O marxismo aparece insistentemente na teologia e no magistério de Joseph Ratzinger-Bento XVI como um inimigo permanente ao qual o cristianismo deve se contrapor, sem possibilidades de conciliação entre ambos. Mas qual concepção subjaz essa rejeição tão peremptória, tão decidida? Para alcançarmos a resposta a tal questão, aprofundamos a visão de Joseph Ratzinger a partir de alguns de seus escritos teológicos (anteriores ao pontificado) e, em seguida, nas suas três encíclicas, o ponto alto de seu magistério papal ( Deus (...) caritas est, Spe salvi e Caritas in veritate ). Defendemos que a crítica de Bento XVI, antes de ser exclusivamente teológica (ou doutrinária), é filosófica, baseada na racionalidade e não na fé professada pela Igreja, que lhe permite tratar o marxismo não simplesmente como um programa político que vai contra alguns valores cristãos, mas como uma escatologia judaico-cristã secularizada, um messianismo político, portanto, como uma religião , como uma fé , que nega e esvazia o núcleo essencial da fé cristã. E aqui está a raiz da sua oposição. Palavras-chave: Marxismo. Bento XVI. Messianismo. Escatologia política.: Marxism appears repeatedly in Pope Benedict’s theology and teaching as a permanent enemy that Christianity must oppose without any possibilities of conciliation between them. However, what underlies this decisive rejection? To answer this question we look further into Joseph Ratzinger’s perspective starting with some of his theological writings (before the pontificate) followed by three of his encyclicals, the high point of his papal teaching ( Deus caritas est , Spe salvi e Caritas in veritate ). We argue that Benedict XVI's criticism, prior to being purely theological (or doctrinal), is philosophical, based on rationality and not in the faith professed by the Church, allowing him to treat marxism not simply as a political program that goes against some Christian values, but as a secularized Judeo-Christian eschatology, as a political messianism, therefore, as a religion, as a faith , that denies and empties the essential core of the Christian faith. And here is the root of his opposition. Keywords: Marxism. Benedict XVI. Messianism. Political eschatology. (shrink)

El presente trabajo quiere analizar la encíclica Caritas in veritate desde la idea de globalización como clave hermenéutica de todo el documento. Nos parece que este noción -comprendida en sus múltiples dimensiones sociales, éticas, políticas, culturales y espirituales- puede contribuir no sólo a una comprensión más profunda de este texto, sino que también puede ayudar a desentrañar muchas de las críticas que ha recibido esta carta, su excesiva extensión y complejidad temática, así como su silencio sobre el capitalismo y el (...) liberalismo. En una segunda etapa, pretendemos comparar la propuesta de esta encíclica social con el proyecto político de las pequeñas comunidades de Alasdair MacIntyre. La intención es mostrar que lejos de una oposición entre ambas posturas -como de alguna forma lo señaló Jeffrey Nicholas- ellas pueden comprenderse como posturas complementarias, en la medida que realicemos una nueva significación del concepto mismo de globalización, entendida ahora como un proceso dialéctico típicamente postmoderno, siguiendo para ello los análisis de autores como Roland Robertson, Zygmunt Bauman o Ulrich Beck. In this paper we seek to analyze the eneyelieal Caritas in veritate based on the idea of globalization as a hermeneutical key to the whole document. We think that this notion -understood in its multiple social, ethical, political, cultural and spiritual dimensions- can contribute not only to a deeper understanding of this text, but also help unravel many of the criticisms directed against the letter, its excessive length and thematic complexity, as well as its silence regarding capitalism and liberalism. In a second stage, we set out to compare the proposal of this social enyelieal with Alasdair Maclntyre’s political project of local communities. Our purpose lies in demonstrating that far from an opposition between the two positions -as Jeffrey Nicholas has in a way pointed out- that they can be understood as complementary, to the extent that we make a new meaning of the very concept of globalization, now understood as a typically postmodern dialectical process based on to the analyses of authors such as Roland Robertson, Zygmunt Bauman or Ulrich Beck. (shrink)

The author addresses some central aspects of Antonio Labriola’s Marxist thought moving from Un marxismo «alquanto aristocratico». Studi su Antonio Labriola (2023) by Alberto Burgio and La rivoluzione come problema pedagogico (2022) by Massimo Gabella. The topics of materialistic dialectics and theoretical autonomy of Marxism are also critically reconsidered in the context of Labriola’s political theory.

Resumen: Desde el principio ha sido muy obvio que el capitalismo es un tipo de empresa engañosa. Por otro lado, el capitalismo ha estado vinculado a la acumulación masiva de riqueza. Como se indica, el capitalismo ha estado vinculado a la explotación, a una creciente desigualdad de la riqueza, a colapsos económicos y a conflictos internacionales. La economía política ha estudiado durante mucho tiempo cómo interactúan las dos caras del capitalismo. ¿Es posible arreglar los problemas del capitalismo preservando sus beneficios, (...) como afirman sus partidarios? Algunos anticapitalistas sostienen que limitar o eliminar el capitalismo es la única manera de acabar con él. La teoría tendrá el mayor impacto en el resultado de esta situación. Los economistas ven los mercados como un lugar en el que todos reciben un trato justo a la hora de valorar y recompensar las contribuciones económicas a la sociedad. El reino del mercado, en vez de culpar los defectos sociales e individuales de manera global, culpa la carencia del individuo manera particular. La clave para formular una predicción sólida de la caída del orden actual es la tesis marxiana de que las relaciones de producción constituyen la base de toda civilización. En otras palabras, las estructuras de clase sustentan las instituciones políticas, culturales e ideológicas. De ello se desprende que una sociedad postcapitalista sólo puede desarrollarse en la medida en que surjan nuevas relaciones de producción, o de clase (o más exactamente, relaciones “sin clases”). De forma similar a cómo surgieron nuevas relaciones económicas a lo largo del tiempo cuando Europa pasó de una sociedad feudal al capitalismo industrial, y cómo se construyeron nuevas sociedades sobre estos sistemas, en las próximas generaciones surgirán nuevas manifestaciones de crecimiento masivo de la producción para que la especie humana experimente menos épocas de crisis económica. A finales de 2007, la economía mundial se desplomó rápidamente, obligando a los bancos a declararse en quiebra y a necesitar rescates gubernamentales. La principal idea errónea de las economías de mercado, que se autorregulan de forma natural, quedó rebatida. La catástrofe brindó la oportunidad a los individuos de reevaluar cuestiones de larga data que habían quedado sin resolver porque desafió las nociones preconcebidas. La obra fundamental de Marx, “El Capital”, según las librerías de todo el mundo, tuvo un espectacular aumento de ventas tras la crisis. En algunos aspectos, el marxismo parece estar regresando. Debido a la tradición crítica que creó, que abarca las humanidades y las ciencias sociales, el marxismo no puede entenderse adecuadamente dentro del marco del siglo XIX. Marx fue capaz de influir en el agua que bebemos y en el aire que respiramos incluso en lugares donde fue rechazado. El marxismo es omnipresente, como han demostrado las dos primeras décadas del siglo XXI. Mientras sirvan de catalizadores para el bienestar y el desarrollo de la sociedad, las tendencias económicas contemporáneas como el espíritu empresarial y la libre empresa no son desalentadas por el marxismo moderno. (shrink)

Resumen: El texto propone un recorrido sucinto por los modos en que las lecturas marxistas de fines de los años setenta del siglo XX se apropiaron de la figura de Carl Schmitt, con el propósito de enriquecer con su concepción fuerte de lo político lo que era considerado una debilidad propia del marxismo: su teoría política. Se toman dos casos paradigmáticos en materia de articulación entre Schmitt y Marx: el del italiano Mario Tronti y el del argentino José María Aricó. (...) La lectura parte de la hipótesis de que los ejercicios de Tronti y Aricó se pueden leer como intentos de complementar a Marx con las contribuciones de Schmitt, razón por la cual permanecen al interior del marxismo como horizonte problemático. Finalmente, sugerimos que sobre todo a partir de los años ochenta, y con mayor énfasis de los noventa hacia el presente, las lecturas de Schmitt que continuaron formulándose desde el campo de las izquierdas se hicieron por fuera -y quizá en contra- del marxismo, en la medida en que se lo considera incapaz de producir una teoría compleja de lo político. Se abre entonces la pregunta por los alcances de estas distintas operaciones en materia de crítica del presente.: This paper proposes a brief tour of the ways in which Marxist readings of the late 1970s appropriated the figure of Carl Schmitt in order to enrich Marxist political theory with Schmitt’s strong conception of the political. The paper revisits two paradigmatic cases of complementarity between Schmitt and Marx: the Italian Mario Tronti and Argentine Jose Maria Aricó. The paper puts forward the hypothesis that the exercises of Tronti and Aricó are attempts to supplement Marx with contributions from Schmitt, which is why they remain problematic within Marxism. Finally, we suggest that from the 1980s onward, and with greater emphasis since the 1990s, readings of Schmitt made from the left are outside Marxism, to the extent that they are considered unable to produce a complex theory of the political. The paper ends by discussing the present-day scope of these various critiques. (shrink)

The present paper starts from the postulate that religion in general, and Christianity in particular, has had and continues to have a significant role in political debates and in the structuring of the public arena. Expounding – in the context of “God’s return” into the life of postsecular society – the vision of the famous theologian Joseph Ratzinger on democracy and its opponents, this paper also dwells on the manifestations of irrationality in secular religions. Finding its theoretical grounds in (...) myths and utopias, monism of power gives free rein to irrationality in history and ends up in ideology, totalitarianism and crime. Pluralistic democracy, so challenged by enemies from within as well as without can be defended and reinvigorated – and Europe alongside it –, Ratzinger states, by restoring Christianity and its values to their rightful place within the public sphere, by means of a fruitful collaboration between reason and faith in the cultural and political life, and by grounding the law in stable, universal ethical principles, which ought to take precedence over any other type of consensus, such as the natural moral law or the dictates of conscience. “The central concern of ecclesiastic policy”, according to pope Benedict XVI, is defending and promoting freedom, even to the point of martyrdom, by cultivating the dualism of power. (shrink)

Este artículo interroga críticamente la pretensión de Jacques Rancière de pensar la política sin referencia a espacios sociales ni a las relaciones de poder que tienen lugar en ellos. En este texto se pretende mostrar que estas descripciones y cartografías de los espacios sociales operan como presupuestos ocultos de la teoría rancieriana, a pesar de ser rechazadas por el mismo filósofo francés como elementos fundamentales de la reflexión sobre la política. El artículo se acerca en la primera parte a las (...) objeciones del pensador francés en contra de las teorías que derivan la naturaleza del conflicto político de la comprensión de los conflictos sociales, como el marxismo. En la segunda parte se muestra que el concepto rancieriano de la política, sin referirse a descripciones sociológicas de la sociedad como las del marxismo, caería en contradicciones internas a la hora de vincular la política con la emancipación, pues la figura de la actualización de la igualdad no basta para definir el carácter emancipatorio la irrupción política. (shrink)

The aim of this paper is to propose that the common horizon of the reflections of political philosophy in Latin America is the debate that has taken place to defend liberalism or go against it. The background of this is the reference to the social collective forms. In this context, Marxism has tried to respond from heterodox visions that recover the Latin American experience. We have focused this debate on three authors, Chauí, Fernández and Echeverría, who do not exhaust (...) the problem but keep open the paths that enhance the local experience. (shrink)

El objetivo de este trabajo es abordar la problemática del marxismo desde el pensamiento de Jean Paul Sartre y el de Maurice Merleau-Ponty a partir de su dimensión teórica y de su dimensión práctica. Con esta finalidad el presente estudio se encuentra estructurado en cuatro apartados. En el primero de ellos, se aborda la relación intrínseca entre filosofía e historia para ambos autores. El segundo apartado tiene como eje la discusión en torno al comunismo real y la forma en que (...) Sartre y Merleau-Ponty tomarán posición con respecto a las políticas de la URSS y del PCF. En el tercer apartado, se expone la forma en que, en la Crítica de la razón dialéctica, Sartre concibe al marxismo como la filosofía insuperable de su tiempo. El cuarto y último apartándose centra en la comprensión del marxismo como momento de la a-filosofía que lleva a cabo Merleau-Ponty en una de sus últimas notas de curso, lo que significa, entre otras cosas, una oposición explícita a la afirmación que Sartre realiza en la Crítica. (shrink)

Resumen: Este artículo busca interrogar el sentido de lo político en el pensamiento de Karl Marx a partir de la lectura de Carl Schmitt. Aunque, por un lado, el jurista alemán considera que el marxismo subsume los problemas políticos bajo cuestiones económicas, por otro lado, destaca que Marx pensó lo político a partir de la agudización del antagonismo y de la dictadura del proletariado. Sin embargo, para Schmitt, estos dos elementos de lo político en Marx están construidos sobre la (...) base de la lógica hegeliana de la historia. En este texto se discute esta herencia hegeliana en el pensamiento político marxiano y se sugiere una alternativa para pensar la política a partir del “materialismo práctico”, en el cual se acentúa la acción contingente que emerge en medio de la coexistencia humana.: This article aims to examining the meaning of the political in Karl Marx’s thought from the perspective of Carl Schmitt’s interpretation. While on one hand the German jurist considers that Marxism subsumes political problems under economical issues, on the other hand he stresses that Marx thought politics through the deepening of the antagonism and dictatorship of the proletariat. However, for Schmitt, these two elements of the political in Marx are built based on the Hegelian logic of history. In this paper, I discuss this Hegelian legacy in Marx’s political thought and suggest an alternative to think politics appealing to “practical materialism”, in which contingent action that stems from human coexistence is accentuated. (shrink)

In 2013, Benedict XVI became only the second pope in the history of the Catholic Church to resign from office. In this brief but illuminating study, Giorgio Agamben argues that Benedict's gesture, far from being solely a matter of internal ecclesiastical politics, is exemplary in an age when the question of legitimacy has been virtually left aside in favor of a narrow focus on legality. This reflection on the recent history of the Church opens out into an analysis (...) of one of the earliest documents of Christianity: the Second Epistle to the Thessalonians, which stages a dramatic confrontation between the "man of lawlessness" and the enigmatic katechon, the power that holds back the end of days. In Agamben's hands, this infamously obscure passage reveals the theological dynamics of history that continue to inform Western culture to this day. (shrink)

Covering the entire trajectory of his religious life, this book identifies and analyzes the foundations of political and social order in the philosophy of Pope Benedict XVI. Thomas R. Rourke explains Benedict's belief in the value of the Christian tradition's contribution to a contemporary politics of reason.

Antonio Labriola in the crisis of Marxism. The article deals with the relationship between Marxism and science in Antonio Labriola’s philosophy in the years1898-­1899. In the first part, the Author looks at the content of the Postscript to Discorrendo di socialismo e di filosofia and critically analyzes Labriola’s objections to some of the central theses defended by Benedetto Croce on the theory of value and the economics of Karl Marx. In the second part, two important writings by Labriola linked (...) to the incipient debate on revisionism are examined: Polemiche sul socialismo and Sulla crisi del marxismo. In conclusion, the Author identifies in a specific conception of theory defended by Labriola the common trait between these two apparently distinct areas of inquiry. (shrink)

Neste artigo, pretendo analisar alguns pontos centrais que culminam no amadurecimento da reflexão de Arendt em relação ao pensamento de Marx e ao marxismo. Para tanto, será analisado a leitura de Arendt a partir dos excertos presentes em Karl Marx and the Tradition of Western Political Thought, escrito no início da década de 1950, texto que é uma espécie de complementação do The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951) e fazia parte de um projeto pensado por Arendt de escrever um (...) livro sobre os “elementos totalitários do marxismo”. Visto que esse escrito nunca foi finalizado e o esse projeto foi abandonado, considero que a análise desse texto além de esclarecer muitos pontos importantes da crítica de Arendt a Marx e ao marxismo, pode nos servir também de ponte para o seu Magnum Opus The Human Condition (1958). A minha hipótese é de que, na visão de Arendt, a ruptura presente no pensamento de Marx em relação a tradição da filosofia política acontece com base em um tipo de linguagem que é resultado da própria tradição. Portanto, os resultados práticos do pensamento marxiano e dos marxismos seriam consequência da tradição do pensamento político ocidental quando convertido numa práxis radical. (shrink)

The paper addresses the particular modality of the end, which is manifested in a pervasive sense of constant, immediate, and real threat from the total destruction of the planet, global conflicts, and the extinction of the human species (viruses and pandemics, natural disasters, the nuclear threat, and the threat of artificial intelligence). The theme of the end is introduced by presenting the most important and current eschatological theories of radical political-philosophical thought, especially those of the left-wing, post-Marxist province. These (...) include the work of W. Benjamin, J. Taubes, G. Agamben, S. Žižek and A. Badiou, who derive their political theology from St. Paul. The aim of this paper is to demonstrate how the most radical political thinkers, in a context where the emancipatory potential of concepts that could provide a framework for political continuity in times of crisis has been exhausted, turn to an ephemeral, otherworldly realm where political hope is constructed on theological concepts. In the concluding section, the paper puts forth the argument that the avoidance of the end is contingent upon the postulation of the political emancipatory potential in theological terms. This entails the imbuing of the aforementioned potential with theological concepts such as renunciation, self-control, and self-sacrifice. (shrink)

Este artículo examina, de manera breve y panorámica, algunas contribuciones desarrolladas por el grupo de pensadores bolivianos y mexicanos Comuna dentro de la concepción de revolución del marxismo inicial de los pensadores Karl Marx y Federico Engels. Entre las contribuciones que se destacan se cuenta la producción de un marxismo situado que permite ver algunas complejidades no tomadas en cuenta por lo que Perry Anderson (2005) ha llamado “marxismo occidental”. Estos autores se sitúan desde el comunismo como identidad política (...) de una memoria espectral y desde allí desplazan la noción de una clase preexistente que contenga en sí las condiciones de emancipación universal. Estos autores señalan que el sujeto de la transformación social se construye en las condiciones de la lucha social y la lucha política frente a sus adversarios de clases en la disputa por el sentido común desde el Estado y más allá de este y el capital. Con ello estos autores generan una ruptura respecto del enlace entre sujeto universal y revolución desarrollado por Marx en el siglo XIX. (shrink)

Throughout Pope Emeritus Benedict XVI's pontificate he spoke to a range of political, civil, academic, and other cultural authorities. These speeches reveal a striking sensitivity to the fundamental problems of law, justice, and democracy. He often presented a call for Christians to address issues of public ethics such as life, death, and family from what they have in common with other fellow citizens: reason. This book discusses the speeches in which the Pope Emeritus reflected most explicitly on this (...) issue, along with commentary from distinguished legal scholars. It responds to Benedict's invitation to engage in public discussion on the limits of positivist reason in the domain of law from his address to the Bundestag. Although the topics of each address vary, they are joined by a series of core ideas whereby Benedict sketches, unpacks, and develops an organic and coherent way to formulate a 'public teaching' on justice and law. (shrink)

Este trabajo pretende dejar de manifiesto la existencia de una figura o estructura teórica dentro de la obra del marxista latinoamericano Bolívar Echeverría, que muestre su organicidad interna y lógica argumental. A través de cuatro momentos, se recorre la totalidad de su producción teórica, siguiendo dos elementos estructurales; por un lado, el modo especifico en que el autor leyó la "crítica de la economía política" de Karl Marx, y, por el otro, su intento por desarrollar una crítica a la (...) modernidad capitalista desde la cultura política, a partir de los fundamentos de su lectura de Marx. This work tries to show the existence of a figure or theoretical structure within the work of the Latin American Marxist Bolívar Echeverría, which shows its internal organicity and logical argument. Through four moments, the entirety of its theoretical production is covered, following two structural elements; on the one hand, the specific way in which this author read Karl Marx's critique of political economy, and, on the other, his attempt to develop from it, a critique from political culture to capitalist modernity. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:On (Im)Patient MessianismMarx, Levinas, and DerridaChung-Hsiung Lai (bio)In the past few decades a group of well-known thinkers and rising-star scholars within the field of continental philosophy have come together to rethink what “the messianic” might mean. From Levinas’s reading of the Talmud and Franz Rosenzweig, and Derrida’s work on Marx and Levinas, to Agamben’s reading of Benjamin and Saint Paul, and Žižek’s work on Saint Paul and Derrida, among (...) others, it is now possible to detect what Arthur Bradley and Paul Fletcher call “a messianic turn” in continental thought. To contribute to this ongoing “messianism” dialogue, this chapter aims to examine what could be termed “(im) patient messianism,” as illustrated in the writings of Marx, Levinas, and Derrida. Although these three philosophers are of Jewish decent (and all of them inherited the concept of Jewish messianism), they develop different, and yet intersecting, messianisms in their philosophies. While Marx’s political philosophy demands an impatient messianism entailing an impending apocalypse intended to achieve social justice, Levinas’s ethical messianism requires absolute patience to pursue justice for the Other in infinity. Resorting to both Levinasian ethics and Marxist politics, Derrida’s spectral (im)patient messianism attempts to [End Page 59] demonstrate the possibility of moving from the ethical to the political without returning to the mire of either ontology or theology. Nevertheless, all three thinkers have problems associated with their messianic beliefs. Simplifying to the extreme, I define (im)patient messianism as the dynamic of a three-dimensional humanism that will be explained in the conclusion after the analysis of (im)patient messianism in the works of the three messianic thinkers.Jewish Messianism and the Messianic Now“What is the messianic? Where does it come from? And why speak of the messianic now? It is, on the face of it, difficult to imagine anything less contemporary — more untimely — than talk of Messiahs, redeemers, chosen people, last judgement.... Yet, paradoxically, it might be precisely this radical sense of untimeliness — of ever becoming ‘timely’ or happening ‘now’ — that represents the messianic’s greatest value of our time, to ‘now-time.’... In other words, the messianic now might actually be something that enables us to think, write and perhaps even judge our ‘now’ otherwise.”1The word Messiah is derived from the Hebrew mashah (“the anointed”) and refers to an eschatological redeemer, a savior, of a group of people. In Difficult Freedom, Levinas points out “messianism in the strong sense of the term has been compromised in the Jewish consciousness since Emancipation, ever since Jews participated in world history” (DF 96). In “Toward an Understanding of the Messianic Idea in Judaism,” Gershom Scholem also claims that “Judaism, in all its forms and manifestations, has always maintained a concept of redemption as an event which takes place publicly, on the stage of history and within the community.”2 Messianism appears “as a living force in the world of Judaism.”3 In truth, the idea of messianism originated in Judaism and is also used in the other Abrahamic religions, namely Christianity and Islam. According to Jewish eschatology, the Messiah is a king or High Priest, traditionally anointed with holy oil to be the ruler of God’s Kingdom. After a series of wars and disasters, [End Page 60] God will send the Messiah to redeem the Jewish people and the world, taking the Jews back to Israel and rebuilding Jerusalem. Specifically, this future Jewish Messiah is thought to be a human leader,4 physically descended from the paternal Davidic line through King David5 and King Solomon,6 who will usher in the Messianic Age of peace for Israel and all the nations of the world. At this time, enemies will become friends, the wicked will abandon evil and do good, so the wolf shall dwell with the lamb, and the child shall play with the beasts.7Since the Jews have suffered thousands of years of persecution and diaspora, the arrival of the Messiah has become an important concept in their eschatology and living tradition. The messianic is actually a matter of promise, advent, waiting, hope, and redemption. Hence, it... (shrink)

Karl Heinrich Marx (1818-1883) was a German philosopher and revolutionary socialist, who developed the socio-political theory of Marxism. Friedrich Engels (1820-1895) was a German industrialist, social scientist, political theorist and father of communist theory, alongside Karl Marx. Compiled by Institute of Marxism-Leninism, this Soviet-era, English language edition includes "the most important works of Marx and Engels.".

El presente artículo tiene por objetivo analizar la lectura y los usos que realiza Álvaro García Linera de la sociología de Pierre Bourdieu. El marco teórico para realizar dicho estudio lo constituye la categoría gramsciana de traducción, referida al ejercicio de trazar equivalencias entre diferentes lenguajes científicos, filosóficos, políticos e históricos. La hipótesis que se sostiene es que García Linera traduce los principales conceptos de la sociología de Bourdieu a partir de un doble movimiento. Primero, a través de su puesta (...) en diálogo y fusión con la teoría crítica de Marx y la tradición del marxismo crítico. Segundo, a través del uso de dichos conceptos —una vez pasados por el tamiz del marxismo— para analizar las estructuras simbólicas de la clase obrera boliviana y la etnicidad como principio de distinción y de exclusión política del campesinado-indígena. The present article aims to analyze the reading and uses that Álvaro García Linera makes of Pierre Bourdieu's sociology. The theoretical framework of this study is the Gramscian category of translation, which refers to the exercise of drawing equivalences between different scientific, philosophical, political, and historical languages. The hypothesis that is maintained is that García Linera translates the main concepts of sociology of Bourdieu from a double movement. First, through its dialogue and fusion of these concepts with the theory of Marx and the tradition of critical Marxism. Second, using these concepts —once they have been screened by Marxism— to analyze the symbolic structures of the Bolivian working class and ethnicity as a principle of distinction and political exclusion of the indigenous peasantry. (shrink)

A partir do célebre e provocativo curso de Jacob Taubes sobre a teologia política de Paulo, Giorgio Agamben assume a tarefa de desdobrar as principais intuições do filósofo alemão, além de trazer muitos elementos originais e extremamente significativos para debate em torno da teologia paulina na filosofia contemporânea. Nosso artigo pretende, ao acompanhar a cuidadosa leitura do filósofo italiano realizada no livro Il tempo che resta: un commento alla Lettera ai Romani, destacar a dinâmica e a importância do messianismo do (...) qual as cartas do apóstolo estão carregadas e identificar o seu lugar e papel no projeto filosófico do autor. Palavras-Chave: Paulo de Tarso; Jacob Taubes; Giorgio Agamben; Tempo Messiânico; Lei. The place of Pauline theology in the thought of Giorgio Agamben Abstract: From the famous and provocative course by Jacob Taubes on the political theology of Paul, Giorgio Agamben takes on the task of unfolding the main insights of the German philosopher, in addition to bringing many original and extremely significant elements to the debate around Pauline theology in contemporary philosophy. Our article intends, by following the careful reading of the Italian philosopher carried out in the book Il tempo che resta: un commento alla Lettera ai Romani, to highlight the dynamics and importance of the messianism of which the apostle's letters are loaded and to identify its place and role in the author's philosophical project. Keywords: Paul of Tarsus; Jacob Taubes; Giorgio Agamben; Messianic Time; Law. El lugar de la teología paulina en el pensamiento de Giorgio Agamben Resumen: A partir del famoso y provocador curso de Jacob Taubes sobre la teología política de Pablo, Giorgio Agamben asume la tarea de desplegar las principales intuiciones del filósofo alemán, además de aportar muchos elementos originales y sumamente significativos al debate en torno a la teología paulina en la filosofía contemporánea. Nuestro artículo pretende, siguiendo la atenta lectura del filósofo italiano realizada en el libro Il tempo che resta: un commento alla Lettera ai Romani, destacar la dinámica y la importancia del mesianismo del que están cargadas las cartas del apóstol e identificar sus lugar y papel en el proyecto filosófico del autor. Palabras-clave: Pablo de Tarso; Jacob Taubes; Giorgio Agamben; Tiempo Mesiánico; Ley. Data de registro: 24/02/2022 Data de aceite: 15/06/2022. (shrink)

Resumo: As apropriações de conceitos da teoria marxista por parte de teólogos da libertação podem ser consideradas incoerentes, seja pela histórica relação de condenação mútua entre marxistas e clérigos, seja pela distinção entre religião e economia-política, típica da modernidade. Diante disso, o conceito de afinidade eletiva de Weber, na interpretação do sociólogo franco-brasileiro Michael Löwy, possibilita renovar os estudos dos fenômenos sociais nos quais o marxismo e a teologia cristã parecem fundir-se em uma crítica social radical, como teologia da libertação. (...) Esse instrumental analítico permite identificar o sentido no qual algumas categorias marxistas são apropriadas, em forte confluência nos marcos do cristianismo de libertação. Para isso, em uma análise bibliográfica referenciada na obra de Löwy, apresenta-se o desenvolvimento do conceito de afinidade eletiva na tradição webero-marxista, identificando elementos dessa convergência na teologia do cristianismo de libertação. Por fim, buscam-se exemplos desses elementos em textos de diferentes expressões da teologia da libertação. Trata-se de um exercício teórico que almeja colaborar para a consolidação de uma abordagem específica do tema.: The appropriation of concepts of Marxist theory by liberation theologians can be considered incoherent, whether in terms of the historical relationship of mutual condemnation between Marxists and clerics, or in terms of the distinction between religion and political economy that is typical of modernity. However, Weber’s concept of elective affinity, in the interpretation of the Franco-Brazilian sociologist Michael Löwy, makes it possible to renew the studies of social phenomena in which Marxism and Christian theology seem to merge into a radical social critique, as in the case of liberation theology. This analytical approach enables us to identify the sense in which some Marxist categories are appropriated within the framework of liberation Christianity. In a bibliographical analysis that makes reference to Löwy’s work, we present the development of the concept of elective affinity in the Weberian-Marxist tradition and identify elements of its convergence with the theology of liberation Christianity. Finally, we look for examples of these elements in texts from different expressions of liberation theology. (shrink)

Starting from Miguel Abensour’s contribution, the article addresses an interpretation of the concept of utopia aiming to stress its political nature and to place it within the movement of emancipation emerged throughout the nineteenth century. The first part of the article points out four fundamental dimensions of the Abensourian concept of utopia, whilst the second part aims to locate it within the broader context of the French Marxism debates and, in this way, to link it with Jacques Rancière’s thought (...) of utopia. The conclusion provides a critical interpretation of the considered idea of utopia and maps out the political-intellectual environment emerged around that idea in France at the end of the 1990s. (shrink)

Volume I is one of the most influential documents of modern times, looking at the relationship between labor and value, the role of money, and the conflict between the classes. The "forgotten" second volume of Capital, Marx's world-shaking analysis of economics, politics, and history, contains the vital discussion of commodity, the cornerstone to Marx's theories. The third volume was unfinished at the time of Marx's death in 1883 and first published with a preface by Frederick Engels in 1894, strove to (...) combine the theories and concepts of the two previous volumes in order to prove conclusively that capitalism is inherently unworkable as a permanent system for society. Here, Marx asserts controversially that - regardless of the efforts of individual capitalists, public authorities or even generous philanthropists - any market economy is inevitably doomed to endure a series of worsening, explosive crises leading finally to complete collapse. But he also offers an inspirational and compelling prediction: that the end of capitalism will culminate, ultimately, in the birth of a far greater form of society. (shrink)

Originally published on the eve of the 1848 European revolutions, The Communist Manifesto is a condensed and incisive account of the worldview Marx and Engels developed during their hectic intellectual and political collaboration. Formulating the principles of dialectical materialism, they believed that labor creates wealth, hence capitalism is exploitive and antithetical to freedom. -/- This new edition includes an extensive introduction by Gareth Stedman Jones, Britain's leading expert on Marx and Marxism, providing a complete course for students of The (...) Communist Manifesto, and demonstrating not only the historical importance of the text, but also its place in the world today. (shrink)

Bertrand Russell described this study, with its companion volume on Hegel and Marx, as 'a work of first-class importance which ought to be widely read for its masterly criticism of the enemies of democracy, ancient and modern. His (Popper's) attack on Plato, while unorthodox, is in my opinion thoroughly justified. His analysis of Hegel is deadly. Marx is dissected with equal acumen, and given his due share of responsibility for modern misfortunes. The book is a vigorous and profound defence of (...) democracy, timely, very interesting, and very well written'. 'A powerful and important book. It is a criticism of a set of dogmas which underlie the most influential political theories, and in consequence powerfully affect the actual conduct of human affairs. Dr Popper writes with extreme clarity and vigour. His studies in Greek history and Greek thought have obviously been profound and original. Platonic exegesis will never be the same again. Nor, I think, will Marxist exegesis. Readers should not miss studying the notes collected at the end of the two volumes.' - Gilbert Ryle, Mind. (shrink)

_Marx After Marxism _encourages readers to understand Karl Marx in new ways, unencumbered by political Marxist interpretations that have long dominated the discussions of both Marxists and non-Marxists. This volume gives a broad and accessible account of Marx's philosophy and emphasizes his relationship to Hegel.

The text presented contains an interview conducted with Domenico Losurdo about "La lotta di classe. Una storia politica e filosofica" (Laterza: Rome 2016) [Class Struggle: A Political and Philosophical History (Palgrave: New York 2018)] and "La sinistra assente. Crisi, società dello spettacolo, guerra" (Carocci: Rome 2014).

Resenha da obra: HORKHEIMER, Max. Crepúsculo: Notas alemãs (1926-1931). Tradução e apresentação de L. P. de Caux. São Paulo: Editora UNESP, 2022 [1926-1931]. Financiamento: FAPESP 2020/01051-1 Resumo: Esta resenha ressalta a importância da tradução da coletânea de aforismos Crepúsculo [Dämmerung], escritos entre 1926 e 1931, para promover a discussão sobre o pensamento de Max Horkheimer no Brasil. Neste conjunto de breves notas, reflexões sobre o cotidiano se unem a juízos sobre o pensamento filosófico e a política de seu tempo. Tendo (...) publicado as notas apenas em 1934 e sob um pseudônimo, Horkheimer exibe ali uma rara abertura sobre a sua concepção do marxismo, bem como espelha as contradições de seu tempo. Em face à infinidade de caminhos de leitura abertos devido ao caráter não sistemático destes aforismos, esta resenha aborda, de modo não exaustivo, alguns pontos de continuidade em relação aos seus ensaios publicados nos anos 1930, agrupando e aproximando a discussão sobre temas como a moral, a compaixão, a metafísica, a religião, entre outros. Palavras-chave: Max Horkheimer; Teoria Crítica; Materialismo; Marxismo; Autoritarismo Dawn: themes from a young Max Horkheimer Abstract: This review emphasizes the importance of the translation of the collection of aphorisms Crepúsculo [Dämmerung], written between 1926 and 1931, in promoting discussion about Max Horkheimer's thought in Brazil. In this collection of brief notes, reflections on everyday life are combined with judgements on the philosophical thought and politics. Publishing the notes only in 1934 and under a pseudonym, Horkheimer displays a rare openness about his conception of Marxism and mirrors the contradictions of his time. Given the abundance of possible paths opened by the non-systematic nature of these aphorisms, this review addresses, in a non-exhaustive way, points of continuity in relation to his essays published in the 1930s, grouping and bringing together the discussion on themes such as morality, compassion, metaphysics, religion, among others. Keywords: Max Horkheimer; Critical Theory; Materialism; Marxism; Authoritarianism Crepúsculo: temas de un joven Max Horkheimer Resumen: Esta reseña destaca la importancia de la traducción de la colección de aforismos Crepúsculo [Dämmerung], escrita entre 1926 y 1931, para promover el debate sobre el pensamiento de Max Horkheimer en Brasil. En esta colección de breves notas, las reflexiones sobre la vida cotidiana se combinan con juicios sobre el pensamiento filosófico y la política de su época. Habiendo publicado las notas sólo en 1934 y bajo seudónimo, Horkheimer muestra una rara transparencia sobre su concepción del marxismo, además de reflejar las contradicciones de su época. Ante la infinidad de caminos de lectura abiertos por el carácter no sistemático de estos aforismos, esta reseña aborda, de manera no exhaustiva, algunos puntos de continuidad en relación con sus ensayos publicados en la década de 1930, agrupando y reuniendo la discusión sobre temas como la moral, la compasión, la metafísica, la religión, entre otros. Palabras clave: Max Horkheimer; Teoría Crítica; Materialismo; Marxismo; Autoritarismo Data de registro: 16/04/2024 Data de aceite: 25/09/2024. (shrink)

Fraser is one of the most important American philosophers and one of the leading figures of contemporary critical theory. From the 1980s to the present, Fraser has published on political philosophy and social theory, reflected upon feminism, justice, and capitalism, and has participated in public debates on current issues. The interview aims at retracing the main themes of her thought, underlining the persisting link which joins her understanding of political philosophy with social critique and public engagement. The interview (...) also emphasizes the developments of her thought, starting from her formation in the American New Left, the encounter with feminism and the neo-Marxist cultural critique of capitalism, and the discussion of Habermas’s thought. Also discussed is Fraser’s complex feministic theory and her post-Westphalian and three-dimensional model of global justice. Another crucial topic is the recent elaboration of an enlarged view of capitalism, based on a combination of Karl Marx and Karl Polanyi, aimed at highlighting its structural crisis tendencies: not only economic, but also ecological, political, and social. The recent debate on the crisis of liberal democracy, the emergence of populism, the Covid-19 pandemic, as well as the Ukrainian war, become an opportunity to test how a renewed critical theory of society can develop a social diagnosis of the time, without abandoning the task of a reconstruction of the emancipatory potential present in the existing social reality. Finally, Fraser recalls her link with the Italian philosophical tradition, stressing in particular her debt to Antonio Gramsci. (shrink)

Resumo: O direito, afirma Agamben, não tem nada a ver com a justiça, nem com a verdade. O que interessa ao direito são o procedimento e a conclusão jurídica que não necessariamente inclui as questões sobre justiça e sobre verdade. O direito, como nos lembra Foucault, fica ligado a um específico poder soberano tradicional e não chega até às novas estruturas do poder articuladas no contexto da discussão sobre a biopolítica. A dúvida que Agamben tem sobre Foucault parece simples. Por (...) que Foucault, mesmo falando sobre a biopolítica, não chega até às conseqüências dramáticas da Modernidade, até a experiência dos campos de concentração, por exemplo? O artigo inclui os argumentos críticos de Jacques Derrida sobre a possibilidade de conexão entre direito e justiça.Palavras-chave: Biopolitica - direito - filosofia.: The law, Agamben says, has nothing to do with justice, nor with the truth. What matters is the right procedure and the legal conclusion that does not necessarily include the issues of justice and truth. The law, we can remember Foucault, is connected to a specific traditional sovereign power and does not reach the new structures of power articulated in the context of the discussion on bio-politics. The question that Agamben has on Foucault seems simple. Why Foucault, even talking about bio-politics, does not reach the dramatic consequences of modernity such as the experience of concentration camps? The article also includes the critical arguments of Jacques Derrida on the possibility of connecting the law and justice. (shrink)

ABSTRACT Using Alain Rabatel’s reflections on points of view and enunciative responsibility, especially those founded in his work Homo narrans (2016; 2021), we sought to describe and interpret the operation of internal - enunciative - and interdiscursive - external - in the introduction to the encyclical letter Deus Caritas Est (2005), signed by the Emeritus Pope Benedict XVI, through the description and analysis of enunciative postures. Our main conclusion is that the primary speaker (S1), operates the dialogism of the (...) text, first, from under-utterance and, later, through co-utterance and even over-utterance. S1 assumes part of the enunciative responsibility and associates itself with the New Testament point of view while suggesting an update of the Old Testament. In our terms, the Old one that rules is overthrown in favor of the New one that loves - that is, Christian-Catholic love. This investigation is affiliated with a broad and ongoing research agenda of analysis of modern pontifical discourse. (shrink)

El ensayo consta de tres partes: primera, un breve estudio histórico del surgimiento de las políticas radicales, con especial atención al papel político desempeñado en Europa a lo largo del siglo XVI por las revoluciones sociales inspiradas en el cristianismo reformado. Segunda, una lectura crítica de la secularización como paradigma de modernización que transformó a los dioses movilizadores del radicalismo político. Incluye un comentario del debate entre Karl Löwith y Hans Blumenberg en torno al surgimiento de una concepción moderna (...) de la temporalidad histórica y a la relación entre progreso y escatología. Y una tercera, un apunte filosófico sobre el desplazamiento semántico del término «extremismo» como síntoma del olvido posmoderno de lo político. Finalmente, el análisis histórico de las relaciones entre extremismos y desencantamiento se centra en la importancia que adquiere la ficción como figura del poder político. (shrink)

This paper situates the subprime crisis in the context of the performance of the American economy over the last twenty-five years. The restructuring of the US economy is briefly reviewed, followed by an examination of some of the contradictions of the neoliberal model. Particular emphasis is placed on understanding the reasons behind stagnant investment, and how the US finance-led accumulation-régime has become dependent upon, and threatened by, credit-creation delinked from the financing of fixed-capital formation. I argue that while the defeat (...) of the remnants of the New-Deal/Civil-Rights liberal-democratic coalition has provided the political context for the bold re-assertion of the prerogatives of capitalist owners, the neoliberal model has not provided a path out of problems of stagnation and growing debt-dependency that presently plague the US economy. Further, I argue that evidence suggests that the post-1982 restoration of profitability that underpinned the relative improvement of US economic performance has peaked, and that compelling historical and theoretical reasons exist to expect that the profit-rate will decline in the coming decade. This will introduce additional stresses on the current debt-structure of the US economy, triggering a period of prolonged crisis and economic dislocation. The conclusion is that the US economy faces the spectre of a protracted crisis associated with the reassertion of the falling rate of profit. (shrink)

The centrally-planned Soviet command economy was one of the twentieth century’s most radical and complex economic, political and social experiments. Its establishment did not coincide with the onset of Soviet power across the former Russian Empire in 1917-1918, but instead resulted from fifteen years of shifts, readjustments and breaks, and through experiments with both quasi-socialist market economics and centralised administrative command practices. The present article surveys the conflictual relationship between Soviet planning and Marxism in this period. It demonstrates how (...) the Stalinist command economy contradicted much of the theory and practice that the Bolsheviks themselves had thought ought to characterise the new economic system. (shrink)

ABSTRACT This article offers a major reinterpretation of the nature of interwar Marxist theory. It does so by offering a new reading of the work of Karl Korsch in the context of a network of ex-communist intellectuals. In Marxism and Philosophy, Korsch responded to the split in the labour movement with a radical new claim to Marxist orthodoxy. Rather than engaging in Marx exegesis, he aimed to turn the Marxist ‘method’ on Marxism's own history. In the narrative he constructed, (...) Bolshevik-inspired Communism appeared as the next logical step in the dialectic. But this argument rested on a historicisation of Marx's own writing that led to an unresolvable tension in Korsch's work that threatened to undermine its claim to Marxist orthodoxy. Once it is understood that Marxism was a political currency as much as a purely theoretical space of argument, Korsch's reluctance to resolve the tension one way or the other becomes understandable. This reinterpretation of Korsch's work challenges the ‘Western Marxism’ paradigm in which he has been read, showing that Korsch’s work presupposed a reading of revolutionary success and potential rather than defeat and that he did not advocate a turn to superstructural or cultural questions in the manner supposed. (shrink)

An expose of the deficiencies and fallacies of the conception of history propounded by Karl Marx and his disciples. The author, who is a Viennese in exile, has taken the trouble to go through the fifteen propositions in the introduction to Marx's Criticism of Political Philosophy written in London in 1859 and other Marxist writings, and tried to sift out any grains of truth there may be in them.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Without Buddha I Could not Be a ChristianPeter A. HuffWithout Buddha I Could not Be a Christian. By Paul F. Knitter. Oxford: Oneworld, 2009. xvii + 240 pp.Paul Knitter’s contributions to interfaith dialogue and Christian theologies of religions are well known and widely appreciated. Even critics of Christian theories of pluralism, most prominently Pope Benedict XVI, have acknowledged the significance of Knitter’s strategic integration of perspectives from (...) liberation theology into what is sometimes an overly abstract field of inquiry. Colleagues active in Buddhist-Christian studies hold Knitter in especially high esteem as a writer, teacher, translator, [End Page 211] editor, self-described interreligious theologian, and unapologetic person of faith. This book, his first major publication since accepting the Paul Tillich chair at Union Theological Seminary, offers a uniquely first-person reflection on the spiritual fruits of a career profoundly and provocatively shaped by two religious traditions.Written for a popular audience, the book, the author says, has been in the works “for the past forty years” (p. xv). The reader gains valuable insight into the professional and private life of a remarkable “dialogical theologian” (p. xv), whose experience includes a rather conventional upbringing in working-class Midwestern Catholicism, some twenty years of service as a seminarian and missionary priest with the Society of the Divine Word, graduate education in Europe with the likes of Bernard Lonergan (1904–1984) and Karl Rahner (1904–1984) during the revolutionary years of the Second Vatican Council (1962–1965), and nearly four decades of pioneering work as a productive scholar-activist in mainstream academic theology. At times Knitter even quotes from his unpublished journals in an effort to document fully his unscripted intellectual and spiritual development.Though highly personal, the book is not primarily an autobiography or conversion narrative. Instead, it is an introspective analysis of the internal dialogue that virtually all participants in interreligious affairs recognize as the heart of the global ecumenical encounter. Knitter’s book serves as something of an apologia for what is known today as dual religious belonging or hyphenated religious identity. The author concludes his text with this intriguing but not surprising spiritual self-portrait: both lifelong baptized Christian and “card-carrying Buddhist” (p. 216). The challenge of accounting for this “both /and” orientation grants the book its distinctive character and its reason for being.Knitter borrows his method from the twentieth-century minor classic The Way of All the Earth: Experiments in Truth and Religion (1978). In that work, Notre Dame theology professor and Holy Cross priest James Dunne suggested that the path to holiness in the contemporary West leads inevitably through intimate engagement with the ancient wisdom traditions of the East. Even a casual review of the spiritual history of the last century or so will confirm how earnest seekers in modernity’s secular city have renewed, rediscovered, or critically redefined their native faith commitment through life-changing contact with the ideas and values of Asian religious traditions. It is a story familiar to anyone acquainted with the extraordinary religious pilgrimages of interfaith saints such as Martin Luther King, Jr. (1929–1968), Thomas Merton (1915–1968), and Bede Griffiths (1906–1993).Dunne dubbed this experience the “spiritual adventure of our time” (p. 2); Knitter passionately agrees. He applies Dunne’s dialectical method and his special terminology to his own spiritual odyssey, “passing over” from Christian questions and problems to possible answers and solutions in the Buddhist tradition and then “passing back” to Christian belief and practice with enhanced purpose and a fresh sense of integrity.The starting point for Knitter’s project is cognitive, moral, even emotional dissatisfaction with some of the fundamental structures of the historic Christian worldview: God as transcendent creator and lord of history, Jesus Christ as incarnate Logos and [End Page 212] universal savior, and salvation as the survival of human personality after death and the eschatological redemption of all finite reality. In essence, Knitter claims, traditional theism and the core myth of Christianity as expressed in scripture, creed, and liturgy appear painfully ineffective and to a large extent incoherent in the context of modern life and the international interface of world religions. What especially drives the... (shrink)

Karl Marx, the revolutionist philosopher, interpreted history as a world view which is the dimension of social development. His dialectic effort and materialistic conception are intended to preserve the rights of social being particularly of the working people who are repeatedly being oppressed. Class struggle is the ultimate solution of distinctions among classes through which there will be no class and the existing working class will revolt against capitalist economy and, as a result, they will control means of production (...) which will create the situation of the dictatorship of the working people. These class distinctions will be removed through the establishment of scientific communism referred by Marx. This article shows how Marx’s life and thought changed the course of history and how he influenced society to make a better place for living. I intend to show the reasons behind the worldwide acceptance of Marxism theoretically. My aim is to show how his theories and ideas are significant in socio-political aspects of philosophy. Philosophy and Progress, Vol#73-74; No#1-2; Jan-Dec 2023 P 259-279. (shrink)

The title of the paper productively suggests a double-meaning of truth vis-à-vis dialogue. The claim is both that the concept of truth is essential for a comprehensive conception of dialogue, and that dialogue points toward a concept of truth beyond dogmatic infallibity or doxastic relativism. At stake is to show how truth entails an essentially dialogical moment, and dialogue, if conceived philosophically, must entail the concept of truth.In theological as well as philosophical dogmatism, a final truth is assumed. Interesting are (...) positions such as Cardinal Ratzinger/Pope Benedict XVI’s or Karl-Otto Apel’s “transcendental pragmatics” since they attempt to engage in dialogue yet assume an “infallible” or “ultimately grounded” foundation for their own assumptions. Radically opposed to this infallibilism is the postmodern relativistic view according to which the “groundless grounds” of human understanding make all claims to truth meaningless. Since understanding and dialogue are situated in contingent cultural contexts, as Richard Rorty argues, no ascent to truth is ever possible. The result of our analysis suggests that both positions lead to an insulation of experience from true dialogicalchallenge. Dogmatic positions miss the dialogical core of truth, as they believe that insulated truth-content remains “true” regardless of engaged and challenged reassertions. Doxastic conceptions miss the truth-relation of dialogue, as they fail to capture the seriousness and intentionality of intersubjective and intercultural dialogue.From these critical points emerges a productive concept of dialogue that entails truth as an open-ended and dynamic, and thereby indispensable, concept. Moreover, our analysis lays out that the basic dialogical notions involve truth, openness, and reciprocity in an interconnected way. Dialogue is unavoidable for truth, as much as truth is intrinsic to dialogue. But the new synthesis of truth and dialogue allows for a pluralistic understanding of truth that still, we hope, remains truthful to its content. As such, it alone can ground a non-relativistic notion of multiculturalism. (shrink)