Anthropologists have tended to treat dreams as private fantasies arising from restless libidos struggling with reality. In this view, the dreamer is a victim of what she or he does not want, the intentions of the dreamer, and dreamed of, are often confused or illusory, and what happens in the dream is subj ect to a more primary, more objective, waking reality.The Barok people of New Ireland, Papua New Guinea, define dreams as both sleeping and waking experiences. Their dreams (...) are expressions of spiritually powerful persons who deal with a spiritual reality.In waking and real, but substantially dreamlike experiences such as one I describe in this paper, the desires and intents of all involved were perceived as wild possibilities. In the three sleeping dreams that I describe, the desires and intents of the dreamers were true, clearly expressed, and effective in creating or foretelling reality.Describing such subjective and willful experiences entails personal and professional risk. But toward understanding what happened, I undertake this in personally revealing terms, and I recommend Barok and other Native perspectives for the light they shed on dreams and reality.Social science has, for the most part, left dream analysis to the psychologists, and dreaming experiences to "the natives.” People educated in modern European traditions, and especially in academe, learn to not talk plainly or too much about their more subjective experiences or awarenesses, e.g, sex, emotions, and dreams. This applies not only to our lives as fieldworkers, but to our private lives in Western culture.Even recent publications1 still define dreams as a softer and more subjective, or even false, too private, in contrast to the harder and more objective, true reality of waking life (see Tedlock 1987). From this perspective, the accepted truth of there being an objective, socially defined, wakeful reality is not seriously called into question.Fieldwork experiences have shown me different distinctions between dreaming and not‐dreaming realities. I have learned to both expect and get more from dreams. I did not seek nor intentionally precipitate these experiences. They were a congruent part of my learning during four different periods of fieldwork.These experiences suggest a link between the ambiguity of intent in western style, non‐Native2 dreamers, and a lack of creative power. This contrasts with the clarity in the intent of Native style dreamers, and a real creative power.This link short‐circuits conventional academic distinctions between dreaming and waking experiences. For this reason, people like myself have not paid attention to these kinds of field experiences, much less written them up. We fear being disbelieved and discredited. Treating dreams on a comparable footing with objective reality is tantamount to "going native.”3 As Katherine Ewing has stated it, the problem is how to believe the Native meaning of dreams in defiance of the taboo against anthropologists' accepting the "temptation to believe" that "the subjects of one's research actually know something about the human condition and an encompassing 'reality'"(Ewing 1994:572).The field experiences I describe here have made me a believer of both the Native version of what happened, and the truth of there being an encompassing (Native) reality.4 They also convinced me of the necessity of trying to deal openly with what I know of the internal, private, libidinous, and willful stuff that is a part of these dreaming experiences. I reveal my own intent, desires, and needs, in both personal and professional terms, in order to lay some of the cards on the table, in order to look at them from both Native and non‐Native perspectives on what happened.I have learned that the difference between dreams and reality is not what it has been made out to be. On the one hand, the conventional definition of reality too strongly limits my ability to talk about my subjective experiences of it. On the other hand, the conventional definition of dreams does not make enough sense of my real experiences.By describing the real, non‐dreaming experience in which my subjective feelings are centered, the problematic issues of my own wakeful intent as a person and as an anthropologist are centered. This allows comparison of what is supposedly the nature of waking reality with what I experienced in the three sleeping dreams (hereafter "sleepdreams") which follow.The first three sleepdreams were experienced when I was living among Barok people at New Ireland, PNG, between 1979 and 1985. The fourth occured at Taumako, Solomon Islands, in 1993. (shrink)

Süsleme teknikleri her sanat dalında olduğu gibi cilt sanatında da zaman içerisinde değişim göstermiştir. 18. yüzyıl klâsik üslûpta ciltlerinin yapılmaya devam edildiği ancak aynı zamanda yeni tezyînat tekniklerinin denendiği bir dönemdir. Bu tekniklerden bir olan yekşah, cilt üzerine altınla işlenen motiflerin üzerine ucu düz veya oval olan demir aletin kakılması/bastırılması şeklinde uygulanan bir tezyînat tekniğidir. Bu süsleme tekniği, adını uygulamada kullanılan metal aletten almaktadır. Yekşah demiri olarak isimlendirilen bu alet, ortalama 15-16 cm uzunluğunda olup ağzı düz veya oval bir el (...) aletidir. Yekşah süsleme tekniği, yazma ciltler üzerine uygulanmaktadır. Yazma cilt, desenin fırça yardımıyla zermürekkep kullanılarak deri üzerine işlenmesi anlamına gelmektedir. Desenin yazma tekniğiyle (fırçayla) deriye nakşedilmesinin ardından yekşah demiriyle işlenmesi aşamasına geçilmektedir. Motiflerin üzerine, gidiş yönü esas alınarak yekşah demiriyle taramalar yapılmakta, desen üzerinden çizgiler halinde geçilmektedir. Deri bu tarama esnasında kısmen de çukurlaşmaktadır. Yekşah tezyînat tekniği, Türk cilt sanatına 17. yüzyıl sonu ile 18. yüzyıl başı itibariyle katılmıştır. 19. yüzyılda da örnekleri görülmeye devam edilmiştir. Ancak en yoğun kullanıldığı dönem 18. yüzyıldır. Yekşah tezyînatın çoğunlukla saray mücellitleri tarafından ve özellikle değeri yüksek eserlerin ciltlerinde tatbik edildiği bilinmektedir. Türk cilt sanatı literatüründe yayınlanmış ve müze ve kütüphanelerde tarafımızca tespit edilen yekşah cilt örneklerinin incelenmesi neticesinde, Türk ciltlerinde yekşah tezyînat tekniğinin 3 farklı desen üzerine tatbik edildiği tespit edilmiştir. Bunlar; rûmî, zerbahar ve barok-rokoko desenleridir. Rûmî desenli yekşah ciltlerde cilt kapağının tüm bölümlerinde yekşah tekniğinin uygulandığı görülmektedir. Ancak en yoğun ve çeşitli olarak şemselerde rastlanmaktadır. Bunun nedeni, yekşah tezyînatın görülmeye başlandığı 18. yüzyıl itibariyle cilt kapaklarında köşebentlere sıklıkla yer verilmemesi ve bezeme yoğunluğunun şemselerde görülmesi olabilir. Rûmî desenli yekşah ciltlerde şemselerin üç türü tespit edilmiştir. Bunlar; klâsik oval/beyzî formda dilimli şemse, dikdörtgen formda şemse ve dilimli dairevî formdaki şemsedir. Rûmî desenli yekşah ciltlerde desenin altınlarının daha net görülebilmesi amacıyla şemse ve salbek zemini sıklıkla bordo renkle boyanmıştır. Yekşah tekniğinin uygulandığı bir diğer desen türü ise zerbahardır. Zerbahar desen, 18. yüzyılın sonunda ve özellikle 19. yüzyılda görülen bir cilt tezyînat türü olup ciltlerin genellikle tüm yüzeyini kaplayacak şekilde uygulanmıştır. 18. yüzyıl itibariyle Türk ciltlerinde görülen realist üslûptaki çiçek veya Batı etkisindeki barok-rokoko motifleri üzerine de yekşah uygulaması yapıldığı belirlenmiştir. Türk Rokokosu, C ve S kıvrımlı motiflerle yüzeyin tamamen doldurularak süslendiği gösterişli bir bezeme üslûbudur. Kavisli ve yuvarlak şekillerle birlikte yaprak, çiçek motifleri ve çiçek demetleri bu bezeme üslûbunda yer almaktadır. Dayanıklılık bakımından zayıf olmasına rağmen yekşah tekniğin 18. yüzyıl ciltlerinde sıklıkla tercih edilmesinde, cildin sanat değerini arttırma çabası vardır. Bu teknik sayesinde, yazma olarak uygulanmış desen daha cazip hale getirilmiştir. Bu da cildin sanat değerini yükseltmiştir. (shrink)

Na een ongeluk met hersenletsel wist hij precies hoe de mens zich, eenmaal van God los, zou moeten bevrijden van allerlei mythen en angsten om eindelijk een onafhankelijk individu te worden. Maar de gedachten van deze eigenzinnige Napolitaanse filosoof druisten lijnrecht in tegen de gevestigde orde en stuitten op onbegrip en hoongelach. Want Vico vertrouwde eerder op poëzie, leugens en verbeelding dan op het 'meten is weten' van Descartes.0En niemand kon vermoeden dat juist hij veel later de inspiratie zou worden (...) van denkers als Nietzsche, Hegel, Marx, Berlin, Said, Eco en Sloterdijk. Zijn adagium 'Ik fabuleer, dus ik ben' zou bovendien naadloos in onze tijd hebben gepast.0Mark Blaisse schreef een uiterst onderhoudend, geromantiseerd portret van deze briljante anarchist, een pechvogel op vrijwel elk gebied. In 'Het orakel van Napels' gidst de eigenzinnige Vico de lezer door barok Napels, langs schilderijen, theaters, castraten, vioolbouwers, verboden boekenkasten, bordelen en literaire salons. Een wereld vol populisme, corruptie en alternatieve feiten: Vico's leven en ideeën blijken verbazingwekkend actueel. (shrink)

Er was een niet te overbruggen kloof tussen de officiële barok-cultuur van het Habsburgse keizerrijk en het kritisch modernisme van de late negentiende eeuw. Herman Broch was een van de moderne schrijvers, die het meest afwijzend tegenover de officiële esthetische normen stond. Ook als politieke balling in de Verenigde Staten bleef hij een gelouterd verlichtingsidee aanhangen, dat hem met de na-oorlogse sociale filosoof Habermas verbindt.

The Ruše school plays, which are described in the Latin chronicle of Jožef Avguštin Meznerič titled Notata Rastensia antiquissimis documentis desumpta et variis fide humana dignis autographis syno­ptice descripta in connection with the Latin school (1645–1760), are frequently seen as an early attempt of theatrical production, lost in Slovenian literary history. They were introduced by the remarkable Luka Jamnik, a local priest and talented impresario, called the “Ro­mulus of Ruše” in the chronicle. In 1680, he began organizing annual plays modelled (...) after Jesuit school “comedies” (actio comica). Regular annual performances in honour of the Virgin Mary took place every early September, on the feast of Mary’s name, until 1722, but due to a later fire, no texts have been preserved. This article undertakes a unique task – the first attempt to reconstruct one of the performances from that time, a lost play from 1706 with a supposedly ancient motif about Emperor Jovinian who was miraculously led to conversion, De Joviniano imperatore mire correcto. It outlines the dramatic plot based on two literary sources, one from the Gesta Romanorum collection and the other from the Summa Theologica by a Dominican writer called Antoninus of Florence. With a collection of six periochae, “theater programs” preserved from similar school performances of the time, it also sketches the Erwartungshorizont of possible variations, just as they were presented on different European stages at the time. Furthermore, the paper presents the treatment of this motif, known as ATU 757, “The Emperor’s Haughtiness Punished,” in a series of other traditions, starting from its roots in the biblical story of King Nebu­chadnezzar (Dan 3:31–4:34) through the authors such as Herrand of Wildonie, Geoffrey Chaucer, Hans Sachs, William Morris, and Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, to the contemporary 20th-century opera by Josef Tal and Israel Eliraz. In this light, the 1706 performance in Ruše emerges as a significant annual highlight of cultural life in the region, with young intellectuals introducing their audience of several thousand viewers to a complex motif from European literary tradition that was both spiritually and socially provocative. (shrink)

Celem artykułu jest prześledzenie wpływu polemicznych dzieł księdza Piotra Skargi (1536–1612) na życie religijne Ukrainy i kulturę ukraińską ówczesnej epoki. Źródłem badań są prace Piotra Skargi, Stanisława Orzechowskiego, Benedykta Herbesta, Herasyma Smotrzyskiego, Iwana Wyszeńskiego, Hipacego Pocieja. Podstawą naukową analizy wpływu Skargi na kulturę ukraińską są poświęcone jego osobie i czasom, w których żył i tworzył, prace: Józefa Tretiaka, Ludowika Piechnika, Janusza Tazbira, Stanisława Cieślaka oraz publikacje traktujące o międzywyznaniowej polemice epoki unii brzeskiej: Volodymyra Antonovycha, Nikolaja Skabalanovicha, Stepana Golubeva, Vladimira Zavitnevicha, (...) Ivana Franki, Mykhaila Hrushevskiego, Kyryla Studynskiego, Porfyrego Yaremenki, Ihora Mytska, Borysa Gudziaka, Vitalija Shevchenki, Leonida Tymoshenki, Ruslana Tkachuka, a także kursy z historii literatury ukraińskiej. W analizie preferowana jest metoda porównawcza. Przebudzenie się pisarskiego talentu Skargi związane jest z jego pobytem w Wilnie, jednym z ośrodków ruchów reformacyjnych w Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów, katedrze głównej prawosławnej metropolii kijowskiej (1415–1795). Wyzwaniem dla Skargi stała się wielowyznaniowość Wilna. Napisał książkę _O jedności Kościoła Bożego _(1577), w której wykłada trydencką koncepcję eklezjologiczną, odsłania obraz herezji i schizm prześladujących prawosławny Wschód, zarysowuje perspektywy powrotu metropolii kijowskiej do jednoś i ze Stolicą Apostolską. Książka ta, wznowiona w 1590 r., była ważnym impulsem do rozpoczęcia polemiki międzywyznaniowej i poszukiwania przez ukraińskich i białoruskich biskupów prawosławnych środków do przezwyciężenia schizmy. W 1596 r. Synod Brzeski ogłosił zjednoczenie z Kościołem katolickim. Skarga był obecny na synodzie jako obserwator i doradca. W 1597 r. opublikował dokumentalny opis jego przebiegu – księgę _Synod Brzeski _i jej załącznik: _Obrona Synodu Brzeskiego_, które bronią kanonicznej ważności synodu, dodając retrospektywę historyczną uzasadniającą konieczność przezwyciężenia schizmy. Dzieła te stały się ważnym czynnikiem w rozwoju Ukraińskiego Kościoła Greckokatolickiego, który udowodnił swoją żywotność w okresie prześladowań i wszedł w epokę postkomunistyczną jako najbardziej twórcza siła duchowa, łącząc staranne pielęgnowanie lokalnej tradycji kościelnej z uniwersalnością misji apostolskiej. (shrink)