This article first presents a codicological and paleographical analysis of the Bibliotheca Medicea Laurenziana's manuscript Plut. 57.12, a codex containing the Epistolographi Graeci that was owned and annotated by Francesco Filelfo. The original nucleus of this composite was produced in Constantinople in the third decade of the 15th century. Afterwards, Filelfo himself had two copyists -one of whom is identifiable as Gerard of Patras - transcribe supplements to be added to the codex. Filelfo's ownership is proved not only by autograph (...) marginal notes, but also by the use of this manuscript as the source of Filelfo's Latin translation of several of these pseudepigraphic letters that were incorporated in his Commentationes Florentinae de Exilio, and by the correspondences between the marginalia accompanying the Commentationes and those in the Laur. Plut. 57.12. (shrink)

As a literary genre and practice, philosophical and political epistolography seems to have been alive and well in the fourth-century Roman empire. We have fragments of twenty letters of the late third- and early fourth-centuryc.e. Platonist philosopher Iamblichus of Chalcis to former students and other contemporaries, some of whom appear to have been imperial officeholders ; theEpistle to Himeriusof Sopater the Younger to his brother Himerius on the latter's assumption of an unknown governorship in the East, probably sometime in the (...) 340s or 350s ; the Emperor Julian'sEpistle to Themistius, which was likely written and publishedc.December 361/early 362; and theEpistle to Julianof the Aristotelian philosopher Themistius on proper rule, which seems to have been a response, in part, to Julian'sEpistle to Themistiusand perhaps was written to the emperor when both men likely resided in Constantinople at the same time. These philosophical and political letters are but a few examples from this period. All four authors mentioned above, who are representative of intellectual life in the East during the fourth century, produced epistles which reflect Greek political theory in a Roman imperial context. (shrink)

Le présent travail s’inscrit dans une démarche d’archéologie conceptuelle. Il s’agit de suivre, à travers les épîtres échangées entre Jérôme et Augustin, les grandes thématiques abordées par les deux hommes. Leurs échanges, très orageux parfois, restèrent respectueux à la codification de l’épistolographie du temps. En somme chacun gardait ses idées, et Jérôme se refusait à toute discussion ; mais ni l’estime, ni l’affection réciproque ne reçurent d’atteinte et il viendrait un temps où la collaboration intellectuelle si désirée s’établirait d’elle-même pour (...) faire front devant l’ennemi commun, Pélage. (shrink)

Studies on temporality in Sidonius’ letters have so far been dominated by narratological approaches. This article proposes an additional perspective by focusing on social and ethical dimensions of time issues. Drawing from scholarship on both imperial epistolography and ancient timekeeping, I develop a framework for studying temporal-behavior patterns as negotiations of elite habitus. Many letters that provide insights in temporal habits (chronotypes) define also in- and out-groups based on temporal conventions (chronotopes). Time management displays a life order Sidonius can approve (...) or disapprove of. The motif of the clepsydra illustrates this connection between temporal habits and senatorial ethos most vividly. (shrink)

One of the most remarkable features of the language of early Greek writing is a pervasive rhetorical strategy which consists in personifying objects for the purpose of identifying humans closely associated with them. Such ‘speaking objects’ have no Semitic parallel; how, then, is their conventional status in the Archaic Age to be explained? This article first considers the formulaic language of speaking objects, which is no straightforward transcription of speech, and seeks to explain where it comes from. It then turns (...) to the question of why writers employed the curious strategy of personification by setting it in the broader context of early Greek writing and literature. Variously analogous to herms, slaves and skytalai, speaking objects are shown to have been conceived as messengers acting on behalf of their senders by not speaking in their name. (shrink)

In the first part of this study we deal with the relation of Saint Τheodore the Studite to the cities of Thessaloniki and Jerusalem. Having as our main source his massive epistolography, we discuss his views on the place of the patriarch of Jerusalem Thomas and the pope of Rome in the Church. Thomas is the “first” (primus) within the “pentarchy” of the patriarchs, in the so called “five-headed body of the Church” (πεντακόρυφον ἐκκλησιαστικόν σῶμα), where the pope belongs as (...) well. According to Theodore all the patriarchs are “equal”, in the “pentarchy”, the ecclesiological form of the Church’s life of the first millenium. Among them the pope is the first in “order and honour” for being the leader of the “Romaic Church”, “the patriarch of the West”. This title is the traditional one among others, which the pope uses ever since. However, its recent omission from the last edition (2006) of the “Annuario Pontificio”, puts more obstacles to the constant efforts for mutual understanding and sincere and fruitful theological dialogue between the Orthodox and the Roman-Catholic Church. The second part of the study is related to the ecclesiology of “communion” and we make some comments on this central principle of theology. The concept of “communion” should apply to all the ecclesial institutions and it could greatly contribute, in a very positive and constructive way, to the discussions of the problem about the office of “primus” and the way of exercising it in the Catholic Church, with specific reference to the “primacy” of bishop of Rome, in terms of the ecumenical movement and the ecclesial rapprochement. The concept of “communion” may even place the stumbling block of the ecclesial unity, i.e. the “office” of the pope, in the traditional framework, which is the paradigm of the “pentarchy of the patriarchs”. In other words, the way of Church’s life during the first ten centuries. In the last section we briefly discuss the rebeginning of the second phase of the Official Theological Dialogue between the Roman-Catholic and the Orthodox Church (Belgrade 18-25 September 2006), the official visit of pope Benedict 16th to Constantinople (30 November 2006) and the official visit of archbishop of Athens and all Greece Christodoulos to Rome (14 December 2006). These very important events it is hoped that will push forward the essential progress of this dialogue, which some time in the future may lead the two Churches to the full “communion” of faith and sacramental life. (shrink)

The immense wealth of Greek and Latin Christian epistolography shows that in the first five centuries, the type of the letter reflects particularly the numerous topics in which theological and doctrinal issues, ecclesial and liturgical matters, and moral and social developmental questions are addressed. The epistolary genre increasingly becomes richer and more diversified as each letter bears witness to the faith and culture of its author. The pedagogical purpose remains dominant while the contents reflect the many issues and problems that (...) concern both the sender and receiver in matters of doctrine, the Church, and the reality of social life. The line of argument and style indicate at the same time the author’s culture and heritage as received from the classical tradition. (shrink)

Les Provinciales (1656–1657) by Blaise Pascal is best known today for its scathing attack on the Jesuits. Most contemporary accounts treat the work either as a gem of polemical epistolography or of theological and historical interest as a depiction of the debates between the Jansenists and the Jesuits in seventeenth‐century France. In general, Pascal's epistemology is either ignored in Anglophone epistemology or explored in relation to Descartes or other more “substantial” epistemologists. This article argues that such marginalization of Les Provinciales—and (...) Pascal—is a mistake. I contend that Pascal's work offers a fruitful case study in collective epistemic vices. Contrary to the common view that Les Provinciales is merely a series of Jansenist ad hominem attacks, I argue that Pascal's true aim was to expose the epistemic corruption of the Jesuits to a broader audience. In the first section, I offer a few remarks on contemporary vice epistemology and briefly defend the theoretical framework that I rely on. In the second section, I turn to the letters themselves. I first show how Pascal was acutely sensitive to the sociality of knowledge production, then discuss Les Provinciales as a case study of collective epistemic vices. (shrink)

Macrobius quotes in his „Saturnalia“ (sat. 1, 24, 11) a letter from Vergil to Augustus, which is commonly accepted as authentic and regarded as a precious document of the friendship between the poet and the Emperor. In this article, however, I shall argue that the letter was not written by the poet Vergil. Instead, it is a prosopopoiia, which presupposes a passage in Suetonius’ „Life of Vergil“. Therefore, the text has to be re-classified in the history of Roman literature: It (...) belongs to the ancient traditions of pseudo-epistolography and of prosopopoietic fictions based on Vergil’s biography and poetry. (shrink)

Until the issue of Altheim's book Roemische Religionsgeschichte there was little doubt about the correctness of Wissowa's view that the two groups of the diindigetes and the di novensides combined with each other represent the whole of theRoman pantheon, the di indigetes being the old, indigenous deities of the Roman people, inherited so to speak from the days of Romulus, the di novensides the new deities, imported in historical times from foreign peoples. This view has now been abandoned, owing to (...) Altheim's arguments. Besides this, Altheim and later C. Koch have proved that the proximity of the expressions divi novensiles and di indigetes in Livy's report about the devotio of P. Decius Mus does not in itself justify the conclusion that the di indigetes and the di novensides are linked together in such a manner that the solution of the problem of one group involves that of the other. Hence the questions arise, first, what is the nature of the di novensides or of the di indigetes, and whether either of these questions has been satisfactorily answered; secondly, is it possible to establish any relationship between these two groups of deities, and can such a relation be usedas a starting-point from which to investigate the nature of the other group? In choosing this line of research it seems to me that an attempt to solve the problem of the novensides rather than that of the indigetes promises greater success. I shall, therefore, treat the di novensides in the first part of this paper. (shrink)

The succeeding pages were destined, had matters gone otherwise, to form one section of a chapter devoted to the text of those deservedly neglected authors whom, after a mortal illness released Anton Westermann from the task, Rudolf Hercher marshalled between the two covers of the Didot Epistolographi. That chapter, in its turn, was to have been the last in a volume of Adversaria, and, if the truth is to be told, perhaps not the least important function of some of my (...) proposals was to supply a colourable pretext for dealing with passages of other writers whom I had not treated in the body of the book. (shrink)

This volume combines twenty-six contributions on Byzantine literature in which well-known Byzantine scholars approach subjects from epistolography, historiography, hagiography, philology and prosopography. New editions of many of the texts and documents analysed are included.

In the introductory part of his first letter to Paulinus (epist. 53), Jerome recurs to a famous literary model: Plinius the Younger. While using his letters 2, 3 and 7, 9 as eminent examples of pagan epistolography and, at the same time, transforming them for Christian purposes, Jerome combines the reception of Plinius with intertextual allusions to other classical authors, i. e. Quintilian and Seneca, and, not the least, to the biblical text, namely Paul’s „Letter to Galatians“ and the „Epistle (...) to the Hebrews“. (shrink)

Julius Caesar was remembered in later times for the unprecedented scale of his military activity. He was also remembered for writing copiously while on campaign. Focusing on the period of Rome's war with Gaul , this paper argues that the two activities were interrelated: writing helped to facilitate the Roman conquest of the Gallic peoples. It allowed Caesar to send messages within his own theater of operations, sometimes with distinctive advantages; it helped him stay in touch with Rome, from where (...) he obtained ever more resources; and it helped him, in his Gallic War above all, to turn the story of his scattered campaigns into a coherent narrative of the subjection of a vast territory henceforward to be called “Gaul.” The place of epistolography in late Republican politics receives new analysis in the paper, with detailed discussion of the evidence of Cicero. (shrink)

Both epistolary rhetoric and the practice of epistolography reflect the fact that competition for prestige was pervasive in Roman culture. Indeed, even Ciceronian letters of consolation, which a modern reader might expect to be exempt from social striving, are shaped by emulation and evaluation. Additionally, consolatory exchanges—letters of consolation preserved together with their replies—show that the challenges to a consolatory letter's bereaved addressee to meet or exceed a certain standard of behavior, and specifically to emulate the letter's author, were answered (...) and challenged in turn. (shrink)

Razprava se ukvarja z analizo prvega pisma iz Hieronimove korespondence. Avtor je imel do njega očitno ambivalenten odnos, kar kliče k iskanju večplastne sporočilnosti spisa. Po poskusu datacije, retorični in slogovni analizi ter predstavitvi osnovne zgodbe, ki je vključena vanj, se pokaže, da je pismo kljub navidezni hagiografski šablonskosti vsebinsko bogato. Analiza se zato nadaljuje na dveh področjih. Kraj dogajanja, poznoantično mesto, ne more preživeti brez nove vodilne osebnosti, škofa. Je s pismom Hieronim želel tlakovati pot na vercelski škofovski sedež (...) prijatelju Evagriju iz Antiohije? Ob analizi nejasnih spolnih identitet obeh glavnih oseb iz zgodbe, nemoškega mladeniča in moško neuklonljive ženske, se pokaže, da je Hieronim v novem času iskal nov krščanski ideal, meništvo, ki ga je preko te zgodbe umestil v kontinuiteto z mučeništvom. (shrink)

P.Bon. 5 preserves the only known collection of ancient Latin model letters, accompanied by a Greek translation. This article argues that the Latin is the primary version and dates the composition to before the early third century. Comparisons with other model letter collections, principally ps.-Demetrius’ Epistolary Types and ps.-Libanius’ Epistolary Styles, locate the text within a wider literary genre. A new reconstructed text is provided in the Appendix at the end of this article.

The narrative and design of Cicero's overlooked collection of letters to his brother Quintus (henceforth, QFr.) demand investigation. Within each book, the constituent letters delineate the trajectory of Cicero's life, transitioning from his political prominence to his increasing irrelevance. This narrative unfolds not only within the micro-narratives of individual books but also across the macro-narrative of the entire collection. Containing only letters from Cicero to Quintus dated between 60/59–54 and featuring a notable resemblance to the Epistulae ad Atticum (henceforth, Att.) (...) Books 2–4, QFr., it can be argued, functions as both a ‘microcosm’ of Att. and its supplement. This article addresses these issues and argues that QFr. deserves a place alongside the ‘major’ Ciceronian collections. (shrink)

This article is a discussion of Plin.Ep. 7.29 andEp. 8.6, in which he presents his reaction to seeing the grave monument of Marcus Antonius Pallas, the freedman and minister of the Emperor Claudius, beside the Via Tiburtina. The monument records a senatorial vote of thanks to Pallas, and Pliny expresses intense indignation at the Senate's subservience and at the power and influence wielded by a freedman. This article compares Pliny's letters with Tacitus’ account of the senatorial vote of thanks to (...) Pallas atAnn. 12.52–3 and explores the differences between the ways in which the two authors encourage readers to relate to past events. It is noted that the Pallas letters are unusual amongst Pliny's letters for their treatment of material unconnected with the life and career of Pliny and his friends, and argued that inEp. 7.29 Pliny uses language and attitudes drawn from satire to evoke the past.Ep. 8.6 is read as an idiosyncratic piece of historical enquiry, considering Pliny's use of citation and his anonymization of historical individuals. Both letters are considered in the context of the surrounding letters, and a hypothesis is offered regarding the identity of their addressee Montanus, considering evidence from Tacitus’HistoriesandAnnals. Discussion of Tac.Ann.12.52–3 focusses on the use of irony. Pliny's evocation ofenargeia(‘vividness’) is compared with that of Tacitus. The article concludes with comparison of the historical accounts offered by Pliny and Tacitus through reflection on Juvenal,Satire1. (shrink)

The epistolary corpus of M. Cornelius Fronto, the rhetoric teacher of the ‘princes’ M. Aurelius and L. Verus, offers valuable insights into the functioning of the monarchical order of the Principate, despite the seemingly trivial subject matter of many of his letters, due to the unique level of communication. Especially the communication with the domus Augusta provides important additions to the comparable letters of Pliny the Younger. While scholars have so far concentrated on Fronto’s relationship with his pupil Marcus, this (...) contribution focuses on the communication with and about the adoptive father of his pupils, Antoninus Pius, because it makes tangible the ‘rules of the game’ of the interaction between the senatorial elite and the princeps who came from their ranks. (shrink)

Name der Zeitschrift: Das Mittelalter Jahrgang: 22 Heft: 1 Seiten: 130-145.

In the monograph under review, a revised version of a dissertation submitted at the University of Konstanz in 2019, Polcar sets out to provide a full-scale commentary on a single letter of Jerome’s correspondence such as will be familiar to those who have read the work of Scourfield, Adkin, and Cain. The letter under investigation, epistula 79, is addressed to the newly widowed Salvina, containing both consolation for the loss of her husband, Nebridius, and exhortation to chaste widowhood. After a (...) brief introduction to Jerome and the letter’s place in the ancient epistolographic tradition (pp. 11–19) and a survey of the edition and the manuscripts consulted (21–24), there follows a Latin text with a facing translation (pp. 24–45). (shrink)

This article presents, as a case study, the various inconsistencies which occur in the prosopographical entries concerning Simplicius, one of Sidonius’ most frequent addressees. Through the exegesis of passages of letters addressed to him (Epist. 3.11, 4.4, 4.7, 4.12, 5.4) and of passages believed to concern him (Carm. 24.89; Epist. 2.9 and 5.7), it argues for a revision of the common identification of Simplicius as brother of Apollinaris and Thaumastus, and for a re-evaluation of the sources which supposedly lead to (...) this conclusion. Some cautionary remarks on the unchecked use of prosopography as a tool are followed by a hypothesis concerning the identity of this addressee of Sidonius. (shrink)