Studies in astronomy and stellar astrophysics have played a significant role in the ongoing research of the Specola Vaticana throughout its history. Within the last 150 years, this has been evidenced by the work of Angelo Secchi in the 19th century, by the Specola’s participation in the 19th–20th century Carte du Ciel project, and by the Observatory’s sponsorship of the prominent Vatican Conference on Stellar Populations in 1957. The latter was a milestone in the understanding of stellar (...) populations. Since then, the astronomy community’s knowledge of stellar populations, especially with regard to the various components of the Milky Way Galaxy and other galaxies, along with globular and open clusters, has increased greatly, commensurate with the advent of more powerful telescopes. The Specola Vaticana continues to contribute actively to such astrophysical studies by research conducted on photometric surveys of portions of the Milky Way Galaxy and also by the study of extreme horizontal branch stars that are thought to be ubiquitous in most stellar populations. (shrink)

This book presents contributions from an internal symposium organized to celebrate the 80th anniversary of the Specola Vaticana, or Vatican Observatory, in the Papal Palace of Castel Gandolfo. The aim is to provide an overview of the scientific and cultural work being undertaken at the Observatory today and to describe the outcomes of important recent investigations. The contents cover interesting topics in a variety of areas, including planetary science and instrumentation, stellar evolution and stars, galaxies, cosmology, quantum gravity, (...) the history of astronomy, and interactions between science, philosophy, and theology. On September 29, 1935, Pope Pius XI officially inaugurated the new headquarters of the Specola Vaticana at Castel Gandolfo. With new telescopes, a new astrophysical laboratory for spectrochemical analysis, and a young staff comprising Jesuit scientists, this inauguration marked the beginning of an intense period of scientific achievements at the Observatory. This anniversary book, featuring contributions from members of the current Observatory staff and adjunct scholars, will appeal to all with an interest in the history of the Specola Vaticana and its significance for astronomy. (shrink)

This book presents contributions from an internal symposium organized to celebrate the 80th anniversary of the Specola Vaticana, or Vatican Observatory, in the Papal Palace of Castel Gandolfo. The aim is to provide an overview of the scientific and cultural work being undertaken at the Observatory today and to describe the outcomes of important recent investigations. The contents cover interesting topics in a variety of areas, including planetary science and instrumentation, stellar evolution and stars, galaxies, cosmology, quantum gravity, (...) the history of astronomy, and interactions between science, philosophy, and theology. On September 29, 1935, Pope Pius XI officially inaugurated the new headquarters of the Specola Vaticana at Castel Gandolfo. With new telescopes, a new astrophysical laboratory for spectrochemical analysis, and a young staff comprising Jesuit scientists, this inauguration marked the beginning of an intense period of scientific achievements at the Observatory. This anniversary book, featuring contributions from members of the current Observatory staff and adjunct scholars, will appeal to all with an interest in the history of the Specola Vaticana and its significance for astronomy. (shrink)

The first mistake would be to think the Vatican's recent declaration Dominus Iesus is primarily a theological document. It is not -- even though it advertises itself as being that, with a specific focus on (according to its subtitle) "The Unicity and Salvific Universality of Jesus Christ and the Church.".

The orthodox reading of Sententia Vaticana (SV) 23 emends the sentence and attributes to Epicurus the view that every friendship is choiceworthy for its own sake. I argue that this reading should be rejected, because it singularly contradicts all our evidence about Epicurus' view, according to which only pleasure is choiceworthy for its own sake. I defend the manuscript reading, that every friendship is in itself a virtue, and I argue that anyone who rejects the manuscript reading should attribute (...) the emended sentence not to Epicurus but to one of his followers who altered the Epicurean account of the value of friendship in response to Academic criticism. (shrink)

Die griechisch-lateinischen Satz- und Wortschatzübungen Hermeneumata Vaticana haben eine gewisse Bekanntheit erlangt, weil sie einen Christen zum Verfasser haben und thematisch ungefähr der biblischen Schöpfungsordnung folgen. Das Werk ist allein erhalten in einem Senio des Cod.Vat.lat. 6925, fol. 67r–78v. Die Edition von Georg Goetz wird nunmehr ersetzt durch eine breit angelegte und überaus sorgfältige Ausgabe von Giorgio Brugnoli und Marco Buonocore. Auf die (lateinische) Vorrede folgt die kritische Ausgabe des Textes, in der die akzentlosen griechischen Majuskeln der Handschrift in (...) Minuskeln mit Akzenten umgesetzt sind. Indices und ein vollständiges Facsimile aller 24 Seiten der Hs. schließen den Band ab. (shrink)

Die Reedition der von den Verfassern nunmehr Excerpta Vaticana et Laurentiana genannt wird, findet ihre Begründung darin, dass der Erstherausgeber, der berühmt Rechtshistoriker Contardo Ferrini offenbar auf eine Kollationierung beider Codices verzichtet hat und im Übrigen, aus welchen Gründen auch immer, bei der Edition selbst nicht unwesentliche Versehen verschuldet hat. Der Codex Vaticanus Palatinus ist wohl in der ersten Hälfte des 14. Jahrhunderts entstanden, der Codex Laurentianus 80.6 in der ersten Hälfte des 15. Jahrhunderts. Grundsätzlich sind die Verfasser der (...) Meinung, die mit zahlreichen plausiblen Argumenten vorgetragen wird, dass der Schreiber des Codex Laurentianus 80.6, ein gewisser Stephanus of Medea, als Vorlage den heutigen Codex Vaticanus Gr. 19 vor sich liegen hatte, und als intelligenter Kopist verschiedene Emendationen vorgenommen hat. Eine große Mehrheit der Fragmente der Excerpta Vaticana et Laurentiana von 1–193 muss einem Juristen Anatolius zugeschrieben werden. Jene Person, die sie zusammengestellt hat, muss ein altes Manuskript mit der Summa Codicis des Anatolius verwendet haben. In dieser Summa waren die Termini technici immer noch in lateinischer Sprache verfasst. Zur Selektion der Texte führen die Verfasser an, dass überdurchschnittlich großes Interesse dem Strafrecht und dem Familienrecht gewidmet ist, während etwa Eigentumserwerb, Erbrecht und große Teile des Obligationenrechtes kaum Behandlung finden. Die Exzerpierung der Summa Codicis muss aus diesem Grunde von jemand vorgenommen worden sein, der eine besondere Affinität gerade zu diesen Bereichen des Rechtes hatte. Nach diesen grundsätzlichen und grundlegenden Ausführungen, die ich allesamt nicht nur begrüße, sondern voll mittragen möchte, widmen sich die Verfasser kurz aber prägnant der Person des Anatolius (24–30). Ein Anatolius wird zusammen mit sieben anderen Antecessores in der Constitutio Omne genannt, sowie in der Constitutio Tanta vom 16. Dezember 533 als einer der vier Professoren, denen die Kompilation der Digesten anvertraut worden war. Er bekleidete die Funktion eines Magister Officiorum und wurde aus diesem Grunde als Vir Illustris bezeichnet. Anatolius entstammte einer Juristenfamilie aus Beirut und lehrte dort selbst als Professor. Zachariae von Lingenthal (Griechische Bearbeitung des Codex 70) und Van der Waal (Comentar 111) hatten die Ansicht vertreten, dass es zwei Anatoli gegeben habe: Der eine Mitglied der justinianischen Kompilation, der andere der Autor des Codex-Kommentares. Dem gegenüber vertreten die Autoren die Ansicht, dass Anatolius ein einziger gewesen sei, der, nachdem er maßgeblich an der Kompilation in Konstantinopel mitgearbeitet hatte, etwa zwischen 530 und 533 als Lehrer nach Beirut zurückgekehrt sei, um dort an einer der prestigeträchtigsten Universitäten des Reiches die neue juristische Studienordnung durchzusetzen und ruhmreich zu begründen. Der Kommentar des Codex diente dazu, einen grundsätzlichen lateinischen Text griechischen Studenten zu verdeutlichen, und zwar ausgehend von einer reinen Übersetzung bis zu einem juristischen Kommentar. Die Autoren lösen die Quellenproblematik derart, dass sie davon ausgehen, dass Anatolius das Buch 4 seines Kommentares noch in Konstantinopel vollendet und mit dem 8. Buch des Kommentares in Beirut wieder begonnen hat. Die klare und deutliche Argumentationsweise der Autoren, unpolemisch aber doch tiefgreifend, sollte in Zukunft übernommen werden. (shrink)

Das Buch ist den vier ältesten illustrierten und mit Kommentarkatenen versehenen Hss. des Buches Hiob gewidmet, die zwischen dem 9. und dem 11. Jh. entstanden sind: Patmos, Johanneskloster, Cod. 171 (nachfolgend Patm.); Rom, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. gr. 749 (Vat.); Sinai, Katharinenkloster, Cod. 3 (Sin.); Venedig, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Cod. gr. 538 (Ven.). Insgesamt sind 15 illustrierte griechische Katenenhss. allein des Buches Hiob erhalten (siehe die Übersicht p. 9–11). Das in ihnen enthaltene Bildmaterial zu Hiob wird ergänzt durch (...) Illustrationen in weiteren Mss. unterschiedlichen Textinhalts (p. 11–14). Während seitens der Textkritik fundamentale Arbeit zur wissenschaftlichen Erschließung des griechischen Hiob-Textes und seiner Kommentare geleistet wurde, stellt das Buch von Bernabò (B.) die erste nennenswerte Publikation mit primär kunstwissenschaftlicher Ausrichtung dar. Rund 2000 (p. VII), überwiegend noch unpublizierte, byzantinische Miniaturen zum Buch Hiob sind überkommen, was erahnen läßt, welcher Schatz auf diesem Gebiet zukünftig noch zu heben ist. Ursprünglich war eine komplette Publikation der bebilderten Hiob-Mss. im Rahmen des Corpus of the Illustrations in the Manuscripts of the Septuagint der Universität Princeton geplant – ein Projekt, das vor allem wegen seines erheblichen Umfangs nicht hat realisiert werden können. Kurt Weitzmann hatte bis zu seinem Tod im Jahre 1993 Bildmaterial in großem Umfang zusammengetragen. Dieses konnte B. nicht nur für sein Buch verwenden, sondern löste mit selbigem gleichzeitig das seinem Lehrer noch zu Lebzeiten gegebene Versprechen ein, das gemeinsam begonnene Projekt nach dessen Tod fortzuführen (p. X–XI). Im Aufbau, wenngleich nicht in Seitenumfang und Buchformat, richtet sich die vorliegende Publikation nach den bereits er-schienenen Bänden des Princetoner Corpus. (shrink)

La determinación de la identidad de los presbíteros en los documentos del Concilio Vaticano II no es clara. La recepción de la enseñanza conciliar, en consecuencia, ha sido compleja, en especial en la formación del clero. En términos generales, los aportes de Optatam totius y Presbyterorum ordinis deben interpretarse a la luz de Lumen gentium 10, 2, pues este texto constituiría el principio de armonización teológica de la enseñanza conciliar. En esta investigación se da cuenta de la doctrina de dichos (...) textos conciliares, de Pastores dabo vobis, de las normas vaticanas para la formación del clero (rationes) y de la recepción de estos documentos en el magisterio y las directrices correspondientes de la Iglesia en América Latina y el Caribe. El resultado, en pocas palabras, es preocupante. En las rationes nationales se reconoce una involución respecto de las innovaciones más importantes del Concilio. (shrink)

This article studies an illuminated manuscript of St. Augustine’s Enarrationes in Psalmos: Vat. lat. 451 (Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana). The manuscript was commissioned by the bishop Giovanni Capogallo, when he was in Lombardy in close contact with the court of the duke Gian Galeazzo Visconti. The article examines the cultural milieu of Pavia in the early 15th century, highlighting the role of the Order of the Hermits of Saint Augustine in the monastery of San Pietro in Ciel (...) d’Oro. The two incipit pages ff. 1r and 239r, illuminated by Michelino da Besozzo, are an example of the International Gothic style and this article analyses not only their stylistic aspect, but also their allegorical meaning, as an interesting case of decoration of a patristic text. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:RELIGIOUS FREEDOM: HOMOGENEOUS OR HETEROGENEOUS DEVELOPMENT? BRIAN T. MULLADY, 0.P. Holy Apostles College and Seminary Cromwell, Connecticut 0 NE OF THE most difficult questions to confront those who hold for a natural-law conception of Catholic moral teaching which does not change with the development of the times is the area of the freedom of religion in the political order. The traditional teaching on this subject is expressed in many (...) places. The most difficult locus for anyone who wants to defend the traditional opinion is found in The Syllabus of Errors of Pius IX. In this document, the following canons are explicitly enumerated : 77. In this age of ours it is no longer expedient that the Catholic religion should be the only religion of the state, to the exclusion of all other cults whatsoever. 78. Hence in certain regions of Catholic name, it has been laudably sanctioned by law that men immigrating there be allowed to have public exercises of any form of worship of their own. 79. For it is false that the civil liberty of every cult, and likewise, the full power granted to all of manifesting openly and publicly any kind of opinions and ideas, more easily leads to the corruption of the morals and minds of the people, and to the spread of the evil of indifferentism.1 1 " 77. Aestate hac nostra non amplius expedit, religionem catholicam haberi tamquam unicam status religionem, ceteris quibuscumque cultibus exclusus. 78. Hine laudabiliter in quibusdam catholici nominis regionibus lege cautum est, ut hominibus illuc immigrantibus liceat publicum proprii cuiusque cultus exercitium habere. 79. Enimvero falsum est, civilem cuiusque cultus libertatem, itemque plenam potestatem omnibus attributam quaslibet opiniones cogitationesque palam publiceque manifestandi conducere ad populorum mores animosque facilius corrumpendos ac indifferentismi pestem propagandam." Denizinger -Schonmetzer, Enchiridion Symbolorum, n. 1777-1779 (2977-2979), hereafter refered to as DS. 93 94 BRIAN T. MULLADY, O.P. In this text, freedom of religion is clearly condemned. Yet one finds about one hundred years later the issue of religious freedom discussed by Vatican II. Here the conclusion reached seems quite different. The Vatican Council declares that the human person has a right to religious freedom. Freedom of this kind means that all men should be immune from coercion on the part of individuals, social groups and every human power so that, within due limits, nobody is forced to act against his convictions in religious matters in private or in public, alone or in associations with others. The Council further declares that the right to religious freedom is based on the very dignity of the human person as known through the revealed word of God and by reason itself. This right of the human person to religious freedom must be given such recognition in the constitutional order of society as will make it a civil right.2 These two documents seem to represent a significant change in the teaching of the church. Beyond the obvious change in attitude towards religious freedom, many moral theologians also see another change : the very language of the decree signals a departure from the traditional basis of the law of nature by a reference to the dignity of the human person. One example will suffice: It may also be a growing dissatisfaction with the traditional concept of ' nature ' which has contributed in recent years to the focus of moral attention moving from ' human nature ' to ' human person ' 2 " Haec Vaticana Synodus declarat personam humanam ius habere ad libertatem religiosam. Huiusmodi libertas in eo consistit, quod omnes homines debent immunes esse a coercitione ex parte sive singulorum sive coetuum socialium et cuiusvis potestatis humanae, et ita quidem ut in re religiosa neque aliquis cogatur ad agendum contra suam conscientiam neque impediatur, quominus iuxta suam conscientiam agat privatim et publice, vel solus vel aliis consociatus, intra debitos limites. Insuper declarat ius ad libertatem religiosam esse revera fundatum in ipsa dignitate personae humanae, qualis et verbo Dei revelato et ipsa ratione congnoscitur. Hoc ius personae humanae ad libertatem religiosam in iuridica societatis ordinatione ita est agnoscendum, ut ius civile evadat." Vatican II, Declaratio de Libertate Religiosa: Dignitatis Humanae, n. 2. Translations are taken from Vatican Council II, The Conciliar and Post Conciliar... (shrink)

Primera edición moderna del Compendio de la Ética nicomaquea (BETA texid 1294), editado sobre la base del manuscrito K.II.13 de la Real Biblioteca de El Escorial (siglo XV). Sus lagunas y discontinuidades se han suplido en la medida de lo posible con los otros testimonios conocidos: Barcelona, Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó, Ripoll 161; Cambridge University, add. 8275; Madrid, Universidad Complutense, Biblioteca Histórica Marqués de Valdecilla, 152; Madrid, BNE MSS/4514, XV3; Madrid, BNE, MSS/6710; Madrid, BNE, MSS/7076; Madrid, BNE, MSS/1204; Oxford (...) University, Bodleian Library, Span.d.1; y Roma, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Ottoboniano Latino 2054. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:The Empire of the Tetrarchs: Imperial Pronouncements and Government a.d. 284–324T. D. BarnesSimon Corcoran. The Empire of the Tetrarchs: Imperial Pronouncements and Government a.d. 284–324. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996. xv 1 406 pp. Cloth, $85. (Oxford Classical Monographs)The four decades between the accession of Diocletian on 20 November 284 and the abdication of Licinius on 19 September 324 witnessed profound changes in the government and administrative structure of (...) the Roman world. These changes are naturally reflected in the legislation of the period, which survives in relative abundance—indeed, a larger proportion of the emperors’ legal decisions and enactments probably survives from these four decades than from any previous period of forty years in the history of the Roman Empire. The high rate of survival is due in part to the activity of the commissioners who compiled the Theodosian Code in the 430s and the Codex Justinianus in the sixth century: the former set out to collect general laws and edicts of the Christian Roman Empire since the conversion of Constantine, while the latter included in their compilation a large part of two Diocletianic collections of imperial rescripts, the Codex Gregorianus and the Codex Hermogenianus. But the legislation of Diocletian and his imperial colleagues and successors is also known from a wide variety of other sources—papyri, inscriptions, nonofficial collections of laws, Lactantius’ account of the decade of Christian persecution from 303 to 313 in his On the Deaths of the Persecutors, and Eusebius’ Ecclesiastical History. Moreover, Eusebius’ Life of Constantine quotes important documents from the last months of 324.Simon Corcoran includes all this varied and historically significant material in his purview, and he provides a reliable guide to it. His monograph is a revised version of an Oxford doctoral thesis which he began in 1987 under the supervision of Fergus Millar and completed in 1992 under that of John Matthews, and he has also taken advice from Tony Honoré. His work is technically proficient. I have not noticed any careless errors of any consequence, and Corcoran has used my work on the period of Diocletian and Constantine in the spirit in [End Page 145] which I intended it to be used: he has understood the underlying principles upon which it rests, then applied them critically, sometimes to reach conclusions which not only differ from my own but are superior to them.Corcoran begins with two introductory chapters which succinctly survey the subject and the evidence available. On interpolation in legal texts, he is cautious and sensible. He proceeds on the assumption that though “the transmitted texts are seldom identical with what the imperial chancery originally issued,” they have seldom undergone drastic alteration: “abbreviation is the most common fate of constitutions in the legal sources” (19). Yet he provides a salutary reminder and example of what can happen (16–18): whereas a rescript in the Fragmenta Vaticana denies that the temporary gift of estates subject to tax is valid (Frag. Vat. 283, si stipendariorum proprietatem dono de-disti,... donatio inrita est), the same rescript in the Codex Justinianus directly contradicts and asserts that such a gift is valid (CJ 8.54.2, si praediorum proprietatem dono dedisti,... donatio valet). On a priori grounds alone, it seems highly probable that something similar has happened to some texts which are known only through the Codex Justinianus—and where the alteration may not be at all obvious.What of the date and contents of the two Diocletianic codes? Corcoran confronts the problems of dating and attribution squarely and honestly. Most of his conclusions may not be new, but his discussion has been able to proceed from the fact that an Aurelius Hermogenianus, who can hardly be anyone other than the jurist, is now securely attested as praetorian prefect between 293 and 305 with Julius Asclepiodotus as his colleague (AE 1987, 456). Corcoran argues that Gregorius published the Codex Gregorianus in 291/2 or ca. 292, after serving as magister libellorum with Diocletian from 285 to 290: he accounts for the ascription of some later constitutions to this code by postulating a second edition compiled ca. 306, possibly at the court of Maximinus or... (shrink)

1. [without special title] -- 2. Riproduzione anastatica del Ms Barb. Lat. 4458 della Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.

Esboça-se, a partir da compreensão dos parágrafos 32 e 51 do Livro X de Diógenes Laércio: Vida e doutrinas dos filósofos ilustres, uma teoria da percepção sensível e da imagem no pensamento de Epicuro. Contudo, buscando demonstrar o processo epistêmico das sensações (αἰσθήσεις), iniciado nas “projeções imagéticas” (φανταστικὰς ἐπιβολὰς), ou seja, no desprendimento das superfícies dos corpos compostos mediante o movimento (κίνεσις) constante dos átomos, Epicuro, despretensiosamente, fundamenta a natureza do “sonho” (ὄναρ) como uma derivação das imagens (εἴδωλα) dos entes (...) corpóreos que afetam a alma “durante o sono” (καθ’ ὕπνους) e, por isso, são os sonhos verdadeiros: pois “move [a mente], e, o que não é [μὴ ὄν] não a move”. Neste sentido, rompe-se com uma larga tradição em que os sonhos são manifestações divinas, como expressa a Sentença Vaticana 24, logo, não carecem de interpretações, mas são explicados como “representações” (φαντάσματα) dos sensíveis advindas durante o sono que se formam na alma através das antecipações guardadas no entendimento, ou seja, são imagens representativas do mundo fenomênico, logo, só há sonho daquilo que se percebe. (shrink)

"Epistola a Memeceo, Maximas capitales, Sentencias vaticanas, fragmentos y testimonios; texto griego y traduccion": p. [87]-161.

Celem artykułu jest analiza mobilności Antonia Santa Crocego – tytularnego arcybiskupa Seleucji i nuncjusza apostolskiego w Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów w latach 1627–1630. Autorzy odtworzyli podróż dyplomaty papieskiego z Rzymu do Rzeczypospolitej odbytą w 1627 r., podróż powrotną nad Tyber z 1630 r. oraz dwa wojaże po Polsce – miesięczny wyjazd do Prus z 1627 r., podjęty w związku z trwającą wojną o ujście Wisły oraz polsko-szwedzkimi rokowaniami prowadzonymi przy udziale mediatorów niderlandzkich, a także – dwumiesięczny objazd Mazowsza, będący w rzeczywistości (...) ucieczką przed zarazą, jaka w drugiej połowie 1629 r. nawiedziła ziemie Korony. Podstawą opracowania jest korespondencja Santa Crocego z Sekretariatem Stanu Stolicy Apostolskiej, nad którym pieczę sprawował kardynał nepot Francesco Barberini. Wspomniana korespondencja przechowywana jest w Archivio Apostolico Vaticano oraz w Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Znaczna jej część została wydana w serii Acta Nuntiaturae Polonae (t. XXIII, vol. 1–2). Interesującym źródłem o charakterze uzupełniającym jest _Diario di Roma (1608–1644) _autorstwa Giacinto Gigliego, w którym pamiętnikarz uwiecznił wjazd Santa Crocego do Wiecznego Miasta latem 1630 r. Ponadto autorzy wykorzystali literaturę przedmiotu poświęconą zagadnieniu podróży przedstawicieli papieskich, m.in. prace ks. Henryka Damiana Wojtyski, Teresy Chynczewskiej-Hennel czy Tadeusza Fitycha. Autorzy dokonali analizy rękopiśmiennych materiałów źródłowych pod kątem mobilności nuncjusza Santa Crocego, dzięki czemu udało się uzupełnić jego itinerarium. W publikacji zwrócono uwagę na opisy odwiedzanych przez niego miejsc oraz personalia osób, z którymi przedstawiciel papieski spotykał się podczas swych wojaży. Zarysowano również pewne wątki, które będą kontynuowane w przyszłych badaniach, a dotyczą sfery organizacyjnej nuncjatury w czasie, gdy przedstawiciel papieski przebywał poza dworem. Artykuł może stanowić cenne uzupełnienie do badań nad podróżami w czasach nowożytnych, jak również przyczynek do zagadnienia związanego z mobilnością dyplomatów w czasie realizowania ich misji. (shrink)