Epicurus in Lycia is the first full-length study of this eccentric second-century C.E. philosopher from Oenoanda, a small city in the mountains of Lycia (now Turkey). Toward the end of his life, Diogenes presented his town with a large limestone inscription that proclaimed the wisdom of the Greek philosopher Epicurus, who had lived five centuries earlier. This unique text, which was discovered in the late nineteenth century, has attracted many modern readers. Previous work on Diogenes, however, has concentrated (...) on the reconstruction of Diogenes' fragmentary Greek text and on the information he offers on lost teachings of Epicurus. Gordon's study offers a new approach to Diogenes and to the history of ancient Epicureanism in general. Rather than considering Diogenes simply as an orthodox Epicurean, Gordon draws attention to his engagement with the bustling world of second-century Roman Asia Minor and demonstrates that his historical setting shaped the way he understood and promoted Epicurean philosophy. Gordon shows that Diogenes participated in the fashionable revival of traditional Greek erudition, but that he parted company with his contemporaries regarding popular religion and the general notoriety of Epicureanism. (shrink)

This article examines allusions to Greek poetry in two Greek verse inscriptions carved on public monuments for Lycian dynasts of the late fifth and early fourth centuriesb.c.(CEG177, 888). Scholarship on these epigrams celebrating the rule, achievements and outstanding qualities of the dynasts Gergis (LycianKheriga) and Arbinas (Erbinna) has largely focussed on the evidence they provide for Lycian history, dynastic ideology and Lycia's relationship to Greece. Less attention has been paid to the possible significance of their long-noted echoes of Greek (...) poetry. Literary analysis of these epigrams has been sidelined, it seems, owing to a prevailing assumption that they were composed and inscribed primarily for Greeks visiting or resident in Xanthus, the Lycian ‘capital’ where they were inscribed, and so their literariness, unheard by Lycian ears, cannot add to our understanding of Lycia and Lycians. Yet, a recent observation of Peter Thonemann suggests that the appropriation and manipulation of Greek poetry is in fact central to the dynastic intent of the epigrams: to assert Lycia's non-Greek, ‘Asiatic’ identity. (shrink)

The present article contains observations on the invasion of Lycia by the Hittite king Tudhaliya IV as described in the Yalburt inscription. The author questions the commonly found identification of the land of vitis /Wiyanwanda with the city of Oinoanda on account of the problems raised by the reading of the sign vitis as well as of archaeological and strategical observations. With the aid of Lycian and Greek inscriptions the author argues that the original Wiyanawanda/Oinoanda was located further south (...) than the city commonly known as Oinoanda situated above İncealiler. These insights lead to a reassessment of the Hittite-Luwian sources concerning the conquest of Lycia. (shrink)

Proclus of Lycia was one of the greatest philosophers of antiquity, producing the most systematic version of late Neoplatonic thought. He exercised enormous influence on Byzantine, medieval, Renaissance and German Classical philosophy, ranking among the top five of ancient philosophers in terms of the number of preserved works. Despite this he is rarely studied now, the enormous intricacy of his system making the reading of his treatises difficult for beginners. This book provides the first comprehensive introduction to all the (...) basic areas of Proclus' thought. It carefully guides the reader through his metaphysics, theology, epistemology and theory of evil, as well as his sophisticated philosophy of religion. It also sets Proclus in the historical, social and religious context of late antiquity, offering a synthetic account that will appeal to historians and students of ancient religion. (shrink)

Zusammenfassung Childs’ Rekonstruktion der Genealogien wird bestätigt: Der Pfeiler ist wahrscheinlich von Cherẽi und nicht von Cheriga errichtet worden. Die am Ende der Südseite erwähnten Schlachten fanden wahrscheinlich nicht später als 428 v. Chr. statt. Die auf der Ostseite erwähnten Aktionen sind wahrscheinlich nicht später als 424 v. Chr., weil Ertaχssiraza unmittelbar vor einer Aktion des Dynasten Teϑϑiweibi erwähnt wird und daher mit Artaxerxes I. gleichzusetzen ist. In einer zuvor berichteten militärischen Aktion erscheinen Miϑrapata, Aruwãtijesi und die „Triere des Cherẽi“. (...) Am Beginn der Nordseite gibt es einen Sprung bis wahrscheinlich 412/411 v. Chr., als der Satrap Tissaphernes in Kaunos tätig war. Am Ende des Prosatextes ist wahrscheinlich in ]welẽ der Name des Dynasten Ddenewele zu sehen, als „sein Sohn“, d. h. Cherẽis Sohn und Nachfolger. Die griechischen Verse danach rühmen den Sohn des Harpagos, und sein Name sollte nach dem Καρικα γένος zu [Καρ.]ις ergänzt werden, nicht zu [Γεργ]ις. Die ihm zugeschriebene Tötung von sieben arkadischen Hopliten an einem Tag erklärt die sonst kryptische Zahl CII im Feldzug gegen Tlos. Die anschließenden B-lykischen Verse gelten aber Cheriga, und das Nordgedicht mag zu seinen Lebzeiten gedichtet worden sein, weil er hier handelnd auftritt. Der einzige chronologische Fixpunkt ist die Schlacht an der Mykale 428 v. Chr., von der auf der Südseite berichtet wird. Im Westgedicht tritt eine Frau namens Muni an die Stelle des Cheriga, und das könnte seine Frau sein, die nach dem Tod des Cherẽi die Herrschaft übernommen haben könnte. Dieses Bild von der Pfeiler-Chronologie ist vereinbar mit Müselers Chronologie der dynastischen Münzen mit den Namen von Cheriga, Teϑϑiweibi, Cherẽi und Ddenewele. Allerdings können im Rahmen dieses Konzepts andere auf dem Pfeiler vorkommende Dynasten wie Trbbẽnimi, Miϑrapata und Aruwãtijesi nicht mit den gleichnamigen Münzprägern identisch sein, mit der möglichen Ausnahme des Punamuwa. Außerdem ist der Cheriga der Münzen zwar sicher mit dem Cheriga auf dem Pfeiler identisch, aber offenbar nicht mit Cheriga, dem Vater des Erbbina in den Letoon-Inschriften. Doch der Dynast Waχssepddimi auf dem Pfeiler ist möglichwerweise identisch mit dem älteren der beiden Weχssere genannten Dynasten, der im Xanthostal unmittelbar nach der Herrschaft des Kuprlli Münzen prägte. (shrink)

The Lycian elite were heavily ethnos-oriented in their political activities and marriage policy. Social relations with members of the elite in other provinces were seldom established. The two siblings Claudia Iasonis and Tib. Claudius Agrippinus of Patara are an exception in this respect. Agrippinus acted as benefactor beyond the borders of his province and received honours by the koinon of Asia. His sister Claudia Iasonis married a man from Asia and attained the post of Asiarch. Social contact with the provincial (...) elite of Asia appears to have been established via the Pergamenian Iulius Quadratus, legate of Lycia-Pamphylia in ca. 90-92 A. D. About two decades later Claudia Iasonis seems to have persuaded the Pergamenian magnate to support Heliodoros of Lydai in obtaining the Roman citizenship. An honorary inscription from the agora of Lydai published here in first edition is so far the only testament to this woman’s activities. (shrink)

In Thucydides' account of Melesander's expedition with six ships to Caria and Lycia there appears to me to be a difficulty which is universally ignored by commentators and fudged by translators. Thucydides describes the purpose of the expedition.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Solon and Early Greek Poetry: The Politics of ExhortationGregory HaysElizabeth Irwin. Solon and Early Greek Poetry: The Politics of Exhortation. Cambridge Classical Studies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005. xiv + 350 pp. Cloth, $90.Thirty years ago we understood archaic Greek elegy pretty well—or so we imagined. The elegists sang of the new developments of the archaic period, above all the rise of the polis. They wrote first-person poetry (...) celebrating their own individuality; most modern anthologies open emblematically with Archilochus's... They invoked the phraseology of epic only to reject its values: Homer's aristocratic warriors retreated in disarray before the bandy-legged general of the mercenary Archilochus. The arrival of the citizen soldier was reflected in Tyrtaeus and Callinus, whose exhortations hoplites chanted as they marched into battle. Solon was a little harder to accommodate in this picture: an odd hybrid of Jeremiah and Polonius, rising to occasional grandeur, but weak on logic and organization. Still, his praise of Eunomia helped bridge the gap between Homeric naiveté and the abstract thinking of the fifth century. And of course there was that law code...This explanatory model reflects the Geistesgeschichte approach of Bruno Snell, Hermann Fränkel, and Werner Jaeger, and it has been notably tenacious. But as a tool for explaining elegy (and lyric generally) it has come to seem pretty dated. Archilochus's "I" was problematized as early as 1964 in K. J. Dover's contribution to the Fondation Hardt Archiloque volume. But it was in the 1980s that the ice really started to break up. In an influential article (JHS 106 [1986] 13-35), [End Page 427] Ewen Bowie stressed the symposium's centrality as the performative context for elegy, thus making conservative aristocrats the genre's primary consumers (so much for the citizen soldier and the rising middle class!). The rise of "cultural poetics" left archaic society—and its poets—looking much less familiar. Finally, the conventional relationship between elegy and epic was being reexamined. Many supposed Homeric allusions melted away under closer examination (notably in Robert Fowler's The Nature of Early Greek Lyric [Toronto, 1987]). Recent scholarship has proposed dramatically later dates for the stabilization of the Homeric poems, calling into question their priority to lyric even in a chronological sense. The old picture of elegy as an archaic response to a monolithic "epic" has given way to theories of an ongoing and dynamic dialogue between (and within) both genres.These trends are reflected in Elizabeth Irwin's study of Solon, a revised version of her 1999 Cambridge dissertation. It also reflects renewed interest in the poet, appearing soon after commentaries by Maria Noussia (2001) and Christoph Mülke (2002) and almost simultaneously with a collective volume edited by Josine Blok and André Lardinois (Solon of Athens: New Historical and Philological Approaches [Leiden, 2006]), to which Irwin has contributed. Along with Solon, Irwin focuses on Callinus and Tyrtaeus, and one of her stated goals is "to help us unlearn what we think we know about this poetry and its historical significance" (18).The book is divided into three parts. In part 1 ("The Politics of Exhortation") Irwin examines the tradition of martial exhortation represented by Tyrtaeus and Callinus. The conventional view had these poets discarding Homer's individualistic front-fighters in favor of the new citizen-armies of the polis— is now a civic virtue. But as Irwin observes, "fighting for one's fatherland" is not alien to Iliadic values. For her, the similarities between martial elegy and epic outweigh any differences. As she notes, the evocation of future warfare in sympotic elegy mirrors a corresponding appeal to past feasting in the exhortations of the Iliad. Martial elegy provides (or sees itself as providing) an off-duty complement to Homeric warriors' battlefield vaunts—the sort of thing Sarpedon might have directed to Glaucus back in Lycia while the slave-boys were refilling the goblets. Such Iliadic self-fashioning constructs its sympotic audience not simply as heroic, but specifically as a heroic elite. While martial elegy may pay lip service to the polis, its center of gravity is elsewhere. Thus Tyrtaeus fragment 11W can conclude with patronizing advice to the... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Apsines and Pseudo–ApsinesMalcolm HeathThis essay addresses a problem with the authorship of the rhetorical treatise traditionally attributed to Apsines,1 and explores the possibilities which open up if we reject that attribution. We know that a great deal of rhetorical literature was in circulation in late antiquity without reliable indication of authorship. Some texts, such as the Anonymus Seguerianus, have survived with no name attached. Others survive with the wrong (...) name: only two of the five parts of the Hermogenean canon are likely to be by Hermogenes himself.2 In some cases alternative attributions are found: as we shall see, one of the pseudo–Hermogenean texts (On Invention) was also attributed to Apsines. Sometimes alternative attributions are recorded in the manuscripts: the first of the two treatises on epideictic attributed to Menander Rhetor is ascribed in a supralinear variant in one manuscript to "Menander or Genethlius";3 neither attribution is likely to be correct. One manuscript of the short treatise on epicheiremes preserved under the name of Minucianus notes that it is ascribed in another source to Nicagoras;4 the confusion may have arisen from a patronymic, since the younger Minucianus was son and father of sophists named Nicagoras. In the case of the pseudo–Dionysian Art of Rhetoric we can see a false attribution coming into being: the anonymous author's references to his own On Imitation (364.24, 383.22 Usener/Radermacher) prompted a scholiast to identify him conjecturally with Dionysius of Halicarnassus.5 One of the sources used by [End Page 89] Georgius, a commentator on Hermogenes of (probably) the fifth century, was "an unascribed treatise, which they attribute to Aquila" ().6 Other examples of false or uncertain attribution could be cited. These facts do not warrant indiscriminate skepticism about the authorship of rhetorical texts; but caution is in order, and we should weigh seriously possible grounds for doubting a traditional attribution.Treatise AThe treatise traditionally attributed to Apsines (to avoid prejudging the question of authorship let us call it "Treatise A") discusses the parts of a speech: prologue, narrative, arguments, epilogue. This was a standard format; Syrianus refers to "a myriad others" who have written on the subject (2.11.6–10 Rabe; cf. PS 205.8–10 Rabe). Other extant examples include the epitome of Rufus, the Anonymus Seguerianus, and the pseudo–Hermogenean On Invention. In his work on stasis Hermogenes himself seems to look forward to such a text when he promises to return to one point in more detail in a discussion of the prologue (53.12–13 Rabe). This promise is not redeemed in any extant work of his; Syrianus inferred that Hermogenes had written "on the parts of the political speech" (2.3.2–7) but evidently had no firsthand knowledge of such a work.The Traditional AttributionThe Apsines to whom Treatise A is attributed is generally identified with Valerius Apsines of Gadara, a friend of Philostratus (VS 628). From the Suda (A4735) we gather that he studied with Heraclides of Lycia in Smyrna and with Basilicus in Nicomedia, held a sophistic chair in Athens, and was elevated to consular rank under Maximinus (A.D. 235–38).7 A complimentary reference to Basilicus in the introduction to [End Page 90] the treatise (331.7 = 217.5–6) encourages this identification. But we know of at least three other sophists with the same name. The Suda mentions two:1. Apsines of Athens, father of the sophist Onasimus (A4734).2. Apsines, son of the Athenian sophist Onasimus (A4736).From Eunapius we know of3. Apsines the Spartan, a rival of Julian of Cappadocia and a distinguished (482, with an entertaining anecdote about the rivalry at 483–85). Eunapius' Apsines the Spartan may well be identical with the Suda's Apsines son of Onasimus, since the Suda's entry on Onasimus (O327) describes him as "of Cyprus or Sparta" and lists a technical work (addressed, presumably, to his son) among his writings.8 An older theory which identified Apsines of Gadara with the father of Onasimus has generally been abandoned on chronological grounds, since the Suda gives the reign of Constantine as Onasimus' floruit.9 [End Page 91]A... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:African Athena: New Agendas ed. by Daniel Orrells, Gurminder K. Bhambra, Tessa RoynonMary R. LefkowitzDaniel Orrells, Gurminder K. Bhambra, and Tessa Roynon, eds., African Athena: New Agendas. Classical Presences. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. xiv + 469 pp. 6 black-and-white figs. Cloth, $160.The inspiration for this book derives from a 2008 conference at the University of Warwick that was held in recognition of the twentieth anniversary of the (...) publication of the first volume of Black Athena. African Athena is the title Martin Bernal once said that he “should have used” for his multivolume project, but his publisher “insisted on” using Black because it would “sell” (“Black Athena and the APA,” Arethusa 22 [1989]: 31–32). In his autobiographical afterword to this volume, he admits that the title Black Athena “may well have had the effect” of exposing critics of his books to charges of racism, as indeed it did. So the use of the alternate title for the present volume represents a welcome shift in emphasis from issues of race to issues of culture and nationality, and the reception of Greek and Roman ideas by later writers. Some of the essays in the volume are based on papers given at the Warwick conference; other contributors were specially invited. The chapters in the first part of the book are primarily historiographical in nature, while most of the essays in the second part consider the literary and historical productions of particular authors. The editors provide an introductory overview of each contribution, with a helpful survey of some of the other recent work in this emerging field, and offer some brief general remarks. But it is not [End Page 347] clear why certain important topics (e.g., the works of Jean Terrasson or Cheikh Anta Diop) were not treated in more depth. Of course, no collection can have the coherence of a work by an individual author, and the essays in this volume seem largely independent of one another. If there was any discussion among the authors who presented their papers in the conference, or commentary on them by Bernal himself, few traces of such interchange appears in the published book. Readers are left to make such connections as best they can.There are, however, some commonalities among the papers. Most concentrate on reception, and do not consider the historical issues that have made Black Athena the subject of such heated debate. That does not mean that the editors or most of the authors believe that the debate has been in any way resolved; rather, it appears that they have sought to avoid discussion of the historical issues involved in Bernal’s reconstruction of the ancient past, seeking instead to concentrate on the “ongoing relevance of the issues Bernal raises.” Although works by Bernal’s most outspoken critics are mentioned, there is only occasional reference to what they actually said and no specific discussions of the particular reasons why most scholars of the ancient world believe that Bernal has vastly overstated the degree of Egyptian influence on Greece and misinterpreted such evidence as there is, especially in the case of his proposed new etymologies. Some of the contributors seem sincerely puzzled by the relative lack of attention accorded to Black Athena. Volume III: The Linguistic Evidence (New Brunswick, N.J. 2006). For example, Patrice Rankine in his chapter “Black Apollo?” is impressed by the “patience and meticulous attention to sources” displayed in Bernal’s claim (based on the epithet λυκηγενής) “that European scholars dislodged Apollo from his Egyptian connection” to Sun worship. Rankine believes that it is mainly because of “the context of North American intellectual life” that such proposals failed to persuade classicists and Indo-Europeanists. He does not appear to have supposed that there might be other, far more compelling reasons why linguists have thought that Apollo’s origins might more credibly be traced to Lycia or Anatolia.Rankine and other contributors to the volume call attention to the nationalism and other types of Zeitgeist that have caused European scholars to ignore or downplay the contributions of Egypt and other African cultures. Toby Green observes, “In the long run, the most deep-rooted impact of Black... (shrink)

TheSudatells us the following about the elder Theodectas, the Phaselian orator and tragedian:Θεοδέκτης, Ἀριστάνδρου, Φασηλίτης ἐκ Λυκίας, ῥήτωρ, τραπεὶς δὲ ἐπὶ τραγῳδίας, μαθητὴς Πλάτωνος καὶ Ἰσοκράτους καὶ Ἀριστοτέλους. οὗτος καὶ ὁ Ἐρυθραῖος Ναυκράτης καὶ Ἰσοκράτης ὁ ῥήτωρ, ὁ Ἀπολλωνιάτης, καὶ Θεόπομπος, ἐπὶ τῆς ρϛ́ ὀλυμπιάδος εἶπον ἐπιτάφιον ἐπὶ Μαυσώλῳ, Ἀρτεμισίας τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ προτρεψαμένης. καὶ ἐνίκησε μάλιστα εὐδοκιμήσας ἐν ᾗ εἶπε τραγῳδίᾳ. ἄλλοι δέ φασι Θεόπομπον ἔχειν τὰ πρωτεῖα. δράματα δὲ ἐδίδαξε ν́. τελευτᾷ δὲ ἐν Ἀθήναις ἐτῶν ἑνὸς καὶ μ́, (...) ἔτι τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ περιόντος. ἔγραψε δὲ καὶ τέχνην ῥητορικὴν ἐν μέτρωι, καὶ ἄλλα τινα καταλογάδην.Theodectas, son of Aristander, from Phaselis in Lycia, an orator, then he turned to tragedy, a pupil of Plato, Isocrates and Aristotle. This man [that is, Theodectas] and Naucrates from Erythrae and Isocrates the orator from Apollonia and Theopompus, in the 106th Olympiad [356/5–353/2b.c.], gave funeral speeches for Mausolus, at the instigation of his widow Artemisia. And [Theodectas] won, gaining great honour in the tragedy which he spoke. Others, however, say that Theopompus won first prize. He [that is, Theodectas] produced fifty plays. He died in Athens at the age of 41, being survived by his father. He also wrote anArt of Rhetoricin verse, and some other works in prose. (shrink)

After giving birth Latona arrives tired and thirsty in Lycia, but the locals refuse her a drink from their lake, so she turns them into frogs. Critics usually endorse Latona’s justice. This article reexamines the episode to develop a balanced reading and then historicizes that reading in relation to law and Augustus’ aqueduct projects. The conflict between goddess and mortals dramatizes tensions between emperor and citizens with conflicting interests in water. Ovid’s Lycian myth opens new perspectives on these conflicts (...) and, more generally, on the place of law in Augustan Rome. (shrink)

Ancient Rhodes reached a pinnacle of power in the early second century B.C. For twenty years—from Apamea to Pydna—her fleet was unrivalled in the Aegean and her mainland possessions encompassed most of Lycia and Caria. Ally and helpmate of Rome in the war on Antiochus III, Rhodes gained much profit from the association, in prestige and territorial acquisitions. But her heyday was brief, her fall swift and calamitous. After Pydna, Rhodes felt the heavy hand of Rome: she forfeited most (...) of her mainland holdings; her economy suffered ruinous setback; the island republic was humbled and humiliated. So dramatic a reversal of fortune demands explanation. (shrink)

Authorities on Apollo and Apollo cults are still divided into two camps. Some believe the god to have been Anatolian—Homeric god of the Troad, god of Branchidae and Lycia, a hawk-god, Smintheus, Lykios, with a western outpost at Carian-Ionian Delos, worshipped too in Crete, whence he passed to Pytho. In the other camp Apollo is, at least in part, believed to be a northerner, fair-haired, descending on Greece from the land of the Hyperboreans, the people ‘Behind the Beyond.’ And (...) the mainstay of those who claim a partially northern origin for Apollo is in tales which both at Delos and at Delphi link him with the Hyperboreans. (shrink)

Epikurs Lehre erfreut sich wachsender Aufmerksamkeit. Doch verdient auch die Geschichte des Epikureismus, insbesondere der Kaiserzeit, Interesse. Keineswegs verschwindet die diesseits orientierte Lehre Epikurs trotz wachsendem Streben der Philosophie nach Transzendenz in der Spatantike. Eine Analyse paganer wie auch christlicher Autoren zeigt, dass insbesondere Epikurs Ethik und ihr Angebot praktischer Lebenshilfe als Teil einer "praeparatio philosophica" uberlebt, ins Mittelalter vermittelt wurde und in der Renaissance Auferstehung feierte. Die Vortrage dieses Bandes begeben sich deshalb auf Spurensuche. Unter verschiedenen Gesichtspunkten gehen sie (...) der Tradition des Epikureismus in der spaten Republik und der Kaiserzeit nach und folgen ihnen bis zur Renaissance. Inhalt: Einleitung Graziano Arrighetti: Filodemo fra poesia, mito e storia Marcello Gigante: Seneca, ein Nachfolger Philodems? Dieter Timpe: Der Epikureismus in der romischen Gesellschaft der Kaiserzeit Martin F. Smith: Digging up Diogenes: New Epicurean texts from Oinoanda in Lycia Diskin Clay: Diogenes and his gods Matthias Baltes: Epikureische Theologie Mauro Tulli: L'epitome die Epicuro e la trasmissione del sapere nel Medioplatonismo Carlos Levy: Philon d'Alexandrie et l'epicurisme Tiziano Dorandi: Plotina, Adriano e gli Epicurei di Atene Franco Ferrari: La falsita delle asserzioni relative al futuro: un argomento epicureo contro la mantica in Plut. Pyth. orac. 10 Keimpe A. Algra: The Treatise of Cleomedes and its Critique of Epicurean Cosmology Christoph Markschies: Epikureismus bei Origenes und in der origenistischen Tradition Jose Kany-Turpin: Lactance, un critique mesestime de l'epicurisme Therese Fuhrer: Zwischen Skeptizismus und Platonismus: Augustins Auseinandersetzung mit der epikureischen Lehre in conf. 6 Dominic O'Meara: Epikur bei Simplikios Clemens Zintzen: Epikur in der Renaissance Michael Erler: Epikur in Raffaels "Schule von Athen"? Register. (shrink)

Epikurs Lehre erfreut sich wachsender Aufmerksamkeit. Doch verdient auch die Geschichte des Epikureismus, insbesondere der Kaiserzeit, Interesse. Keineswegs verschwindet die diesseits orientierte Lehre Epikurs trotz wachsendem Streben der Philosophie nach Transzendenz in der Spatantike. Eine Analyse paganer wie auch christlicher Autoren zeigt, dass insbesondere Epikurs Ethik und ihr Angebot praktischer Lebenshilfe als Teil einer "praeparatio philosophica" uberlebt, ins Mittelalter vermittelt wurde und in der Renaissance Auferstehung feierte. Die Vortrage dieses Bandes begeben sich deshalb auf Spurensuche. Unter verschiedenen Gesichtspunkten gehen sie (...) der Tradition des Epikureismus in der spaten Republik und der Kaiserzeit nach und folgen ihnen bis zur Renaissance. Inhalt: Einleitung Graziano Arrighetti: Filodemo fra poesia, mito e storia Marcello Gigante: Seneca, ein Nachfolger Philodems? Dieter Timpe: Der Epikureismus in der romischen Gesellschaft der Kaiserzeit Martin F. Smith: Digging up Diogenes: New Epicurean texts from Oinoanda in Lycia Diskin Clay: Diogenes and his gods Matthias Baltes: Epikureische Theologie Mauro Tulli: L'epitome die Epicuro e la trasmissione del sapere nel Medioplatonismo Carlos Levy: Philon d'Alexandrie et l'epicurisme Tiziano Dorandi: Plotina, Adriano e gli Epicurei di Atene Franco Ferrari: La falsita delle asserzioni relative al futuro: un argomento epicureo contro la mantica in Plut. Pyth. orac. 10 Keimpe A. Algra: The Treatise of Cleomedes and its Critique of Epicurean Cosmology Christoph Markschies: Epikureismus bei Origenes und in der origenistischen Tradition Jose Kany-Turpin: Lactance, un critique mesestime de l'epicurisme Therese Fuhrer: Zwischen Skeptizismus und Platonismus: Augustins Auseinandersetzung mit der epikureischen Lehre in conf. 6 Dominic O'Meara: Epikur bei Simplikios Clemens Zintzen: Epikur in der Renaissance Michael Erler: Epikur in Raffaels "Schule von Athen"? Register. (shrink)