decline in England, and the famous exchange began.Despite there being no monograph devoted to it until now, the Correspondence ıs (and was) famous. If a book-length study is overdue, so perhaps are three reminders—that a significant portion of the Correspondence is devoted to issues other than space and time and gravitation, that the depth to which its issues are pursued was compromised by impatience on the side of both parties, and that Clarke’s philosophical views aren’t so well-understood as Leibniz’s own. Nowhere does Vailati set out to make these points explicitly, but they emerge over the course of his book, and together with exegetical soundness are its chief contributions. While this volume makes no historical or philosophical waves, it indirectly (perhaps unwittingly) explains why none are readily forthcoming in a book... (shrink)

In our increasingly interactive and interdependent world, we are confronted almost daily with issues in international law: think, for instance, of the recent Pinochet and Öcalan cases, the crises in Iraq, Kosovo and East Timor, or the banana and hormone disputes in the WTO. Add to this continual reports about the activities of international organizations, from the UN to the European Union, and it becomes clear that international law is the order of the day. Whoever follows these international developments, as (...) I do, and whoever is committed to the construction of a solid legal order for the international community, finds himself constantly torn between hope and despair. Signs of hope in recent years include the approval of a statute for the International Criminal Court in Rome on July 17, 1998; the Pinochet decisions of the House of Lords of November 1998 and March 1999; and the coming into force of the Ottawa agreement on anti-personnel mines in March of 1999. Yet who could witness the course of events during the NATO bombing campaign in Yugoslavia, and the long period of UN inaction against the violence that broke out in East Timor following the referendum, without feeling some sense of desperation? The mood of the present day, however, should not prevent us from taking a long-term perspective. What kind of international legal order are we moving towards on the threshold of the twenty-first century? Building up a solid international legal order is probably one of the greatest challenges facing humanity at present. Our national legal systems are strongly developed and during the last fifty years, Western Europe has succeeded in constructing an EU legal order which has made possible a peaceful society, welfare and the integration of peoples in Europe. But where do we stand on the world level? Is international law not all too slowly limping behind globalization? And yet, the century we are looking back on has been the century in which international law and the law of international organizations flourished: in the framework of the League of Nations, and then the UN, we have succeeded in codifying, consolidating and developing international law in numerous multilateral treaties ranging from human rights and maritime law to international labour, trade and environmental norms. Never before had the world witnessed such an extensive network of international organizations . Never before did states make such intensive use of treaties for arranging their mutual concerns: more than 30,000 are registered at the UN. (shrink)

When we first anticipated the research project concluded with this special issue, about 8 years ago, it seemed timely and appropriate to investigate the opportunities and the challenges of self-management in mental health care. At the time self-management was well on the rise in general health care, offering both empowerment to patients and efficiency and cost-effectiveness to the health care system. It seemed a most promising approach in an era that celebrates individualistic self-reliance. And we were sure about our insight (...) that self-management in mental health care would deserve comprehensive investigation because “the self” that was supposed to do the management would itself be the core problem in psychiatric... (shrink)

Geschichtliche Welten und Orientierungen haben als modale Sonderformen der Existenz zwar einen im gewissen Sinne perspektivischen Charakter; die geschichtliche Wirklichkeit, die sie tragt, jedoch nicht. Die Herausforderung der historischen Ontologie ist, durch solche Welten und Orientierungen hindurch den Sinn fur die tragende Wirklichkeit aufrechtzuerhalten. In diesem ersten Band der neuen Reihe 'Beitrage zur historischen Ontologie' wird die Tragweite dieser Konzeption aus philosophischer, philologischer, historischer und kulturwissenschaftlicher Sicht beleuchtet, um so den Bereich der historischen Ontologie fur weitere Studien zu erschliessen. Die (...) Beitrage auf Deutsch, Englisch und Franzosisch gliedern sich in sechs Abteilungen: 1) Historische Ontologie und metaphysische Tradition, 2) Personliche Historizitat, 3) Kausalitat und Wirkungsgeschichte, 4) Inhalt und Ereignis, 5) Diversitat und Dominanz und 6) Hermeneutik und Semiotik. (shrink)

These sixty-one numbered paragraphs offer an overview of the idea and practice of lyric philosophy. They draw heavily on the author's texts Lyric Philosophy, Wisdom & Metaphor, and “Bringhurst's Presocratics: Lyric and Ecology”. The present essay outlines key concepts — clarity as resonance, metaphor as gestalt shift, meaning as gesture, the overlap between philosophy and poetry, the nature of lyric truth — and suggests that they are essential to an adequate epistemology. These concepts allow us to address serious gaps in (...) our understanding of how humans think, gaps that have arisen owing to the limitations of linguified intelligence coupled with a disinclination to admit the existence of these limitations. The overview also describes fundamental differences between lyric philosophy and analytic philosophy, while insisting on a robust conception of truth and on the existence of a knowable mind-independent world. The importance of a lyric approach for our understanding of a range of ecological questions is discussed, and lyric philosophy is positioned, politically, as a critique of technocracy. (shrink)

We apply a paraconsistent strategy to reasoning about fractions.

This contribution deals with the consequences of European integration for the relation between civil servants and policians. Data of Belgian senior servants who are not involved in European policy networks are compared with data of Belgian officals who are in charge of European negotiations.This comparison shows firstly that officials are more central in European policy networks than in national policy networks. Politicians have only a limited and indirect access to these European networks. Secondly, the more civil servants are involved in (...) these European policy networks, the less their political alienation. Furthermore, the organisational self-esteem do not affect the communication networks among civil servants and politicians. Finally, alienation and self-esteem do not affect the communication networks among civil servants and politicians. The exposure to politics and anciennity seem to be more important predictors. (shrink)

J. Bouzek, Ή 'Αθήνα χαί ή Μαύρη Θάλασσα. Σ. 249-259 Ή ανάλυση των διαφόρων κατηγοριών αρχαιολογικών ευρημάτων στην περιοχή του Εύξεινου Πόντου (λεπτή κεραμεική, πήλινα, τορευτική, χρυσοχοία, γλυπτική, αρχιτεκτονική, κλπ.) μας προσφέρει τή δυνατότητα γιά μιά απόπειρα σκιαγράφησης της ιστορίας τών αμοιβαίων τους σχέσεων, σέ αντιπαραβολή μέ τή φιλολογική παράδοση.. Λίγο πρίν καί λίγο μετά άπό τόν 5° καί τόν 4° αιώνα π.Χ., ή 'Αθήνα απολάμβανε στον Πόντο μιας μονοπωλιακής θέσης καί εϊχε πολύ ισχυρή επιρροή. 'Ανάμεσα στους παράγοντες πού της (...) χάρισαν αυτή τήν υπεροχή θά πρέπει νά αναφέρουμε τή γοητεία πού ασκούσε ή αττική τέχνη, τήν αυτοκρατορική πολιτική της πόλης καί τήν ανάγκη εισαγωγής σίτου. (shrink)

What are the causes and consequences of colonial rule? This introduction to the special issue “Comparative Politics of Colonialism and Its Legacies” surveys recent literature in political science, sociology, and economics that addresses colonial state building and colonial legacies. Past research has made important contributions to our understanding of colonialism’s long-term effects on political, social, and economic development. Existing work emphasizes the role of critical junctures and institutions in understanding the transmission of those effects to present-day outcomes and embraces the (...) idea of design-based inference for empirical analysis. The four articles of this special issue add to existing research but also represent new research trends: increased attention to the internal dynamics of colonial intervention; noninstitutional transmission mechanisms; the role of context conditions at times of colonial intervention; and a finer-grained disaggregation of outcomes, explanatory factors, and units of analysis. (shrink)

The first order modal logic of closure spaces belongs to the class of equationally definable standard modal logics . One can say, it satisfies no version of the deduction lemma. Nevertheless the Robinson and Beth theorems can be proved by means of an interpretation of modal theories in classical ones. LCS is described in [1], [2], [3], [4]. The logics obtained by adjoining axioms of quasi-equality or of equality to LCS are denoted by LCSQE and LCSE.

AGAINST THE BACKGROUND OF VARIOUS EUROPEAN LEGISLATIVE INITIAtlves dealing with medical-ethical decisions at the end of life and an introduction on the Belgian "Act on Euthanasia," in the first part of this essay I present a concise comparison between the Belgian law and the provisions of Dutch legislation. In the second part of the essay I aim at a better understanding of the Belgian legislation by documenting two opportunities that might have enhanced the outcome by addressing the complexity of end-of-life (...) decisions and the proper position of palliative care. I offer some preliminary conclusions in light of the implementation of the law in Catholic institutions as well as its first official evaluation. (shrink)

The purpose of this note is to show that the independence results for sharply bounded arithmetic of Takeuti [4] and Tada and Tatsuta [3] can be obtained and, in case of the latter, improved by the model-theoretic method developed by the author in [2].

In this paper the current legislative landscape and the challenges researchers face in obtaining informed consent in acute situations are explored. In such situations, some current guidelines can be difficult or impossible to apply. Capacity should be formally assessed before consent is sought to ensure that vulnerable persons are neither inappropriately recruited to a study nor denied the opportunity to participate. However, there is little guidance in current legislation as to how this should be achieved. When the patient is considered (...) to be unable to provide prospective informed consent, other forms are sometimes permissible, although all have specific drawbacks. First, it is argued that a brief instrument, suitable for the acute situation, is needed to determine whether patients have the capacity to consent to clinical trials. Secondly, it is argued that there are areas of the informed consent process that require review, and ways that improvements could be made are suggested. (shrink)

This article analyses domestic and foreign reactions to a 2008 report in the British Medical Journal on the complementary and, as argued, synergistic relationship between palliative care and euthanasia in Belgium. The earliest initiators of palliative care in Belgium in the late 1970s held the view that access to proper palliative care was a precondition for euthanasia to be acceptable and that euthanasia and palliative care could, and should, develop together. Advocates of euthanasia including author Jan Bernheim, independent from but (...) together with British expatriates, were among the founders of what was probably the first palliative care service in Europe outside of the United Kingdom. In what has become known as the Belgian model of integral end-of-life care, euthanasia is an available option, also at the end of a palliative care pathway. This approach became the majority view among the wider Belgian public, palliative care workers, other health professionals, and legislators. The legal regulation of euthanasia in 2002 was preceded and followed by a considerable expansion of palliative care services. It is argued that this synergistic development was made possible by public confidence in the health care system and widespread progressive social attitudes that gave rise to a high level of community support for both palliative care and euthanasia. The Belgian model of so-called integral end-of-life care is continuing to evolve, with constant scrutiny of practice and improvements to procedures. It still exhibits several imperfections, for which some solutions are being developed. This article analyses this model by way of answers to a series of questions posed by Journal of Bioethical Inquiry consulting editor Michael Ashby to the Belgian authors. (shrink)