The theoretical originality of John Locke's position concerning his doctrine of tolerance leads him on the one hand to raise the right to exist for "particular Churches" and on the other hand to erect the process of conviction above the intrinsic content of any belief. In the philosopher's reasoning, the Church is never rendered superfluous because only the practice of worship can demonstrate the sincerity of any spiritual approach. On the other hand, he refutes the postulates of clerical authority (...) on the truth in matters of faith since God would not have prescribed any model. Yet the tension between faith and knowledge is diminished by the Lockian demonstration that consciences, although and because they are weak, must never be violated. (shrink)

Avec sa succession de bouleversements institutionnels, le dix-septième siècle anglais fut un fabuleux terrain d'expérimentation et de réflexion politique d'où surgirent les grandes théories modernes. A cette période, philosophes et acteurs engagés tentèrent de penser, avec une acuité particulière liée aux événements (guerres civiles, régicide, république, dictature), les tensions inhérentes au pouvoir, tout à la fois perçu comme contraignant, tyrannique et libérateur. Quatre d'entre eux ont été retenus : Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679), le théoricien de l’absolutisme, James Harrington (1611-1677), (...) le républicain classique, Algernon Sidney (1623-1683), le martyr whig, John Locke (1632-1704), le père du libéralisme. Le propos de l’ouvrage est de montrer que, par-delà leurs différences, ces quatre penseurs partagent une approche qui constitue le socle commun d’une théorie de l’Etat moderne. Leur doctrine s’affranchit de l’exercice utopique comme de la théorie de la raison d’Etat et se conçoit comme une anatomie du corps politique. Par un examen minutieux des textes, l’auteur cherche à s’écarter de l' interprétation trop « idéologique » sans doute accentuée par les combats de l’histoire. Elle met en évidence un objet philosophique commun aux quatre auteurs, que l’on retrouve au cœur de toute conception moderne du pouvoir. (shrink)

Avant la parution des Lettres philosophiques de Voltaire, chaque grande famille intellectuelle examine la production pascalienne selon une perspective traditionelle. Après la XXV Lettre, où s'affrontent deux morales, deux épistémologies, deux conceptions de Dieu, le regard sur Pascal perd de son unité. Certes, parmi les écrivains des Lumières, l'anthropologie pascalienne est condamnée: la valorisation de l'amour propre, la croyance en l'idée de nature, le souci, le souci de bienfaisance, l'esprit de tolérance, le concept d'utilité, la foi dans le progrès (...) et l'éfficacité de l'action politique s'opposent au tragique pascalien. Mais certains auteurs, tel Vauvenargues, sont sensibles à l'esthétique de Pascal, tandis que d'autres, comme d'Alembert, vantent ses mérites scientifiques. Le paradoxe de la fortune pascalienne est surtout entretenu, dans le parti des Lumières, par l'orientation sceptique donnée aux fragments sur la coutume ou sur le désenchantement du monde. Conséquence du progrès de l'esprit 'philosophique', les apologistes, chez qui le sens du péché s'est atténué, défendent avec tiédeur Pascal, en oubliant progressivement la dimension théologique des Pensées et en orientant ce livre vers une interprétation profane: les preuves historiques tendent à passer au second plan. L'apologie traditionnelle reconnaît un rôle social au christianisme, parallèlement au concept d'utilité et de progrès qui imprègnent les consciences religieuses. Dans ce contexte, peu favorable á une bonne compréhension de la théologie pascalienne, les jésuites atténuent leurs critiques envers l'auteur des Provinciales, tandis que les jansénistes, à l'exemple de Louis Racine, se révèlent des disciples infidèles: les preuves métaphysiques, naturelles ou morales ne s'inscrivent pas dans la filiation pascalienne. Les défenseurs de la religion chrétienne restent étrangers au message pascalien. Condorcet, premier éditeur des Pensées depuis Port-Royal, opère une fracture saisissante entre le moraliste et l'apologiste jusqu'à enrôler Pascal dans le camps des athées. La fin du XVIIIe siècle est marquée par le renouveau d'une sensibilité religieuse, mais celle-ci reste éloignée de la thématique pascalienne. Seule la littérature, avec l'éloge de la mélancolie, la fascination pour la subjectivité, la reconnaissance du fragment, offre l'amorce d'une transformation du regard sur Pascal. En conclusion, il semble que l'auteur du dix-septième siècle ne soit compris ni par les philosophes ni par les apologistes, dont l'horizon intellectuelle est paradoxalement réuni par les critères de raison ou d'utilité. Leur rapport à l'oeuvre pascalienne ne se lit que sous la forme d'une stratégie des 'morceaux choisis'. Ce sujet a aussi souligné l'intérêt d'un débat toujours recommencé: le XX résonne encore de l'affrontement entre le doute et l'optimisme, entre une interrogation sur les valeurs et la foi dans le progrès, entre la dénonciation de la perte des sens et le pari sur l'histoire. Le dialogue entre l'humanisme et l'anti-humanisme est de tous les siècles. (shrink)

Le livre III de l’Essai de Locke passe pour un des textes importants que la fin du XVIIe siècle consacre exclusivement au langage. Mais il ne faut pas s’attendre à y trouver un traité de linguistique innovant dans un champ vierge; même si Locke découvre tardivement l’importance du nom dans le savoir, il lui est facile de trouver autour de lui suffisamment de travaux pour prendre position, critiquer, simplifier, réorienter. Réorienter car son étude du nom ne vise qu’à préparer (...) un traité de la connaissance, non à faire de la linguistique pour elle-même. Il simplifie de ce fait les travaux que le Scolastique nominaliste notamment avait multipliés. Il critique tous ceux qui dissocient le mot de la double “référence” qui lui est “naturelle” : l’idée et la chose; contre Hobbes mais aussi contre les théoriciens des langues universelles, il ancre les langues dans l’usage commun d’une part, dans le rapport incertain aux choses d’autre part, toujours par la médiation de la pensée individuelle. Il prend enfin position : le nom est l’instrument privilégié de l’abstraction et de la généralisation : indispensable pour la communication et l’accumulation du savoir, il est aussi le lieu de toutes les illusions. Par son approche des espèces naturelles, par sa critique de l’essentialisme qui restaure paradoxalement l’abstrait et l’universel, par sa réduction du langage à la communication d’informations, plus que par sa théorie linguistique, ce texte nous donne encore à penser. (shrink)

La 4e de couverture indique :"Farouche adversaire de l'absolutisme, défenseur de la tolérance religieuse, père fondateur du libéralisme, John Locke (1632-1704) est une figure canonique de l'histoire de la pensée politique européenne. Il a forgé son oeuvre au coeur même des batailles politiques qui agitaient l'Angleterre de la fin du XVII ème siècle et qui menèrent à la Glorieuse Révolution de 1688. Ce que l'on sait moins, c'est que Locke a également eu une très riche carrière (...) coloniale au service de l'expansion anglaise en Amérique. Sa philosophie constitue le moment inaugural d'une histoire au cours de laquelle allaient être inextricablement noués libéralisme et colonialisme, construction étatique et formation impériale. Elle révèle également les relations intimes qui ont uni épistémologie et politique depuis la découverte du Nouveau Monde. L'Amérique de John Locke entend mettre en évidence l'émergence d'une géopolitique de la connaissance avec laquelle nous sommes encore loin d'avoir fini.". (shrink)

Avec son livre récent, Locke and French materialism (Oxford 1991), John Yolton - connu de longue date pour avoir le premier focalisé le contexte théologique et moral du nouveau 'way of ideas' chez Locke - a donné le signal de départ d'une exploration de la place de Locke dans la lutte philosophique en France au dix-septième siècle. Prenant acte que le thème, pourtant majeur, des idées innées dans la réception française de Locke n'a pas encore reçu l'attention (...) qu'il mérite, le présent livre poursuit une analyse approfondie de la fortune de la polémique contre les idées innées chez les philosophes français, de Jean Le Clerc (1688) à Saint-Lambert (1801). Après une présentation du scénario mis en place au dix-septième siècle (Descartes, Malebranche, Locke), on suit dans un ordre chronologique l'évolution de la critique des idées innées chez les philosophes français jusqu'à la defense d'une tabula rasaabsolue à la fin du siècle (Helvétius, d'Holbach), passant par plusieurs étapes qui marquent chacune à la fois un aboutissement et un nouveau point de départ dans la radicalisation progressive du leitmotiv lancé par Locke: considérées comme le pilier même de la métaphysique chrétienne, les idées innées sont dénoncées de façon de plus en plus radicale, d'abord dans le Refuge, ensuite en France sur une route jalonnée d'affaires' (Voltaire 1734, Prades 1751, Helvétius 1758, d'Holbach 1770). Or, si la polémique contre les idées innées semble évoluer selon une logique interne nécessaire, ce livre dévoile en même temps l'existence d'une critique des idées innées plus proche de la cause apologétique par son souci de préserver l'immatérialité de l'âme, l'existence de Dieu et celle d'une loi naturelle (morale) objective et absolue. Enfin, on voit par les résultats de cette enquête comment, aujourd'hui, le débat entre l'inné et l'acquis, toujours d'actualité, trouve ses origines dans l'histoire retracée ici - comme d'ailleurs plus généralement la sécularisation et ses différents avatars, matérialisme, nihilisme, athéisme. Remerciements. (shrink)

Le succes des Essais de John Locke sur l'origine, les modalites et le but de l'entendement humain fut similaire au triomphe de Newton en physique. Cet ouvrage initie tout le courant empiriste qui le suit, ainsi que la psychologie comme science. Il reste, a ce jour, la plus etudiee des oeuvres de Locke. Les livres I et II, ici edites dans une traduction nouvelle, presentent l'acte fondateur (que reproduiront Berkeley et Hume) de la these sensualiste: la critique de (...) l'inneisme et la source empirique de toute idee. Cette nouvelle traduction offre au lecteur un texte issu d'une lecture enrichie par trois siecles d'exegese. (shrink)

Alors même qu'elle n'y est que rarement définie, la question de la censure est à l'arrière plan d'une large part de la pensée politique italienne de l'époque dite de la Contre-Réforme (Botero, Fracchetta, Ammirato, Albergati, Possevino). Elle constitue toutefois une pierre de touche permettant de contester l'idée, aujourd'hui répandue, d'une homogénéité de pensée entre tous les théoriciens de la raison d'État. Alors que certains d'entre eux acceptent le modèle ancien de la censure politique romaine, réactualisé par la théorie juridique bodinienne, (...) les principaux représentants de la raison d'État catholique semblent la rejeter, ou du moins l'ignorer, au profit d'un autre modèle, celui de la censure ecclésiastique. Directement opposés à Bodin, ces auteurs développent cependant le programme que celui-ci expose dans son chapitre De la censure (République, VI, 1) : un contrôle social de la population pensé sur le modèle de la vision panoptique et omnisciente. Mais ils prétendent à une efficacité majeure, grâce à la multiplication des outils et des occasions du contrôle. Il ne s'agit plus simplement de dénombrer les sujets et leurs biens, mais d'épier directement leurs actions et leurs pensées : la figure du censeur fait place à celle de l'espion. Tel qu'il est formulé par tous ces auteurs, l'enjeu principal du contrôle social est bien de connaître les opinions des hommes et de soumettre les consciences ; or la force de la proposition des penseurs catholiques consiste à confier cette tâche ' politique ' à la seule autorité légitime en matière de gouvernement des âmes : le clergé, chargé de la confession et de la direction des consciences. De la sorte, la raison d'État catholique prétend à une efficacité politique supérieure à toute théorie qui détache l'État de sa bride confessionnelle. (shrink)

En Europe au seizième siècle, la vérité siège dans l'Autorité. Mais à l'aube du dix-septième siècle elle vient s'établir du côté de la Raison de l'Homme, et choisit la Nature pour seconde résidence. Prenant goût à la Nature, la vérité finit par s'y loger pour de bon. Mais aujourd'hui on ne sait plus où la trouver. Et certains pensent qu'il est devenu désuet de la chercher.

Concu intialement par Locke comme un chapitre supplementaire de l 'Essai sur l'entendement humain et publie pour la premiere fois dans un volume d'oeuvres posthumes, ce texte aborde les themes majeurs qui ont occupe Locke, tels que la theorie de la methode, l'art de penser et la logique, et offre ainsi une vision de la pensee en developpement et en devenir du philosophe.

A-t-on le droit de croire en l'existence de Dieu? Non, répondent ceux qui veulent des preuves. Oui, affirme ce livre, car nous avons le droit de croire même sans justification épistémologique. Cela n'a rien d'intellectuellement honteux, contrairement à ce que disent certains philosophes, en parlant d'une éthique des croyances Une nouvelle question se pose alors : a-t-on le droit de croire avoir reçu une révélation et prétendre connaître ainsi la vérité? Non, répondent ceux pour lesquels la vérité ne peut pas (...) être donnée par Dieu dans la Bible. Oui, affirme ce livre, et, qui plus est, une épistémologie peut défendre la rationalité de notre croyance à la révélation. Dès lors, peut-on faire comme si les affirmations du Credo étaient des fictions? Est-il vrai que la religion est avant tout une affaire pratique et une forme de vie? Non, répond ce livre : les arguments en faveur d'une conception non réaliste de la religion sont faibles ; en revanche, le réalisme théologique peut être défendu. Renouvelant ainsi la traditionnelle question de la relation entre foi et raison, ce livre discute aussi bien les thèses de saint Thomas, de John Locke, du cardinal Newman et de Ludwig Wittgenstein, que celles de philosophes analytiques contemporains de la religion comme Alvin Plantinga, Richard Swinburne, Peter van Inwagen ou Linda Zagzebski. (shrink)

L'objet de cet article est de reconsidérer la nature du Contrat chez Thomas Hobbes, tel qu'il la définit plus particulièrement au chapitre XIV du Leviathan, et de la replacer dans une perspective légale, historique, et jurisprudentielle précise. La notion de contrat au milieu du dix-septième siècle en Angleterre etait très différente de celle que nous reconnaissons aujourd'hui en matière de jurisprudence dans le domaine de la 'Common Law'. Hobbes décrit un contrat strictement socratique et strictement formaliste dans (...) lequel l'équité qui fait la substance du contrat en est une qualité immanente. La théorie du contrat que Hobbes applique à la constitution est done avant tout socratique et formaliste, et en aucun cas positiviste. La promesse en elle-même n'a pas force de contrainte, elle n'est que l'indication de l'existence potentielle d'un contrat. Seule la rationalité immanente de sa forme et de sa substance donne force de contrainte au contrat. Dans le contexte historique immediat de 1651, annee de parution du Leviathan, Hobbes, en définissant le contrat en ces termes, soulageait la conscience de nombreux Anglais à qui répugnait l'acte d'allégeance au Commonwealth . II leur assurait qu'un tel acte d'allégeance ne constituait pas en soi un contrat, mais une simple promesse indicative, qui ne les contraignait ni en forme ni en substance. L'acte d'alléeance au Commonwealth, en termes de contrat, était sans portée juridique. (shrink)

L'objet de ce livre est de rendre à John Locke et à son Essai sur l'entendement humain (1689), la place centrale qui leur revient dans l'invention de "l'esprit" moderne. Mettant de côté la spéculation métaphysique et religieuse, Locke s'est proposé d'appliquer aux pouvoirs et aux opérations de l'esprit une forme d'analyse expérimentale, fondée sur les données factuelles du sens interne (ou " réflexion "). Sous son concept d'idée, il identifie, peut-être pour la première fois, des états mentaux, états (...) conscients, dont le flux, ou le "train" constitue l'élément dans lequel se déploie une forme de vie intérieure, une vie mentale. A travers ces descriptions, Locke ouvre à ses lecteurs une nouvelle manière de penser l'esprit ou le "mind", dont la philosophie contemporaine a largement hérité, en interrogeant la nature de la conscience, le rapport entre les sens perceptifs, ou encore de la "question de l'identité personnelle" dans son rapport au flux de conscience. Ecrit dans une langue claire, nourri par une connaissance précise des débats classiques et contemporains, mais ne présupposant du lecteur aucune connaissance préalable de Locke, cet ouvrage propose une lecture originale et par moment intempestive de l'Essai, qui le dépouille de son habit austère de "grand monument de l'âge classique", en montrant qu'il offre des réponses toujours stimulantes aux questions vives et disputées d'aujourd'hui, en même temps qu'il permet une meilleure compréhension de l'histoire qui leur a donné naissance. (shrink)

La notion de désobéissance civile connaît aujourd'hui un regain d'intérêt qui n'exclut pas toujours les approximations. Les noms de Thoreau, de Gandhi, de King, étroitement liés à son histoire, font désormais partie de la culture générale. Mais sait-on que l'idée d'une obéissance conditionnelle l'État et à ses lois émerge, sous la plume d'un John Locke, dès le XVIIe siècle ouvrant ainsi une brèche féconde dans les théories modernes du contrat social? Sait-on que la désobéissance civile fut, à l'exemple (...) des universitaires norvégiens en 1942, un des modes de résistance à l'occupation nazie? Se souvient-on qu'en Pologne, notamment, c'est une authentique campagne de désobéissance civile qui précipita l'effondrement du régime communiste? De Tolstoï à John Rawls, de la " marche du sel " en Inde aux " enseignants désobéisseurs " en France, ce concept s'est sans cesse enrichi sur les plans philosophiques et stratégiques. En un dialogue fertile avec les textes fondateurs et les grandes campagnes historiques, l'auteur nous montre ce qu'est la désobéissance civile : avant tout, un impératif éthique d'éprouver la légitimité de la loi et, le cas échéant, la faculté de rompre avec son cadre rassurant. Ce livre, qui se veut aussi un manuel pratique, montre que cette forme d'action directe non-violente, souvent efficace contre la tyrannie, peut et doit également contribuer à la respiration de nos démocraties essoufflées.-. (shrink)

English summary: The reason for this text's success lies in the variety of the book: there is a refutation of skepticism, a defense of common sense, a doctrine on the five senses, the major themes of sensation, attention, perception and belief, long essays on optics, and a chapter devoted entirely to non-Euclidean geometry. French text. French description: Les Recherches sur l'entendement humain paraissent en 1764 et sont traduites en francais des 1768, signe d'un rapide succes a l'echelle de l'Europe. (...) La raison de ce succes tient a la richesse de l'ouvrage puisqu'on y trouve une refutation du scepticisme, une defense du sens commun, une doctrine elaboree des cinq sens, l'amorce des themes majeurs de la sensation, de l'attention, de la perception et de la croyance, themes qui seront repris et proprement construits dans les Essays on the Intellectual Powers of Man de 1785, de longs developpements sur l'optique et un chapitre consacre entierement a la geometrie non euclidienne des visible; mais aussi de fines analyses sur l'art de la peinture, sur le langage et sur l'histoire de la philosophie. Or cette richesse a une unique source: la critique du systeme des idees, systeme ne avec la philosophie de Descartes et trouvant son terme dans le scepticisme radical de Hume, et selon lequel l'esprit n'aurait pas affaire aux choses memes mais aux representations des choses. Cette seule critique suffit a justifier la place de Reid dans l'histoire de la philosophie et permet de mieux comprendre comment ses analyses ont pu nourrir plusieurs debats contemporains sur la connaissance et la croyance. (shrink)

Depuis quelques années, nos sociétés de plus en plus marquées par les services et les contraintes des sciences et des techniques, voient se tendre les relations entre politiques et savants. Du coup, se trouve posée en termes nouveaux la question assez traditionnelle des rapports entre vérité et autorité. De façon plus urgente, c'est la question de la vérité qui doit être traitée dans la mouvance d'un triple héritage de conceptions : la conception de la vérité comme réalisme; la conception positiviste (...) en réaction au kantisme, et depuis le début des années 60, une conception qui doit redéfinir et repenser le réalisme. L'exploration historique et conceptuelle permet à la fois une critique des pratiques et des illusions de ces trois derniers siècles, et des questions nouvelles quant à l'avenir de la raison tant du côté des sciences que du côté du pouvoir. Car c'est de la commu­nauté humaine et de l'homme qu'il s'agit avant tout, ce qui interdit de faire définitivement l'impasse sur des problèmes qui sont avant tout la responsabilité d '« hommes finis », ce qui induit la nécessité de choisir une éthique et d'adopter une ontologie.For some years our societies, more and more marked by the services and restraints of the sciences and technology, find relations between politicians and scholars strained. As a result, the rather traditional ques­tion of the relationship between truth and authority has been put in new terms. In a more urgent way, it is the question of truth that should be treated in the sphere of a triple inheritance of ideas : the conception of truth as realism, the positivist conception in reaction to Kantianism, and, from the begiming of the 60's, a conception that would redefine and rethink realism. A historical and conceptual exploration allows both a critique of the practices and illusions of these last three centuries, and new questions as regards the future, both on the side of the sciences and on the side of power. For, above all, the concern is with the human community and man, and thus prohibits a definitive impasse concerning these problems, which are, above all, the responsibility of « finite men ». This leads to the necessity of choosing an ethic and of adopting an ontology. (shrink)

Comprendre ce que les philosophes du XVIIe siècle entendaient par représentation est essentiel à l'intelligence de leurs conceptions des idées et de la vérité. Ce livre renouvelle notre approche du problème à travers des lectures de Descartes, Leibniz, Locke, Pascal, en reliant leurs analyses philosophiques à leurs textes scientifiques. Les figures de la Dioptrique et de la Géométrie éclairent chez Descartes le contenu de l'idée sensible, le rapport du clair et du confus, la nature de la couleur et celle (...) de l'existence. Les anamorphoses de l'Essai sur l'entendement humain de Locke donnent à voir comment les idées renvoient aux choses. Et l'hexagramme pascalien raconte l'herméneutique des Pensées. La représentation classique s'avère l'effet d'une transformation qui affecte en même temps la science et la philosophie. À l'encontre des lectures qui ont insisté sur les filiations avec les pensées médiévales et tenté de réduire la nouveauté de la pensée classique, ce livre retrouve une thèse essentielle de Michel Foucault dans Les Mots et les Choses sur la rupture inaugurant l'âge classique. Mais il découvre dans cette rupture l'effet d'une opération matérielle, qui conduit à un nouveau mode d'existence concret des images et des signes dans les textes du savoir, analysable à l'intérieur de dispositifs textuels. Ce qui l'amène enfin à déplacer profondément les analyses de Foucault et à interroger les présupposés de son archéologie du savoir. (shrink)

L'Essai sur l'entendement humain est de ces livres dont le succès a largement dépassé l'intention de leurs auteurs. Locke n'entendait pas y faire œuvre de philosophie, mais simplement consigner «quelques pensées hâtives et indigestes» qui lui étaient venues sur le sujet de la connaissance. Pourtant l'ouvrage exercera une influence profonde dès avant sa parution en 1690 et infléchira durablement le cours de l'histoire de la philosophie. Berkeley, Condillac, Leibniz et plus généralement tous les auteurs du XVIIIe siècle y (...) nourriront leur pensée. Russell reconnaîtra, dans la mise en question lockienne de la proposition catégorique et de la structure sujet/prédicat, une parenté avec l'«atomisme logique». D'autres logiciens contemporains héritent encore de la pensée de Locke. L'idée que la source des faux problèmes doit être trouvée dans le langage ne préfigure-t-elle pas la pensée de Wittgenstein? Les tentatives que mène Locke pour reconstruire les ontologies implicites, celle de Quine? (shrink)

The last thirty years has witnessed an explosion of scholarly books and articles on Locke which, claims Harpham, has "recast our most basic understanding of Locke as a historical actor and political theorist, the Two Treatises as a document, and liberalism as a coherent tradition of political discourse". The seven articles in this volume attempt to assess this "new scholarship," which is described as revisionist and historicist. This volume is now probably the best introduction to the "new scholarship." The introduction (...) by Edward Harpham, "Locke's Two Treatises in Perspective," and the bibliography provide a nice summary of key ideas, books, and articles. The essence of the new perspective is best stated by Richard Ascraft [[sic]] in "The Politics of Locke's Two Treatises of Government": "Locke's thought is thus both philosophically more conservative and politically more radical than we have hitherto supposed. In short, Locke is at once closer to Aristotle and Hooker and to the levelers and Sidney than the prevailing interpretations of his political thought maintain". Ashcraft attempts to separate Locke from the philosophy of Hobbes on such issues as resistance, toleration, justice and natural law, obligation; he directs his argument against Macpherson and Strauss, whose presences haunt the borders of the new scholarship. Eldon Eisenach, in his "Religion and Locke's Two Treatises of Government," interprets Locke's philosophy as marked by a deep skepticism regarding the reach of natural reason and informed by a "deep faith in the efficacy of biblical revelation" as the source of our moral and political duties. Eisenach comes close to dissenting from the new scholarship by wondering whether "Dunn and Ashcraft" are whistling in the dark concerning the coherence of Locke's "worldview"; but he closes ranks with the assertion that the Essay lays out a path to salvation. Eisenach concludes that Locke is not antireligious and secular, but a defender of biblical Christianity. The new scholarship must emphasize all the more a "spiritualist and assertively evangelical Locke". David Resnick, in "Rationality and the Two Treatises," attempts to recover the portrait of Locke as an antitraditionalist, committed to a critical rationalism. Resnick uses Weber's theory of rationality to render a consistent account of Locke's social analysis. Yet Resnick also insists that Locke's political philosophy is not self-interested and atomistic but is rooted in a fully Christian worldview: "Locke's deeply held theological convictions about the existence, benevolence and rationality of God ground his reasoning in a metaphysically stable framework". This religious assumption provides a basis for Locke's "rationality." But a new inconsistency is opened up by this resolution--a rationalism rooted in religious faith, by a philosopher who continually urged their distinction. Karen Iversen Vaughn, in "The Economic Background to Locke's Two Treatises of Government," attempts to correct the new scholarship's neglect of the economic premises of Locke's political philosophy; this neglect is part of an overreaction to Macpherson, but Vaughn offers a moderate economic interpretation of Locke. Vaughn shows the importance of rational self-interest in economic behavior, the necessity of political society to set conditions for economic pursuit: limit on sovereign power is an example of self-interest and evidence that "economic aspects of man's behavior permeated all aspects of life". Further, "civil society requires enforceable rules to contain the self-seeking actions of all men, so that life, liberty and property can be protected". Vaughn's essay opens the back door to the "self-interested" Locke of the "old scholarship." Ronald Hamowy, in "Cato's Letters, John Locke, and the Republican Paradigm," also seeks to redress the imbalance of the new scholarship, arguing that Locke's philosophy was not displaced by the civic humanist tradition and republican virtue. He offers a detailed analysis of Cato's Letters by John Tenchard and Thomas Gordon. Like Locke, "Cato" defines political authority in terms of inalienable rights. His analysis of liberty is strikingly Lockean, and not republican. Pocock's assessment of Locke's irrelevance to Whiggism and the American founding must be rejected. In the final essay, "Locke's Two Treatises and Contemporary Thought: Freedom, Community and the Liberal Tradition," Stephen L. Newman compares contemporary American libertarian and communitarian alternatives to the liberal welfare state. Newman offers a very trenchant criticism of libertarianism as decidedly non-Lockean by dint of its utter depoliticization of all behavior and its tendency to restore the execution of natural law to the private citizen and private groups. On the other hand, communitarianism fails to provide a sufficiently specific and robust notion of the common good, and more consistent writers like Walzer and Barber fall back not upon a teleological community, but autonomy mixed with participation. Locke's distinction of politics from economics, family, and social groups still provides the most workable and realistic account of politics available in the modern world; hence Newman concludes that libertarianism and communitarianism offer "impoverished" political theories. (shrink)

Annotation: The article contains the research concerning the possible impact of Karl Barth`s figure and theological issues on the theology of the 20th century and the first decades of the 21st century. There is a comparative analysis of how powerful and significant was the level of impact of Barth`s scientific experience on the theologians of his era, in comparison with the most prominent representatives of Christian thought from the earlier centuries, beginning with the times of ancient church, the Middle Ages, (...) the 16th century protestant Reformation, as well as his contemporaries. As it was clarified, Karl Barth made a striking impulse for the further radical deconstruction of what is considered to be the achievements of 19th`s century liberal protestant theology (which made him a lot of detractors among his colleagues), made a loud accent on the necessity of the Christocentric approach to all the spheres of theology, newly updated, actualized and convincingly demonstrated the importance of ancient church creeds and dogmas in the field of Triadology and Christology, as well as in an unusual way he intensified and revived the intellectual search in the protestant universities and academies by his reshaping and changing the paradigms of the whole western theology in a radical way. In the article were taken into account some reviews on Barth`s “Epistle to the Romans” (second edition, 1922), which caused lively discussions and prolonged controversy because of specific and non-standard hermeneutical approaches to the biblical text, which Barth demonstrated in this one of the most eminent theological works of the 20th century. The article reveals not only the attitude towards Barth`s theological heritage that was showed by his protestant colleagues, but also reveals the sincere admiration for his theology from some Orthodox researchers, in particular, the honored professor of Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, John Karavidopulos, and the world famous specialist in the history of Christianity and medieval intellectual history, Jaroslav Jan Pelikan Jr., who converted to Orthodoxy in 1998. In the article`s conclusion there`s a piece of information concerning the fact that the impact of Barth`s dogmatics and hermeneutics on the modern departments of theology is not so noticeable as one might expect. In particular, we can make such a conclusion because of (1) the absence of true consolidation and common vision about the methods of theologizing between the western universities and church seminaries, (2) the popularity of so called “natural theology” which nowadays often seems to be regarded as an important prerequisite for all further theological researches, while Barth himself was a categorical opponent of this discourse, (3) the domination of binary opposition between conservatives and liberals in context of some modern theological discussions, while Karl Barth always tried to organically combine his devotion to the protestant orthodoxy with his efforts to be relevant and adequate to the requirements of his time. (shrink)

In this essay, we draw on John Haugeland’s work in order to argue that Burge is wrong to think that exercises of perceptual constancy mechanisms suffice for perceptual representation. Although Haugeland did not live to read or respond to Burge’s Origins of Objectivity, we think that his work contains resources that can be developed into a critique of the very foundation of Burge’s approach. Specifically, we identify two related problems for Burge. First, if (what Burge calls) mere sensory responses (...) are not representational, then neither are exercises of constancy mechanisms, since the differences between them do not suffice to imply that one is representational and the other is not. Second, taken by themselves, exercises of constancy mechanisms are only derivatively representational, so merely understanding how they work is not sufficient for understanding what is required for something, in itself, to be representational (and thereby provide a full solution to the problem of perceptual representation). (shrink)

In his work, the philosopher John Haugeland (1945–2010) proposed a radical expansion of philosophy's conceptual toolkit, calling for a wider range of resources for understanding the mind, the world, and how they relate. Haugeland argued that “giving a damn” is essential for having a mind—suggesting that traditional approaches to cognitive science mistakenly overlook the relevance of caring to the understanding of mindedness. Haugeland's determination to expand philosophy's array of concepts led him to write on a wide variety of subjects (...) that may seem unrelated—from topics in cognitive science and philosophy of mind to examinations of such figures as Martin Heidegger and Thomas Kuhn. Haugeland's two books with the MIT Press, Artificial Intelligence and Mind Design, show the range of his interests. -/- This book offers a collection of essays in conversation with Haugeland's work. The essays, by prominent scholars, extend Haugeland's work on a range of contemporary topics in philosophy of mind—from questions about intentionality to issues concerning objectivity and truth to the work of Heidegger. Giving a Damn also includes a previously unpublished paper by Haugeland, “Two Dogmas of Rationalism,” as well as critical responses to it. Finally, an appendix offers Haugeland's outline of Kant's "Transcendental Deduction of the Categories.” -/- Contributors Zed Adams, William Blattner, Jacob Browning, Steven Crowell, John Haugeland, Bennett W. Helm, Rebecca Kukla, John Kulvicki, Mark Lance, Danielle Macbeth, Chauncey Maher, John McDowell, Joseph Rouse. (shrink)

n 1902, 70 million years after it tripped lightly through the Mesozoic forests in search of meat, the skeleton of a 20-foothightyrannosaurus was dynamited out of a sandstone bluff near Hell Creek, Mont. Wrapped in burlap and plaster and shipped back to New York, the bones were painstakingly reassembled by fossil curator Barnum Brown of the American Museum of Natural History. It was there, one day in 1947, that they happened to scare the bejesus out of 5-year-old Stephen Jay Gould. (...) With a mouthful of teeth as big as bananas, the great reptile gaped down at the little mammal who had usurped its place at the head of the food chain and set him scurrying for the safety of his daddy's pant leg. It was a sublime epiphany. Long after Gould could stare with equanimity at the skull of tyrannosaurus, he was left with the essential mystery that still motivates him as perhaps America's foremost writer and thinker on evolution: why should dinosaurs have ended up in human museums instead of—as one among an infinite number of evolutionary possibilities—the other way around? (shrink)

Le Michigan est le site de trois pipelines : pétrole, plomb et marchandises. Cet essai retrace les crises de ces pipelines et les possibilités de lutte contre leur établissement. En examinant les limites et les potentiels du blocage propre à « l’action éco-directe », nous pouvons dégager certaines leçons qui pourraient être généralisées à d’autres luttes. En particulier, dans une phase capitaliste de circulation, une tactique consistant à arrêter les flux peut être utile dans des scénarios impliquant d’aller au-delà du (...) simple arrêt de la construction d’un oléoduc. Mais, si une interruption peut ralentir la reproduction du capital, elle pose des défis à la reproduction du social. Ces défis peuvent être surmontés par des blocages qui cherchent non seulement à mettre fin à la situation génératrice du conflit, mais également à créer de nouveaux rapports sociaux. (shrink)

Terry Horgan and John Tienson have suggested that connectionism might provide a framework within which to articulate a theory of cognition according to which there are mental representations without rules (RWR) (Horgan and Tienson 1988, 1989, 1991, 1992). In essence, RWR states that cognition involves representations in a language of thought, but that these representations are not manipulated by the sort of rules that have traditionally been posited. In the development of RWR, Horgan and Tienson attempt to forestall a (...) particular line of criticism, theSyntactic Argument, which would show RWR to be inconsistent with connectionism. In essence, the argument claims that the node-level rules of connectionist networks, along with the semantic interpretations assigned to patterns of activation, serve to determine a set of representation-level rules incompatible with the RWR conception of cognition. The present paper argues that the Syntactic Argument can be made to show that RWR is inconsistent with connectionism. (shrink)

So, e.g., this arrangement of terms "John loves Anne" is syntactically built up in a coherent way out of terms that make sense in the English language and is itself an expression that makes sense in the English language. On the other hand "Perhaps a horse if to shine however" is indeed an arrangement of words that make sense in the English language, but it lacks syntactical coherence and is not itself an expression that makes sense in the English (...) language. (shrink)

A rather popular mixture of biography, philosophy, and theology, for the Catholic layman. Scotus' role in the defense of the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception receives special emphasis. --A. C. P.

The Umayyad State is widely criticized in the West as well as in its own region. Actually, this is normal situation. Because Hijaz Arabs who had no state experience, built a multinational state in short period of time. Yet, this caused serious matters. The fundamental point of the criticism is the payment of tax, also called jizya, which is taken from residents (mawālī) of Khorasan and Transoxania. However, in most studies on this subject, it is understood that the jizya taken (...) from mawālī is combined jizya and kharja, which is different type of tax. Although mawālī was tested for whether it passes religious criteria in critic periods or not, this situation did not last throughout the entire Umayyad history. It was continued for fifteen and twenty years. In this period, it was understood that the jizya tax taken from the mawālī, was caused by the unlawful practices of some regional governors, most of them were non-Muslim local tax officials and all their purpose was to collect the amount of combined jizya. It cannot be said that the Umayyad caliphs officially ordered written instructions in order to take the conceptual sense from the mawālī part. But some Khorasan governors, who detected that taxes were decreasing, blinked at the collection of the jizya from the mawālī.Summary: The tax policies of a state are of great importance for the political, social, and economic stability. A regular tax system minimizes the problems that the state mechanism might face. The establishment of a fair and just tax scheme is undoubtedly possible with a deep-rooted state experience. It is known that the Umayyad state which is the subject of this research has no state experience. Furthermore, ruling to the area which is on 13 million square kilometers and reaching to Kashgar in the East and to South France in the West and governing this multinational structure who are living on these regions, put the Umayyad government in a very difficult condition. With the vast borders and the stoppage of the conquests, some political, social and economic problems were experienced and these problems deeply affected the government. The groups which had argued with Shiites and Khārijites because of some various reasons led the country into collapsing. It is also known that many plague epidemics in the region of Damascus affected the society in a negative way, changing the capital and changing some of the border cities in favor of the Eastern Roman Empire.All these negativities certainly shaken the Umayyad state economically. It is understood from the data that the instability and political uncertainties in the country led to a decrease in the tax rates. For example, the Umayyad caliph ‘Abd al-Malik İbn Marwān period, only half of the tax was collected at the time of Hazrat ‘Umar could be collected. It can be said that the public who avoided the general policies of the state avoided giving tax, in other words, the tax evasion. Also, the increasing migration from village to city and due to that, the vacancy of tribute tax collected land, failure to obtain expected yield because of rent fights on fertile lands, and conversion process in non-Muslim community are included in other reasons of reduction of taxes.In the Umayyad period, the issue of taking the jizya from the mawālī can be considered in this context. We do not have an independent work or research article on how this practice was initiated, how it was and how it was taken from mawālī, and how it was a state policy, and how long it was sustained. The studies that touch on this subject are far from being holistic. Even in the main sources it is seen that the concepts of kharāj and jizya are not fully understood and therefore used interchangeably. This may be considered normal for the first period in which the concepts are not in place. However, in the following centuries, the works that were copyrighted and, except for a few, instead of understanding and explaining this confusion, chose to use the word jizya from these two words which can be used interchangeably in texts. Therefore, this approach has led to the widespread conviction that the Umayyad state has taken jizya from the mawālī in the conceptual sense.Al-Ḥajjāj ibn Yūsuf is claimed to have started the application of taken jizya from mawālī. However, Haccac aimed to provide the regularity of both agricultural products and the kharāj which is taken from farmers because of the status of the soil by sending Sawad villagers who migrated to the big cities and became Muslims by changing their religions. The status of the lands seized was decisive in taxation. According to this, the conquest and the territorial lands were taxed differently, but in some cases the same tax (kharāj) was taken. Non-Muslims who living in the territory of conquest were demanded jizya per capita. The jizya and kharāj tax collected from this category can be expressed as “joint jizya”. Regardless of whether the person is a Muslim or not, the fact that he was demanded from him due to the status of the land was interpreted by some researchers as juristic. However, in times of political instability, it is also a fact that mawālī is demanding jury in addition to the tribute tax. The point that is misunderstood or interpreted is that this practice was carried out throughout the entire Umayyad territory and the history. When examined, this distorted tax concept is actually concentrated in the area of Transoxania. Although some attempts were made to take the jizya from the mawālī to the country, the Umayyad caliphs have not allowed it. The practice of taking the jizya from the mawālī is actually followed by the killing Qutayba ibn Muslim al-Bāhilī (d. 96/715). This started political instability in the Transoxania and continued by some Khurāsān governors. These governors act according to the provocations of the Turkish governors and tax collectors of the region in order to be able to send their taxes completely. They claimed that the region in the region was not a sincere Muslim and, they continued to take the jizya from them.It can be said that jizya is not demanded as it is taken from non-Muslims in the common meaning from mawālī. Because any Umayyad caliph wrote no written instructions regarding this issue in the sources. It is understood that until the caliphate of ‘Umar b. ‘Abd al-‘Azîz, the Umayyad caliphs were not even aware of this distorted tax policy in the area of Transoxania. To put it once again, this practice was initiated by some Khurāsān governors with the concern that tax revenues might decrease. However, it should not be forgotten that this unfair practice after 96/715 is limited to certain governors. For example, during the tenure of Naṣr b. Seyyâr, the last governor of Khurāsān (120-131 / 738-748), the jizya tax was completely removed from the mawālī. Another activity that shows this action is regional and that was ordered by some governors of Khurāsān. Therefore, this practice does not reflect the Umayyad state policy. This is also apparent in the fact that the Shiites, Kharijites, and those who carried out the Abbasid Revolution for thirty-two years, did not make an anti-Umayyad propaganda with provoking the slave by the way of wrong application. (shrink)

Qutayba ibn Muslim al-Bāhilī is one of the leading soldier-bureaucrats of the Umayyads period. During the time he served as the governor of Khurāsān, he consolidated the Umayyad’s rule in Tokharistan and Transoxiana provinces, and expanded the borders of the state to China by conquering the Kashgar region. His activities for conversion of the people of the conquered regions have great importance in the history of Islam since the intense relations of the Turkish people with Islam fell upon the time (...) of his governorship. It is possible to argue that by introducing the religion to these people Qutayba had played an important role in their conversion to Islam. It is also known that he had sent a delegation to the emperor of China for the same purpose. However, despite all his achievements, it is seen that the academic studies about Qutayba in our country are very rare. Besides, some of the recent studies about him claim that he was a fraud, a trickster, and an untrustworthy person in his military activities; and had committed mass murders and massacres, persecuted innocent people, destroyed and burned the cities of conquered lands. In this article, it is examined that whether these claims and accusations have their justifications or not by consulting the main sources. In fact, what is expected from constructive criticism in this subject and every other area is to clarify the matter and make it more comprehensible of its context. However, it should not be forgotten that some conclusions over Qutayba in these studies might have been drawn to quickly in order to manipulate the conquest movements of the Umayyad period.Summary: The religious interaction and change taken place in the Arabian Peninsula with the emergence of Islam and with the political, military and cultural activities of the Muslims performed during the periods of Prophet Muhammad and the Rāshidūn (rightly guided) Caliphs had significant effects upon the lands of Iraq, Syria, Egypt and Khurāsān where the ancient civilizations located.The success made by the Muslim-Arabs in such a short time is accepted of course as one of the important events of world history. The message of Islam spread rapidly with their extraordinary efforts, and reached quickly in the early days of Islam to the Amu Darya/Oxus River, which is considered to be the natural border between the Iranians and the Turks (Iran and Turan).Although the Turks who had been struggling to dominate the region for centuries gained an opportunity with the disappearance of the Sasanian Empire from history, they could not take advantage of this new situation because of their lack of political unity and a strong state, and the power held by the regional Turkish Sultans were not enough to make their dominance happen. In this conjuncture, the Muslim-Arabs who appeared in the stage of history in a relatively late period but had the ideal of being a regional and a global power had rapidly realised their political and military activities called “conquest” in the Islamic historical sources. When it comes to the period of Caliph ʿUthmān, it is seen that the conditions were very suitable for passing to the east of the Oxus River where the Turkish elements lived intensively. At the time, the absence of a strong Turkish state in the region, and China’s occupation with its own internal problems made an important contribution for the Muslim-Arab capture of the region. In this region, which is called as “Transoxiana” in the Arabic sources, it is seen that the Turks organized their political structures as city-states and regional sultanates. In the north-eastern parts of this region, there was a strong Turkish State called the Turgish State and it provided political and military support to the people of the region who rebelled occasionally the Umayyads.After solving the internal problems of the state largely and suppressing some dangerous revolts, the Umayyad Caliph ʿAbd al-Malik ibn Marwān became capable of initiating military activities beyond the borders of the state. Nevertheless, the period when the actual conquests were made was the period of his son Walīd (86/705-96/715). It is seen that the conquests made in his time were permanent, and the people who lived in the conquered lands accepted Islam to a large extent. The conquest made during Walīd’s time which extended from Kashgar to the Pyrenees, realised at an unprecedented pace. The most important name for the eastern side of the conquests is undoubtedly Al-Ḥajjāj ibn Yūsuf. Ḥajjāj (75/694-95/714) who acted as the supreme governor of Iraq for nearly twenty years, had achieved important successes in the regions of Transoxiana and Sindh located in the eastern part of the country by the hands of his appointed governors. However, many governors appointed by him to Khurāsān from 75/694 to 86/705 with the hope of reaching his goals in the east could not meet his expectations because of the political, social and economic problems that existed throughout the country, and because of the resulting rebellions in the regions that these problems caused.These unwanted conditions continued to be seen in the region until he appointed Qutayba ibn Muslim as the governor of Khurāsān (86 / 705-96 / 715) who was one of the young commanders and administrators educated by Ḥajjāj personally. Qutayba known as having a close relationship with Ḥajjāj and consulting him when taking important decisions acted in this direction throughout the time he stayed in this position.It is known that the internal conflicts in the region continued during the time when Qutayba was appointed as the governor of Khurāsān. However, he had brought together northern and southern Arabian tribes living in the region with religious, political and economical suggestions and had succeeded in persuading them for military activities that he decided to operate beyond the Oxus. For the Umayyads, these military operations were justified, because the regional sultans who ruled in the western and eastern sides of the Oxus repeatedly violated the agreements they had made before. The tendency of the people of Turkic, Iranian, and Tajik origin who were the real owner of these lands and lived in both sides of the rich Oxus basin for many centuries to violate these agreements was in fact result of a great concern. They now realized that the Muslim-Arabs who followed a systematic settlement policy in the region came to their lands this time without any intention of going back. Even though Qutayba followed a fair and reasonable policy towards them, they violated their agreements with him, formed alliances among themselves and waged military campaigns against Qutayba not to be the subjects of any change in their religion, worldview, and perception of existence.Qutayba, who is believed to have spent his its utmost efforts to make the religion of Islam and the Umayyad political cause permanent in the region under these unfavourable conditions, has been recently criticized by some researchers. The criticisms intensify around the claims that he persecuted people, committed massacres, and behaved unfaithfully by breaking his promises that he made with people. From the perspective of our own times, it is possible to think that sometimes he had taken extreme measures in punishing the sultans and the persons who raised armed struggles against him and caused riots by violating the agreements. However, when the period is compared with the others, it can be easily said that the Umayyads showed in these and other remote areas a considerable amount of tolerance that they had never shown it in their internal conflicts. It is a known fact that he generally clashed with the ones who disrupted agreements, sought help from external forces, established alliances against them, and refused to pay taxes. Based on historical sources, it does not seem to be possible to say that while doing these activities in the region, Qutabya did not behave entirely in a way that his behaviour could be classified as massacres committed against innocent civilians. On the contrary, it is known that Qutayba had given many chances to the people of the region in administrative and military affairs. As a matter of fact, he ruled the city of Bukhara for 20 years with a Turkish ruler whom he appointed and supported, and he included in his army a union of twenty thousand cosmopolitan soldiers assembled from the people of Bukhara, Baykend, Chach and Samarkand and paid a regular salary to them.The fact that his grave known as the “Imam Shaykh Qutayba Tomb” was turned later into a shrine and visited by the people even today despite the passage of long centuries after his death shows that he has been loved by the people of the region and that they have always considered him as a conqueror-bureaucrat who spent his life for the ideals of his religion. (shrink)

Elève de Brentano au même titre que Husserl, Meinong est moins connu en France. Ces textes donnent à lire des documents majeurs dans l'histoire longue de la théorie des êtres de raison et des objets de pensée.

Contrairement à ce qu’on continue d’affirmer, l’âge de la censure n’a pas été remplacé par un âge de la transparence. Dans les régimes post-répressifs qui caractérisent nos sociétés, la transparence représente une forme nouvelle, particulièrement efficace – car imperceptible – de censure. Si la nature de ce nouveau mécanisme de sélection nous échappe encore, c’est parce que nous restons prisonniers d’une conception moderne – et prohibitive – de ce qu’est la censure. Pourtant, à ses origines, l’institution du « census » (...) n’avait pas pour but d’interdire mais de recenser les vies afin de les gouverner plus efficacement. (shrink)

Zombies make trouble for physicalism. Intuitively, they seem conceivable, and many take this to support their metaphysical possibility – a result that, most agree, would refute physicalism. John Hawthorne (2002) [Philosophical Studies 109, 17–52] and David Braddon-Mitchell (2003) [The Journal of Philosophy 100, 111–135] have developed a novel response to this argument: phenomenal concepts have a conditional structure – they refer to non-physical states if such states exist and otherwise to physical states – and this explains the zombie intuition. (...) I argue that this strategy fails. The considerations Hawthorne and Braddon-Mitchell adduce in support of their analysis in fact do no such thing. Further, their main argument for the analysis is self-defeating: exactly similar reasoning would undermine the view it is meant to establish. Finally, on closer inspection the conditional analysis is incompatible with the zombie intuition. Thus, not only is the analysis incapable of explaining the intuition: the intuition’s plausibility indicates that the analysis is incorrect. I also suggest that the allure of the conditional-analysis strategy may derive from a questionable view about what explaining the intuition would require. (shrink)

This study comprises an analysis of the Categories commentary of Peter of Auvergne, based upon an edition from the manuscripts, and supplemented by a translation. Much information about other Categories commentaries has been included to place the work in its historical and philosophical perspective. ;Peter of Auvergne, active in Paris in the late thirteenth century, had a long career as an Aristotelian commentator and continuator of Thomas Aquinas. His Categories commentary provides me the occasion to survey the genre of Categories (...) commentaries from the early Middle Ages, with special emphasis on those few commentaries known to immediately precede Peter of Auvergne, and on those he influences. Peter is an early representative of the modistae, philosophers who stressed the parallel connections among being, understanding, and signifying, and who are typified by their use of the modi significandi as a tool of analysis. ;This study, the first full-length analysis of a medieval Categories commentary, serves as a guide to the issues generated by Aristotle's Categories. As a comparative study it shows that the genre of Categories commentaries, within a fairly invariant format, allows for a continuous adaptation and development of ideas. As a specific study of an individual commentary, it shows the details of Peter of Auvergne's interests in linguistic analysis, theology, and the exegesis of Aristotle. ;The questions in Peter of Auvergne's commentary are generalizably of two kinds: short, superficial questions which imitate earlier traditions, and more complex questions which attempt original interpretations. Not suprisingly, the latter sort of question finds more parallels in later commentators, including Simon of Faversham, Radulphus Brito, and John Duns Scotus. ;This dissertation, beginning from a thorough exegesis of a central figure, by tracing derivative and influencing themes, gives a dependable picture of the debates conducted in connection with the Categories in the High Middle Ages. I have had the responsibility of editing many of the primary sources I needed. The extensive appendices contain, besides an edition of Peter's Questiones super Praedicamentis, a transcription of another related commentary, Anonymus Matritensis: Questiones super Praedicamentis, and many relevant texts grouped by category. (shrink)

The article presents a critique of John Searle's attack on computationalist theories of mind in his recent book, The Rediscovery of the Mind. Searle is guilty of caricaturing his opponents, and of ignoring their arguments. Moreover, his own positive theory of mind, which he claims "takes account of" subjectivity, turns out to offer no discernible advantages over the views he rejects.

Most of the features of modern Russian business are transient, determined by the transitional character of the Russian economy and drastic changes in the social structure, ideology, and consciousness of Russian society in general. There are three main normative experiences in the traditions of Russian business: a) the experience of pre-Revolutionary business, specifically developed and practiced by the merchants of the old-believers extraction; b) the experience of socialist economy, which was more or less oriented to the public good and presupposed (...) selfless aspirations by the economic agents; c) the experience of legally and administratively constrained private business and illegal shadow business, which expected businessmen to be vigorous, industrious and enterprising. The process of privatization was developed under the aegis of state, specifically the state bureaucracy. The influence of changes in the social-economic system has been ambivalent for social morals. However, the reforms could stimulate their improvement. The recent development in the cultural environment of business testify to the emerging space of civilized business, which manifests that it is practically useful for businessmen to be ethical. (shrink)

As a moral principle toleration is universal, but only in the sense that potentially it is addressed to every rational and moral agent. The question is whether this principle is appropriate in all situations and what are those moral agents who recognize its practical actuality for them? Toleration is not an absolute ethical principle, but one among others in the context of a particular moral system. It should be given a proper place in the hierarchy of principles. Understanding toleration as (...) the absolute or even overriding principle may lead in the face of obvious and directly threatening wrong to its use as an umbrella for adoptive or escapist behavior. The limits to toleration are given by basic and minimal ethical task to resist evil. The principle of active opposition to evil by all possible means is prior to the principle of toleration. (shrink)

Cet article propose d’élargir le débat sur la transition énergétique au-delà du contexte occidental. Partant d’études de cas situées dans deux métropoles des Suds, la réflexion invite à nuancer les scénarios normatifs et supposés universels de transformation des systèmes énergétiques pour confronter les transitions aux singularités des sociétés et des territoires dans lesquels elles prennent forme. Ainsi s’aperçoit-on que les discours sur le changement climatique global ont bien moins d’effets d’entraînement sur les trajectoires énergétiques d’Istanbul et du Cap que l’impact (...) de crises écologiques plus locales ou que l’évolution de compromis socio-politiques, toujours fragiles et dépendants d’héritages historiques nationaux. (shrink)