La Seconde Guerre mondiale marque un tournant majeur dans le contrôle de la prostitution à la Martinique. La présence imposée de milliers de marins de métropole, immobilisés suite au blocus qui paralyse l’île, entraîne l’établissement de nouvelles mesures néo-réglementaristes à Fort-de-France. Ces mesures visent à fournir un moyen de gérer les relations interraciales dans la ville portuaire, dans un contexte colonial singulier où la citoyenneté française avait été octroyée à tous les habitants de l’île suite à l’abolition de (...) l’esclavage. Adaptées aux pratiques locales, ces mesures sont lourdes de conséquences pour de nombreuses femmes, et ce indépendamment de leur activité sexuelle révélant ainsi le caractère poreux de la catégorie « prostituée » en temps de guerre. Les femmes ciblées par ces initiatives parviennent toutefois à contourner ces contraintes, dévoilant ainsi les limites du système établi. (shrink)

Foucault’s analysis of the relation of power and the economy in the lectures given at the Collège de France between 1975 and 1979 opens up modern societies for a radically different interrogation of the relations of force inscribed in historically heterogeneous forms of wealth creation and distribution, but more specifically within the period of liberal capitalism. Its vast scope clears the ground for genealogies of power, political economy and race that demonstrate their intertwinement, yet he underplays several elements which have (...) been central for the institution of the political economy of liberal capitalism, particularly regarding colonial expansion and subjugation, the prior existence of trade and other networks operating on a world scale, and politico-economic and technical developments, such as banking and finance, that acted as conditions of possibility. By redressing the balance, this article outlines a different genealogy of the emergence of biopolitics and the mechanisms supporting global capitalism, making visible the constitutive role of colonialism. It suggests elements for a more fundamental critique of inequality, one that relays the Foucaldian themes of economy, territory, security, population and race according to a longer periodization that reveals most economies to have been zero-sum games of ‘winners’ and ‘losers’. Transcending this situation requires a radically different, transcolonial and transindividual understanding of the essentially collaborative and co-implicate character of the production of all life. The implications mean the rejection of ontologies that support not only neoliberalism but other forms of dispossession and pauperization, often allied to the hierarchization of difference, opening the way for a different history of the present and for imagining new economies and socialities. (shrink)

Since the publication of Michel Foucault’s lectures at the Collège de France, his position on race and racism has received much attention. The focus of discussion has largely been on his genealogy of biological racism as a feature of modern biopolitics. His account of social racism, by contrast, remains largely unexamined. Thus, the aim of this paper is to reconstruct and substantiate Foucault’s cursory remarks of the transcription of the historical discourse of race war into social racism. After contextualizing Foucault’s (...) discussion of racism and outlining his account of two transcriptions undergone by the discourse of race war into biological and social racism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, I draw on the writings of the social revolutionary Lev Tikhomirov as well as Peter Holquist’s analysis of Soviet state violence as a technique of population management to give some substance to Foucault’s rather vague outline of a possible genealogy of social racism. (shrink)

Michel Foucault’s _History of Sexuality_ has been one of the most influential books of the last two decades. It has had an enormous impact on cultural studies and work across many disciplines on gender, sexuality, and the body. Bringing a new set of questions to this key work, Ann Laura Stoler examines volume one of _History of Sexuality_ in an unexplored light. She asks why there has been such a muted engagement with this work among students of colonialism for whom (...) issues of sexuality and power are so essential. Why is the colonial context absent from Foucault’s history of a European sexual discourse that for him defined the bourgeois self? In _Race and the Education of Desire, _Stoler challenges Foucault’s tunnel vision of the West and his marginalization of empire. She also argues that this first volume of _History of Sexuality_ contains a suggestive if not studied treatment of race. Drawing on Foucault’s little-known 1976 College de France lectures, Stoler addresses his treatment of the relationship between biopower, bourgeois sexuality, and what he identified as “racisms of the state.” In this critical and historically grounded analysis based on cultural theory and her own extensive research in Dutch and French colonial archives, Stoler suggests how Foucault’s insights have in the past constrained—and in the future may help shape—the ways we trace the genealogies of race. _Race and the Education of Desire_ will revise current notions of the connections between European and colonial historiography and between the European bourgeois order and the colonial treatment of sexuality. Arguing that a history of European nineteenth-century sexuality must also be a history of race, it will change the way we think about Foucault. (shrink)

Professeure d’histoire à l’université de Wisconsin (États-Unis), Mary Louise Roberts est l’auteure du classique Civilization without Sexes : reconstructing gender in Postwar France, 1917-1927, paru en 1994. Passant du premier au deuxième après-guerre, elle livre aujourd’hui une analyse de la sexualité des GIs dans la France libérée de 1944 où elle s’attache à démontrer le caractère profondément politique de leur vie sexuelle (p. 11). Car pour elle, loin d’être une affaire privée, celle-ci a é...

La genèse de la construction médicale de la ménopause est ici appréhendée en croisant des approches empruntées à l’histoire sociale des savoirs. Cela conduit en premier lieu à revenir sur la variété des termes employés pour désigner la « cessation des règles ». Ces évolutions doivent être examinées en regard des nouvelles échelles de la vie humaine élaborées au cours de la période. Est-ce qu’une sexuation des âges de la vie, absente jusque-là, y transparaît? L’expression « âge de retour » (...) désigne-t-elle un âge propre aux femmes comme le laissent penser certains auteurs? La médicalisation de la ménopause peut ainsi être remise en perspective, avant d’étudier de plus près les temps forts de sa construction au cours de la période considérée (1770-1836). Enfin, un dernier volet questionne l’existence d’un discours sur l’âge de retour au masculin et analyse la fabrique des asymétries sexuées dans les dispositifs hygiénistes destinés aux quarantenaires et aux cinquantenaires des deux sexes. (shrink)

En se concentrant sur la route transatlantique entre la France et Cuba, cet article explore les débats du début du xxe siècle sur la « traite des femmes » à travers les lunettes de l’histoire des migrations. Diverses sources attestent de la prédominance des prostituées, des proxénètes et des trafiquants français dans l’industrie du sexe à Cuba. La question de savoir si les Françaises étaient des migrantes entreprenantes ou des victimes de la traite reste cependant ouverte pour les contemporains. L’article (...) examine la migration prostitutionnelle comme une stratégie de survie pour les Françaises pauvres. Il envisage les options possibles pour traverser l’Atlantique et les types de pratiques sexuelles qu’elles vendent dans les bordels de La Havane. Il étudie le rôle des intermédiaires masculins dans la facilitation de la migration de la France vers les Amériques. Il présente in fine la façon dont se croisent, au milieu des années 1920, les efforts de lutte contre la traite et la législation cubaine sur l’immigration. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Diacritics 30.4 (2000) 102-122 [Access article in PDF] How To Tell a Mestizo from an Enchirito® Colonialism and National Culture in the Borderlands Michael Hames-garcia I began to think, "Yes, I'm a chicana but that's not all I am. Yes, I'm a woman but that's not all I am. Yes, I'm a dyke but that doesn't define all of me. Yes, I come from working class origins, but I'm (...) no longer working class. Yes, I come from a mestizaje, but which parts of that mestizaje get privileged? Only the Spanish, not the Indian or black." I started to think in terms of mestiza consciousness. What happens to people like me who are in between all of these different categories? What does that do to one's concept of nationalism, of race, ethnicity, and even gender? I was trying to articulate and create a theory of a Borderlands existence.... I had to, for myself, figure out some other term that would describe a more porous nationalism, opened up to other categories of identity. —Gloria E. Anzaldúa, InterviewsOne of the most crucial questions facing leftist activists and intellectuals today is the question of nationalism and its relation to liberation struggles. 1 A century ago, the period [End Page 102] of nation-state consolidation in Europe seemed to come to an end with the unification of Germany and Italy. European leftists of the era tended to address "the national question" primarily with regard to those European nations that were shut out or suppressed by nation-state formation. Debates about national culture resurfaced in a revolutionary context when independence movements swept Africa and Asia during and after World War II, and a substantial body of literature attempting to integrate anticolonial struggle, national liberation, and socialism arose from the capitalist "periphery." Much of this literature, and the wars for independence out of which it grew, adapted the language of nationalism to its own purposes. These movements gave new hope that national liberation struggles would prove compatible with greater human freedom and equality. Despite that hope, the destructive effects of nationalism are today visible everywhere: for example, the devastating wars in the Balkans, the repression of indigenous peoples by national bourgeoisie throughout the Americas, religious-national strife between Sinhalese and Tamils in Sri Lanka, the vertiginous intensification of national chauvinism in the United States, Western Europe, and Australia. Simultaneously, and in the context of feminist criticisms of nationalism [see, for example, Chatterjee, Nation; Lutz et al.; Mosse], attempts to unite the struggle to liberate "the nation" from colonial or neocolonial domination with progressive struggles against capitalist exploitation and against sexual- and gender-based domination continue [see, for example, Trask]. In Latin America, anticapitalist struggles lauded by Western socialists regularly take the form of national liberation struggles, such as the EZLN (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional [Zapatist National Liberation Army]) in Mexico and the FSLN (Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional [Sandinist National Liberation Front]) in Nicaragua. Additionally, lesbian and gay activists and theorists in the United States have frequently sought to appropriate nationalist rhetoric even as black and Chicano nationalist movements have been on the decline [see, for example, Berlant and Freeman; Moraga 145-74].Debates about anticolonial struggle and "Third World" nationalism may seem at first to be an odd context into which to introduce the work of Gloria Anzaldúa. Critical writing on Anzaldúa's work has tended not to consider its relevance to debates on the relations among capitalism, colonialism, and national culture. 2 Instead, her major work, Borderlands/La Frontera, is usually discussed (or, more often than not, simply cited) as a contribution to feminist and antiracist discussions about the construction of the self within multiple contexts of domination and about that self's resistance to oppression and struggle for recognition. 3 While acknowledging the importance of Anzaldúa's contributions to these discussions, this essay examines Borderlands as offering a forward-looking alternative to nationalism, specifically, to Chicano cultural nationalist positions articulated during the... (shrink)

Race/classe/genre. Parcours dans l’historiographie américaine des femmes du Sud, autour de la guerre de Sécession : comment articuler des inégalités de genre avec d’autres types d’inégalités sociales? Au lieu de proposer une (improbable) théorie de l’articulation, j’interroge ici un champ historiographique particulier où a été mis en œuvre pratiquement ce type de questionnements. Ce texte peut être lu comme un review article qui fait le point sur les débats intellectuels dans un champ de l’histoire des femmes, peu connu en France (...) : l’histoire des femmes du Sud est un domaine récent de l’histoire américaine, confronté dès sa naissance à l’articulation de rapports de pouvoirs fondés sur la race, le genre et la classe et qui présente une très forte “ cumulativité ” dans ce domaine. Ce parcours dans une historiographie américaine ne propose pas de solution théorique définitive aux questions d’articulation de différents types d’inégalités, mais il souhaite fournir, quelques jalons et pistes de travail utiles pour les sociologues et historiens, qui se posent ces questions. (shrink)

A number of theorists have defended the legalization and destigmatization of sex work by arguing that sex work is analogous to other kinds of labour that are socially accepted and even valorized. In contrast, one reason that anti-sex work feminist theorists have rejected the analogy between prostitution and other jobs, including professions that are potentially exploitative and dangerous, is that sex is tied up with personal identity and integrity in a way that other activities are not. This makes the selling (...) of one’s body or the use of parts of one’s body for sexual services psycho-sexually harmful in a way that distinguishes it from other forms of labour involving the sale or use of one’s body parts. This essay argues that Foucault’s work on sexuality helps to bring together what seems right about both sides of this debate. Drawing on Foucault, we can explain the fact that sex is experienced as intrinsic to identity in the modern West, as well as lend support to the view that this is a contingent and undesirable state of affairs. Moreover, this essay argues that Foucault’s proposal for desexualization suggests a way out of one of the main occupational hazards associated with sex work. (shrink)

Laissons-nous guider par les étymologies. Songeons-nous assez que le grec fi eipflvri disait seulement la trêve, et la pax romana, la pacification à la manière de Rome? L'Antiquité semblait nous avertir de l'illusion d'une paix définitive. Etait-ce par ce constat désabusé de la folie des hommes, ou par crainte que ne se reproduise le mensonge babélien d'une paix totalitaire? Ilolq.ti o, qu'on traduit par "faire la guerre" est construit sur itâXXw, dont le sens premier est "repousser". Nous sommes instruits de (...) ce qui est véritablement recherché à la guerre (ô rrôXeμoç) : moins s'emparer, dominer, ou ravager, que recréer les conditions d'une distance salutaire et indispensable au jeu des altérités... C'est pourquoi il faut cesser de la juger par défaut, comme l'ont fait les philosophes du droit, l'assimilant à leur fiction de l'état de nature. Nous voulons penser la guerre pour elle-même, lui tenter une psychologie positive, mettre à nu, bien plus que la politique qu'elle relaie, la profonde métaphysique qui l'anime. (shrink)

Dès que Le Deuxième sexe de Simone de Beauvoir paraît en France en 1949, il est pris dans la division intellectuelle de la guerre froide. Mais est-ce le cas dans le reste de l’Europe à mesure que les traductions du livre paraissent? Une comparaison des réceptions et traductions du livre au cours de la guerre froide manque. Elle est pourtant rendue possible grâce à trois récents tournants historiographiques : la guerre froide au prisme du genre, l’étude des circulations transnationales du (...) Deuxième sexe et la traductologie féministe. (shrink)

La publication au printemps 2005 d'un livre au titre provocateur, Heidegger/l'introduction du nazisme dans la philosophie, n'aurait guère suscité, chez tous ceux qui connaissent quelque peu la pensée du philosophe, d'autre réaction que le silence si l'ouvrage en question, grâce à une campagne soigneusement orchestrée, n'avait été salué par les médias dominants comme un travail sérieux et objectif. C'est la raison pour laquelle il s'imposait de montrer publiquement à quel point la tentative de porter si gravement atteinte à une pensée (...) considérable n'a été possible qu'en contrevenant aux principes auxquels doit se plier tout travail philosophique digne de ce nom. Heidegger, à plus forte raison se comprend donc d'abord comme une réplique. Ses auteurs prouvent, pièces en main et en observant scrupuleusement les règles strictes de la critique, que la thèse scandaleuse se réduit en réalité à un tissu d'approximations, d'erreurs, de contresens dont le ressort ultime est ce type d'incompréhension que provoque une malveillance compulsive. Compte tenu du soutien médiatique apporté à une accusation aussi extrême, il était indispensable que cette mise au point fût faite. Mais il reste l'essentiel, qui est d'exposer positivement l'importance du travail de pensée que Heidegger nous a laissé à poursuivre. Car cette pensée, n'en déplaise à ses contempteurs, est probablement, encore à ce jour, l'une des seules capables de nous permettre de faire face à un nihilisme dont le déferlement est loin d'avoir pris fin avec l'effondrement du nazisme en 1945. (shrink)

Une théorie des victimes n'existe pas encore comme telle dans la philosophie qui s'intéresse davantage à la force, à la puissance et à la domination. Elles sont devenues un objet privilégié des intellectuels qui assument leur défense, mais aussi des médias qui les actualisent et en témoignent. Une théorie un peu rigoureuse supposera que la Victime-en-personne est la condition symbolique qui détermine la victimologie toute pénétrée de philosophie. On dessine deux figures de l'intellectuel. L'intellectuel médiatique sous dominance philosophique ultime, engagé (...) ou embarqué (« embedded ») par le pouvoir, qui se contente de représenter les victimes, de les photographier par la parole, l'écrit ou l'image. Et l'intellectuel générique qui travaille sous la condition déterminante de la victime plutôt que de la philosophie. Nous examinons différents aspects de l'intellectuel, son malaise et sa trahison en fonction de la victime. Puis la victimisation comme processus de la double peine infligée à la victime, les notions de « force faible » et de « force forte », de « survivant » et de « ressuscité » le problème de la persécution et de l'extermination (pourquoi tue-t-on?). Il s'agit de fonder l'éthique sur la victime plutôt que sur la force philosophique. La compassion n'est pas la pitié philosophique des animaux participant à la vie universelle, c'est le dernier vécu, celui du vaincu qui longe la mort et lui donne encore son sens. Une autre idée de l'homme, nous l'appelons « générique ». (shrink)

L’œuvre de Judith Butler est l’un des principaux foyers du renouveau de la pensée critique dans le monde. Dans cette introduction claire et engagée, Hourya Bentouhami en propose une relecture vivifiante. Jusqu’ici, en France, les dialogues que la philosophe a engagés avec les principales figures des théories postcoloniales et critiques de la race ont été tendanciellement ignorés. Or, selon Hourya Bentouhami, les élaborations théoriques de Butler attestent du nouage complexe entre sexe, genre, race et nation. Les discours de la différence (...) sexuelle et de la différence raciale sont articulés, et leurs généalogies sont étroitement entrelacées: impossible dès lors de déconstruire l’un sans déconstruire l’autre. Revenant sur les formulations clés de la philosophe – sur le féminisme, la performativité, la mort sociale, la mélancolie, la vulnérabilité... – à l’aune des théories critiques de la race, Hourya Bentouhami fait ainsi émerger le portrait d’une Judith Butler théoricienne critique de la violence et des identités, mais aussi, indissociablement, des mobilisations et des alliances minoritaires contre les assignations identitaires et les politiques de dépossession et de vulnérabilisation. (shrink)

The aim of the article is to analyse the Basic Vocational Training in order to better understand the significant segregation by sex that the data show, both in their access and in the specialties studied, based on the analysis of educational statistics. This analysis is complemented by the use of qualitative methodology through semi-structured interviews with 35 BVT students from five Valencian educational centres, an autonomous region with an important implementation of BVT. Theoretically, we start from Acker's consideration of educational (...) institutions as organizations with a gender mark that contribute to building hegemonic models of masculinity and femininity. The findings show the robustness of gender stereotypes are still identified that persist what we call gendered itineraries, which have an impact on educational decisions and future job transitions. (shrink)

Depuis le milieu du xviie siècle, l’histoire coloniale des Indes néerlandaises se distingue par un modèle particulier de relations intimes interraciales, pratiquées au quotidien par la population. C’est ainsi qu’en 1900, on estime que près de 75% de la population européenne est métisse. Mais, à partir de cette époque, un régime « moderne » de ségrégation raciale se met en place, qui émerge dans un contexte dominé par l’introduction du capitalisme, par le développement des investissements étrangers et par une nouvelle (...) législation en matière de citoyenneté. Toutefois, en dépit de tentatives tant politiques que sociales pour renforcer l’étanchéité des frontières raciales au sein de la société coloniale hollandaise de l’archipel indonésien, les relations sexuelles interraciales et la dimension créole de cette société perdurent jusqu’en 1942. Ainsi, ladite supériorité de la communauté européenne apparaît fondée sur une construction parfaitement mythique de l’identité « blanche ». (shrink)

Afin de déterminer la place philosophique de la gnose, des spécialistes, philosophes et historiens intéressés par le champ de la théologie ou par une approche spirituelle précise, venant d'horizons fort différents (tradition platonicienne, idéalisme allemand et phénoménologie, christianisme, soufisme, bouddhisme tibétain) se sont réunis à Paris.

This article explores the critical reception of The Second Sex in France in 1949. Situating debates about the book in the context of the Cold War and the intellectual hegemony of existentialism, the author analyzes the main points of disagreement among different political factions—traditional Catholics, communists, members of the noncommunist left, and progressive Christians. She argues that the sexual questions Simone de Beauvoir raised in the public sphere fueled the primary points of contention.

While Michel Foucault’s writings have been taken up extensively to explore gender and sexuality, until recently there was little work drawing on Foucault’s writings to discuss race. In part, this was because Foucault seemed to have said almost nothing about race, aside from some comments on Nazism and eugenics in the final pages of Part V of The History of Sexuality, volume 1. With the 1997 and 1999 publication of two series of lectures that Foucault delivered at the Collège de (...) France between 1974 and 1976, Abnormal and “Society Must Be Defended” (both appearing in English translation in 2003), Foucault scholars have, however, become aware that he made more extensive and provocative observations about race than had previously been believed. Both of these lecture series gives a genealogical account of the ways in which modern, biological forms of racism emerged at a certain point in history, stressing the contingency of this emergence and its enmeshment in power struggles and modern forms of power. This paper provides an account of what Foucault argues about race and racism in the Collège de France lectures, and, more briefly, presents two of the most extended treatments of race coming from Foucauldian perspectives that have appeared in the wake of these texts. (shrink)

Dès la Libération et bien avant la guerre d’indépendance, les Algériens de Paris ont été l’objet de procédures et de violences policières allant bien au-delà de ce qui était couramment ou légalement admis. Ces interactions, aux déterminants multiples, avaient notamment pour fondements des confrontations de genre et une police des mœurs visant à préserver les normes légitime de « l’arrangement des sexes ». Entre les Algériens, immigrants le plus souvent venus sans femme, et la police parisienne, marquée par une homo-sociabilité (...) masculine, c’étaient aussi des identités et des définitions de la masculinité qui s’affrontaient. (shrink)

Trois débats nous obsèdent : autour du genre, des droits de l'animal, de l'euthanasie. Et trois disciplines politiquement correctes traitent désormais de ces questions dans le monde universitaire : gender studies, animal studies, bioéthique. Cependant, lorsqu'on lit les textes des fondateurs de ces disciplines, John Money, Judith Butler, Peter Singer, Donna Haraway et quelques autres, on s'aperçoit que, derrière les bons sentiments affichés, se font jour des conséquences absurdes sinon abjectes. Si le genre n'est pas lié au sexe, pourquoi ne (...) pas en changer tous les matins? Si le corps est à la disposition de notre conscience, pourquoi ne pas le modifier à l'infini? S'il n'y a pas de différence entre animaux et humains, pourquoi ne pas faire des expériences scientifiques sur les comateux plutôt que sur les animaux? Pourquoi ne pas avoir de relations sexuelles avec son chien, voire l'épouser? S'il est des vies dignes d'être vécues et d'autres qui ne le sont pas, pourquoi ne pas liquider les " infirmes ", y compris les enfants " défectueux "? Pourquoi ne pas nationaliser les organes des quasi-morts au profit d'humains plus prometteurs? Jean-François Braunstein a mené un travail considérable et novateur : il a lu les milliers de pages de ces penseurs célébrés dans le monde occidental ; il revient sur leurs idées, leurs contradictions, leur parcours personnel ; il analyse, souligne, contredit, déconstruit. L'erreur consiste à vouloir " effacer les limites " : entre les sexes, entre les animaux et les humains, entre les vivants et les morts. Il convient, au contraire, d'affronter ces limites qui nous constituent. Oui, parfois la philosophie devient folle, quand elle oublie l'homme. (shrink)

“For what tomorrow will be, no one knows,” writes Victor Hugo. This dialogue, proposed to Jacques Derrida by the historian Elisabeth Roudinesco, brings together two longtime friends who share a common history and an intellectual heritage. While their perspectives are often different, they have many common reference points: psychoanalysis, above all, but also the authors and works that have come to be known outside France as “post-structuralist.” Beginning with a revealing glance back at the French intellectual scene over the past (...) forty years, Derrida and Roudinesco go on to address a number of major social and political issues. Their extraordinarily wide-ranging discussion covers topics such as immigration, hospitality, gender equality, and “political correctness”; the disordering of the traditional family, same-sex unions, and reproductive technologies; the freedom of the “subject” over and against “scientism”; violence against animals; the haunting specter of communism and revolution; the present and future of anti-Semitism and the hazardous politics of criticizing the state of Israel; the principled abolition of the death penalty; and, to conclude, a chapter “in praise of psychoanalysis.” These exchanges not only help to situate Derrida's thought within the milieu out of which it grew, they also show more clearly than ever how this thought, impelled by a deep concern for justice, can be brought to bear on the social and political issues of our day. What emerges here above all, far from an abstract, apolitical discourse, is a call to take responsibility—for the inheritance of a past, for the singularities of the present, and for the unforeseeable tasks of the future. (shrink)

Marqué et motivé initialement par les turbulences de l'actualité touchant l'institution judiciaire, le malaise de la jeunesse (émeutes de 2005) et les réponses politiques à ces questions, le présent recueil s'articule autour de trois moments forts : philosophie de la justice ; justice divine et institutions humaines : permanence du théologico-politique? ; le sentiment d'injustice : après les émeutes de 2005. Par la place qu'elle occupe dans les textes qu'on dit " fondateurs ", dus aux premiers philosophes comme aux récits (...) mythiques et religieux des origines, la justice figure au principe de la philosophie pratique. Le lecteur trouvera donc ici des analyses portant sur la place de la philosophie du droit, comme sur la sécularisation ou les traces du théologico-politique dans le discours du droit. Mais aussi sur la tentation d'utiliser les peurs collectives pour asseoir l'autorité de l'État sur la seule fonction sécuritaire. (shrink)

From the early to mid-1970s, Michel Foucault posited that power consists of a relation rather than a substance and that this relation is comprised of unequal forces engaged in a warlike struggle against each other, resulting invariably in the domination of some forces over others. This understanding of power, which he retrospectively dubbed `Nietzsche's hypothesis' and `the model of war', underpinned his well-known analyses of disciplinary power. Yet, Foucault in his Collège de France course from the academic year 1975-6, `Society (...) Must Be Defended', suddenly began to call into question this understanding and his doubts about it did not abate well into the late 1970s. In this article, we suggest that his militant politics in the early 1970s sustained his adherence to the war model and that his more cautious political attitude later in the decade underpinned his suspicions about this model. Key Words: biopolitics • Henri de Boulainvilliers • Michel Foucault • Thomas Hobbes • militancy • F. W. Nietzsche • politics • power • race • war. (shrink)

Between 1494 and 1498, Savonarola was involved in a wide range of actions and challenges: exposition of his theological doctrine, reformist activities, moral and political preaching and prophetic announcements. Initially, much of this activity was dominated by a rhetoric of peace, an idea closely linked to the Christian and scholastic tradition. Under the auspices of Savonarola, Florence promulgated the Legge della pace, a law designed to moderate executive power and ensure the reconciliation of citizens. However, the severe Florentine crisis and (...) the polarisation around his figure led Savonarola to change his discourse according to the practical needs of the moment. The scholastic notion of peace, understood as the harmonious unity of plurality, in fact allowed for a friend-foe logic; however, it was far removed from the civic-republican approach to politics. (shrink)

This chapter contains sections titled: The Bike as a Vehicle for Meaningful Suffering Suffering as the Hub of the Tour de France Share the Road! (And the Pain) Phil and Paul, and the Extension of Meaningful Suffering Of Suffering and Bicycles Notes.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Naomi Greene SARTRE, SEXUALITY, AND THE SECOND SEX Few would deny that Simone de Beauvoir's analysis of female sexuality plays a very important role in her book The Second Sex, widely regarded as one of the key works of modern feminist thought. At the same time, it is precisely her view of sexuality, and many of the conclusions it gives rise to concerning female behavior, which constitute some of (...) the most problematical areas in this vast and complex work. Margaret Walters echoes the concerns of many feminists when she remarks that de Beauvoir "attacks the mystique of femininity—by accepting a masculine mystique. In the end, it is she who equates the human with the male sex, who idealizes male values, sees life from a masculine perspective." So far, however, little attention has been paid to the ways in which de Beauvoir's view of female sexuality and behavior reveals the unmistakable influence of her life-long friend and companion, Jean-Paul Sartre. It is not difficult to discern in some of Sartre's central metaphysical ideas—ideas which de Beauvoir uses to create the theoretical framework of The Second Sex—a world view which is deeply anti-sexual (perhaps even anti-life, but then life itself appears symbolized by sex) and anti-female. Sartre's anti-sexual bias is more readily apparent in the metaphors of Nausea (1938), his philosophical novel, than in his strictly philosophical work, Being and Nothingness (1943). Nausea is, in fact, alive with metaphors since it seeks to render accessible, even tangible, some of the fundamental abstractions of Being and Nothingness. The feeling of nausea itself, for example, is essentially a metaphor for man's basic experience of Being: the nausea comes when man realizes that all the distinctions and orders (in particular, language itself) he has imposed upon the world are arbitrary (there is, for example, no necessary connection between words and things) and the real nature of Being unfolds itself as a vegetal, ever-changing, viscous, engulfing matter. Deprived of a "reason" for being, man is "de trop," part of the world of matter, and his unjustified existence is contrasted both with lifeless 199 200Philosophy and Literature and unchanging forms, such as minerals and stones, and with the abstract realms of mathematics and music, realms governed by inexorable laws. Unlike these lifeless or abstract realms, the world of matter, of Being, is in perpetual movement and metamorphosis. And it is when Sartre discusses these infinite, arbitrary metamorphoses, the revelation of which provokes the nausea, that his imagery betrays a distaste for sexuality. In one famous passage, for example, we are told that when the nausea takes over, a man may well awaken in a "forest of murmuring cocks, rising red and white towards the sky like the chimneys of Jouxtebouville, with great balls half out of the earth, shaggy and bulbous like onions. And birds will fly around those cocks and peck them with their beaks and make them bleed. Sperm will flow slowly, gently, from these wounds, sperm mixed with blood, vitreous and lukewarm with small bubbles." This implied link between unpleasant sexuality and a basic fear of engulfing Being is made even clearer in one of his early philosophical tales, "The Room" (1939), in which madness, like nausea, seems to stand for what we will experience when we become aware of the nature of Being. But it can hardly be arbitrary or coincidental that the form taken by this madness is that of a pathological, sexual nature. And in still another early tale, "Intimacy," a wife actually enjoys the relationship she shares with her impotent, disturbed husband. The distaste for sexuality suggested in Sartre's early works declares itself openly in the portrait of women found in his later fiction, indicating that the sexual metaphors of Nausea, far from being chosen at random, were inspired by deep and persistent feelings. In the trilogy The Roads to Freedom (1945-49), a historical fresco of France during the crucial years preceding World War II, women seem to incarnate all the attributes which disgust Sartre in matter or unjustified Being: they embody the viscous, passive, heavy world of the en-soi ("being-in... (shrink)

Roots are good to think with indeed most of us use them as a metaphor every day. A root can signify the hiddenness of our beginnings, or, in its bifurcating structure, the various possibilities in the life of an individual or a collective. This book looks at rootedness as a metaphor for the genealogical origins of people and their attachment to place and how this metaphor transformed so rapidly in twentieth-century Europe. Christy Wampole s case study is France, with its (...) contradictory legacies of Enlightenment universalism, anti-Semitism, and colonialism. At one time, French nationalist rhetoric portrayed the Jews as unrooted and thus unrighteous people. After the two world wars, the root metaphor figured in the new French philosophy (notably Deleuze and Guattari). And recently, Caribbean thinkers in Haiti, Guadeloupe, and Martinique have debated whether their roots were in Africa, France, the Caribbean, or in some pan-national network that could not be identified on a map. Walpole argues that while the metaphor was perhaps once useful in the establishment of communities and identities, that usefulness has expired. The longer we remain attached to the figure of rootedness, the more discord it sows. Giving up on the metaphor of rootedness, Wampole urges, allows us to see at last that we are in fact unbound by the land we inhabit.". (shrink)

Le premier cycle de diffusion internationale du tango, dans les années immédiatement antérieures à la Grande Guerre, a eu Paris pour épicentre et les milieux aristocratiques et mondains de la capitale française comme lieu privilégié et premier d’inscription sociale. Un fort engouement pour la « nouvelle danse»s’ensuivit, ce qu’on appelle à l’époque « tangomanie»s’installa et, avec elle, sont nées des polémiques opposant partisans et adversaires d’une danse venue d’ailleurs et aux accents sexuels troubles. C’est ainsi en tout cas qu’elle (...) est perçue, au croisement de deux axes de réception principaux : érotisme et exotisme. Or ils sont étroitement liés. On en examinera les figures et leurs interactions dans la construction d’une image publique du tango promise à une réappropriation au-delà du seul contexte parisien et à une longue postérité qui se prolonge, à certains égards, jusqu’à aujourd’hui. (shrink)

This paper interrogates the status of the Malthusian couple and the policing and government of reproduction in the first volume of Foucault's History of Sexuality, Volume I ( HS1), and the associated Collège de France lectures. Presented by Foucault as one of the four ‘strategic ensembles’ of the 18th century through which knowledge and power became centered on sex, what Foucault calls the socialization of procreative sexuality ( HS1: 104) also constitutes a largely invisible hinge between the trajectories in HS1: (...) biopolitics (vector of governmentality, management, administration and intensification of life) and sex (vector through which the repressive hypothesis is rejected). Particularly because it is one of the least discussed figures in Foucauldian commentary, my argument is that a reading of HS1 through the prism of its Malthusian couple produces unexpected results. A text that can be interpreted from the perspective of (a) its debate with psychoanalysis, or (b) its potential debate with those for whom sexual rights belong to a sexual subject, or (c) its status as a watershed text for biopolitical theory, enters into a fourth dialogue with the history of reproduction as politicized and biopoliticized, a problematic to date taken up most directly by Ann Stoler in Race and the Education of Desire. This allows for a revisiting of the complex relationship between the vectors of ‘sex’ and ‘life’ in HS1. Although reproductive sex, and reproductive life, are not the themes of the strongest importance in HS1, they serve as the invisible hinge at the interface of biopolitics and sex in HS1. Considering the status of reproductive life from this perspective becomes a departure point for reconsidering the reproductive woman, in her historical role as part of the problematized Malthusian couple and at the intersection of biopolitics and thanatopolitics. (shrink)

An examination of the relation between war and politics, by one of the twentieth century’s most influential thinkers From 1971 until 1984 at the College de France, Michel Foucault gave a series of lectures ranging freely and conversationally over the range of his research. In Society Must Be Defended , Foucault deals with the emergence in the early seventeenth century of a new understanding of war as the permanent basis of all institutions of power, a hidden presence within society that (...) could be deciphered by an historical analysis. Tracing this development, Foucault outlines the genealogy of power and knowledge that had become his dominant concern. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Michelet and Social Romanticism: Religion, Revolution, NatureArthur MitzmanIn 1851, shortly before his second and definitive suspension from his teaching at the Collège de France, Jules Michelet told a young friend of his dissatisfaction with the meager political impact of the Republican professors of the time: “Our present propaganda... has resembled strongly that which might be made by a man enclosed in a crystal glass. He finds his voice to (...) be resounding and very strong: that’s because it breaks against the inner surface. But those who are outside, the men of the people, hear nothing.” 1Michelet had become painfully aware of how little his voice had been heard outside the crystal in June 1848, when barricade-builders outside his house on the Rue des Postes responded to his son-in-law’s appeal not to expose the dwelling of the great historian to artillery fire by asking, “Who is Michelet?” 2 This occurred two years after the publication of Le Peuple and only months after the appearance of his celebration of the commoners’ festivals of federation in 1790, both texts being landmarks in the social romantic anticipation of 1848. In fact it was the 1848 Revolution itself that had diminished the resonance of Michelet’s ideas, by polarizing the country in a way that made it impervious to his message of social harmony.Before 1848, Michelet was a central figure in the intellectual disaffection that delegitimized the July Monarchy. His work in the 1840s had shifted from the historical erudition of his many-volumed Histoire de France to contemporary polemics against the clergy and the government: attacks on the Jesuits and the Church 3 swiftly broadened to a conflict with the intellectual and political establishment of the period. In Le Peuple (1846), Michelet combined an analysis of the profound social divisions within the French nation with a remarkable sketch of the relation between civilization and nature, a Rousseauian appeal to the natural qualities of the common people and an [End Page 659] invocation of the genius of the future, who would be gifted with “the two sexes of the spirit.”Le Peuple was the first of a series of works on nature, women, and the common people, those three “others” of nineteenth-century high culture, that have throughout this century fascinated cultural historians. In the historiographical tradition, its author has been celebrated by those who viewed him as their predecessor in the broadening of history-writing to include culture and mentalities, such as Lucien Febvre and Jacques Le Goff, and denigrated by those, like Pieter Geyl, who have been outraged by his nationalistic pathos and his blatant subjectivity. 4 I shall suggest in this essay that all of these aspects of Michelet’s work are rooted in his significance in the 1840s as a social romantic, the contemporary and friend of George Sand, Lamennais, Pierre Leroux, and others.For apart from what Michelet has come to mean, as totem or as scarecrow, to the scholarship of the twentieth century, he was enmeshed in the ideological conflicts of his own time. Without an understanding of those conflicts, an important perspective on his place in the history of ideas will be missing, a perspective which, moreover, may shed some light on the broader historical significance of the social romanticism he represented. For example, the “ideological” Michelet was best known in his own time as an anti-clerical. 5 Indeed, his version of the Romantic évangile éternel, which he developed in the 1840s, takes a privileged place among the efforts of intellectuals in the first half of the nineteenth century to work out new religious conceptions to replace a moribund Catholicism. 6 Yet the principal framework of his polemical activity was not the Church but the liberal academic establishment, with which he was at war from his 1843 lectures on the Jesuits to his dismissal from his official functions at the beginning of the Second Empire.Michelet and the July Monarchy: From Liberalism to Social RomanticismSeen from the standpoint of the early years of his career, roughly 1825 to 1835, Michelet would seem an improbable candidate for any kind of romanticism. Given his impoverished, artisan background as well... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:The French Atlantic Triangle: Literature and Culture of the Slave TradeStephen Auerbach (bio)Christopher L. Miller. The French Atlantic Triangle: Literature and Culture of the Slave Trade. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2008. xvi + 571 pp.Over the last decade scholars have shown a new interest in reconstructing the history of the French slave trade and slaveholding Atlantic. A scholarly consensus is slowly emerging around the notion that the history (...) of French slavery and colonialism is central to any understanding of the larger themes in French and Francophone history from the seventeenth century to the present. Christopher Miller’s The French Atlantic Triangle is a welcome contribution to this important subject. Miller rightly argues that France, Africa, and the Caribbean are tied together in a shared history of colonialism, slavery, and the slave trade. His goal in The French Atlantic Triangle is to reconstruct this history and illuminate its impact on modern French and Francophone cultural life.The French Atlantic Triangle is a fascinating example of research that combines methods employed in history and Francophone literary studies in order to discuss the triangular slave trade that condemned 2 million Africans to slavery on France’s Caribbean sugar islands and an untold number to their deaths during the Middle Passage. Miller’s central interest here is exploring the ways in which the slave trade and its afterlife were represented in literature and in film from the eighteenth to the twentieth century in France, Africa, and the Caribbean. In the absence of any extant Francophone slave narratives, Miller persuasively argues that fiction and later film allowed writers and filmmakers to pour their “speculations and reflections” (92) into that void. French and Francophone writers separated by thousands of miles and hundreds of years were united by the desire to construct slave narratives and stories that played on the reader’s sense of pity and shame, or desire for adventure, or to convey a powerful longing for home. The result is an ambitious and substantive work. Miller clearly succeeds in demonstrating a legacy of slavery and the slave trade in France and Francophone literature, yet the picture that emerges is a muddled one; the reader is left to make sense of competing, diverse, and sometimes divergent claims. In the end, The French Atlantic Triangle is more suggestive than persuasive.The book is organized into fourteen chapters, divided into four sections, arranged chronologically and geographically. Part 1 (chaps. 1–4) is largely synthesis. Drawing heavily on the work of historians of slavery and the slave trade, Miller outlines the details of the triangular trade from its inception in the mid-seventeenth century to its first abolition in 1794, and final suppression in 1848. Chapters 1 and 2 will be a review for anyone familiar with the history of this period. Chapter 3 focuses on the Enlightenment and the slave trade. Miller rightly notes that the Enlightenment coincided with the height of French slaving activity. Examining works by Montesquieu, Rousseau, and [End Page 59] Voltaire, Miller argues that the philosophes were never much interested in the plight of African slaves, and when they did speak out on the issue it was with heavy irony or wit that only diluted their message. Miller’s analysis is convincing, though he seems unjustified in suggesting that Voltaire remained mostly quiet on the issue because he was heavily invested in the slave trade. There is no evidence for that assertion.Part 2 (chaps. 5–8) covers the period from the French Revolution to the Bourbon Restoration during which time France experienced complete upheaval from the slave rebellions in Martinique in 1789 and Saint Domingue in 1791, to the abolition of slavery in 1794 and its reimposition under Napoleon. Focusing on the writings of Olympe de Gouges, Germaine de Staël, and Claire de Duras, Miller labels the three as abolitionists because in their works they created sympathetic black characters, critiqued racial prejudice, and instilled pity in their readers. Miller brings a fresh analytical eye to well-known texts like Duras’ Ourika, and shines new light on little-known (or unknown) works like Gouge’s play Zamore et Mirza.Miller’s task here is not only to demonstrate the... (shrink)

Dans le cadre de notre thèse, nous avons confronté les Lais de Marie de France datant du xiie siècle qui présentent la particularité alors inédite d’avoir pour auteur une femme et le Genji Monogatari de Murasaki Shikibu (une femme également), écrit au xie siècle au Japon, qui fait aussi figure d’exception dans un paysage scriptural majoritairement masculin, a fortiori pour une œuvre d’une telle ampleur. Le rapprochement entre les deux œuvres était avant tout motivé par une thématique de fond, l’imaginaire (...) féminin, déployé dans deux cultures géographiquement et sociologiquement éloignées, cependant immergées dans un milieu élitiste, celui de la Cour. Ce choix s’inscrivait surtout dans la perspective d’une approche mythocritique plutôt que strictement littéraire, dont l’intérêt se situait en deçà du cadre du texte, puisqu’il puisait dans la mythologie fondatrice des deux cultures, source de l’émergence d’un imaginaire féminin à des époques chiches de féminité. Or, cette analyse, que nous avons qualifiée de contrastive, a permis l’ouverture de la réflexion sur d’autres perspectives que seul autorisait un tel rapprochement ; elle a également cherché à distinguer, parmi les motifs communs aux deux textes, ceux qui relevaient d’une universalité (contextuelle) de ceux qui relevaient d’une commune origine eurasiatique. La réflexion était axée sur la notion d’altérité selon une acception très large mais concentrée sur la représentation par l’imaginaire féminin de l’Autre sexe et d’un Ailleurs avant tout textuel et narratif. (shrink)

The Policing and Crime Act 2009 introduced radical reforms relating to the regulation of sex work. In particular, section 14 criminalised paying for sexual services of a prostitute subjected to force. This article will provide a close and critical reading of the official texts relating to this new offence through a discourse theory developed from the work of Judith Butler. Drawing upon Butler’s insights, it will be argued that the official texts relating to section 14 problematically construct the subject of (...) prostitution in a way which maintains and perpetuates certain partial and idealised identities. However, it will be argued that the law will inevitably fail and that more inclusive and productive measures need to be adopted in order to deal effectively with prostitution. (shrink)

En commandant à Rubens un cycle exclusivement consacré à sa gloire, Marie de Médicis entend affirmer à toute l’Europe son retour au pouvoir. Au-delà du récit biographique, l’œuvre picturale délivre un message politique fort qui justifie, et légitime, la reine mère dans le gouvernement. Pour parvenir à ses fins, et donner d’elle-même l’image d’une souveraine toute puissante sans transgresser ouvertement les principes monarchiques, Marie de Médicis joue de toutes ses qualités, de femme, de reine, de mère, dans un cycle (...) complexe qui articule le registre narratif sur le registre institutionnel, et mêle figures allégoriques et compositions historiques. En ce début de XVIIe siècle, c’est bien le problème de la représentation d’une femme de pouvoir qui est alors posé. (shrink)

Cet article traite des objets éphémères fabriqués à l’intention des petits Français dans l’entre-deux-guerres et à l’aube de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. L’examen de quatre de ces objets tous liés au chocolat, permet d’explorer la manière dont les jeux, albums de vignettes ou dioramas, contribuent à éduquer les enfants métropolitains sur la nation française et son empire. L’hypothèse est que de tels objets éphémères permettent de plonger dans l’imaginaire des filles et des garçons de la métropole occupés à pratiquer, adopter (...) et interpréter leurs futurs rôles d’hommes et de femmes de la “plus grande France”. Ces sources permettent donc d’étudier sous un angle nouveau le rôle joué par l’empire dans la formation du genre en France dans l’entre-deux-guerres. (shrink)

Résumé En 1880 fut créée au Collège de France une chaire d’Histoire des religions. Il s’agissait là d’un des moments forts de l’institutionnalisation de cette discipline en France. Il n’y eut pas alors d’élection, mais une nomination par le ministère. La presse rendit largement compte de l’affrontement entre les deux candidats. Jules Soury était alors le représentant d’un anticléricalisme virulent qui allait bien au-delà du catholicisme et qui affirmait que les religions étaient un archaïsme dont les sociétés évoluées finiraient par (...) se débarrasser. Le pasteur Albert Réville, qui l’emporta, était quant à lui le représentant du protestantisme libéral. On conserve aux Archives Nationales deux rapports défendant l’opportunité de cette création. L’un est de Jules Soury lui-même. Quant à l’autre, anonyme, nous pensons pouvoir l’attribuer à Ernest Renan. Nous publions ces deux textes inédits avec des notes explicatives. (shrink)

While the field known as ‘Whiteness Studies’ has been thriving in Anglophone criticism and theory for over 25 years, it is almost unknown in France. This is partly due to epistemological and political differences, but also to demographic factors — in contrast with the post-plantation culture of the US, for example, whites in Martinique and Guadeloupe are a tiny minority of small island populations. Yet ‘whiteness’ remains a phantasized and a fetishized state in the Antillean imaginary, and is strongly (...) inflected by gender. This article sketches the emergence of ‘white’ femininity during slavery, then examines its representation in the work of a number of major Antillean writers. In their work, a cluster of recurring images and leitmotifs convey the idealization or, more commonly, the pathologization, of the white woman; these images resonate strongly with Bhabha's ‘unhomely’, and convey the disturbing imbrication of sex and race in Antillean history. (shrink)

In 1991, Jean-Luc Nancy's heart gave out. In one of the first such procedures in France, a stranger's heart was grafted into his body. Numerous complications followed, including more surgeries and lymphatic cancer. The procedure and illnesses he endured revealed to him, in a more visceral way than most of us ever experience, the strangeness of bodily existence itself and surviving the stranger within him. During this same period, Europe began closing its borders to those seeking refuge from war and (...) poverty. Alarmed at this trend and drawn to a highly intimate form of strangeness with which he had been living for years, Nancy set out in The Intruder to articulate how intrusion--whether of a body or a border--is not antithetical to one's identity but constitutive of it. In 2004, Claire Denis adapted The Intruder into a film already hailed among the most important of our century. This edition includes Nancy's and Denis's accounts of turning philosophy into film and the text of a shorter collaboration between the two of them. Throughout, Nancy and Denis push us to recognize that to truly welcome strangers means a constant struggle against exoticism, enforced assimilation, and confidence in our own self-identity. (shrink)

[Foucault] must be reckoned with."--The New York Times Book Review PRAISE FOR FOUCAULT'S WORKS IN THE LECTURES AT THE COLLÈGE DE FRANCE SERIES "Ideas spark off nearly every page... The words may have been spoken in [the 1970s] but they seem as alive and relevant as if they had been written yesterday" - Bookforum "Foucault is quite central to our sense of where we are..." - The Nation "[Foucault] has an alert and sensitive mind that can ignore the familiar surfaces (...) of established intellectual codes and ask new questions... [He] gives dramatic quality to the movement of culture." -The New York Review of Books "These lectures offer important insights into the evolution of the primary focus of Foucault's later work - the relationship between power and knowledge." - Library Journal. (shrink)

In these original readings of Albert Camus' novels, short stories, and political essays, David Carroll concentrates on Camus' conflicted relationship with his Algerian background and finds important critical insights into questions of justice, the effects of colonial oppression, and the deadly cycle of terrorism and counterterrorism that characterized the Algerian War and continues to surface in the devastation of postcolonial wars today. During France's "dirty war" in Algeria, Camus called for an end to the violence perpetrated against civilians by both (...) France and the Algerian National Liberation Front and supported the creation of a postcolonial, multicultural, and democratic Algeria. His position was rejected by most of his contemporaries on the Left and has, ironically, earned him the title of colonialist sympathizer as well as the scorn of important postcolonial critics. Carroll rescues Camus' work from such criticism by emphasizing the Algerian dimensions of his literary and philosophical texts and by highlighting in his novels and short stories his understanding of both the injustice of colonialism and the tragic nature of Algeria's struggle for independence. By refusing to accept that the sacrifice of innocent human lives can ever be justified, even in the pursuit of noble political goals, and by rejecting simple, ideological binaries, Camus' work offers an alternative to the stark choices that characterized his troubled times and continue to define our own. "What they didn't like, was the Algerian, in him," Camus wrote of his fictional double in _The First Man_. Not only should "the Algerian" in Camus be "liked," Carroll argues, but the Algerian dimensions of his literary and political texts constitute a crucial part of their continuing interest. Carroll's reading also shows why Camus' critical perspective has much to contribute to contemporary debates stemming from the global "war on terror.". (shrink)

This book stands as a critique of racial capitalism and heteropatriarchy. Vergès, a Réunion-born independent scholar, defends a decolonial feminist approach to fight against the coloniality of power and advocates for a maroon political disobedience grounded in the possibility of futurity (38). Her book, soon to be translated in English, calls for a depatriarchalizing of revolutionary struggles (19) and questions the privilège de la blanchité (49) in the making of a civilizational feminism that continues to dismiss the experiences of racialized (...) bodies today. Astonished by France's constant dismissal of slavery and colonialism in the contemporary understanding of its society, she poses that such avoidance is grounded in France's "passion pour les principes abstraits plutôt que pour l'étude des réalités" (52). While the first part of the book opens with the racialized figure of travailleuses domestiques, leading Vergès to critique the constant overlooking of indigenous struggle in imperial feminism, the second half of the book calls into question the fundamentalism of laïcité that subsequently develops against the background of a certain Orientalism centered around the white liberal elite. She highlights how "[l]es femmes racisées sont acceptées dans les rangs des féministes civilisationnelles à la condition qu'elles adhèrent à l'interprétation occidentale du droit des femmes" (79). (shrink)

This article discusses the relation between colonialism and the sovereignty of peoples through a dialogue between Hegel and the thought of the French Revolution. These two sides are relevant to each other not only because of their historical proximity, but also because of the connections that can be established when we approach the topic of colonialism through these two manifestations. Hegel is explicit that his philosophy of history and his philosophy of right are supposed to be philosophies of freedom. Yet (...) despite the importance that he lends to freedom, Hegel also explicitly defends, in the very same text, colonial domination when he deals with the relation between peoples. A similar problem had arisen in the course of the French Revolution. Following the declarations of war, France is confronted on various occasions with the question of how to deal with other peoples and countries. With the foundation of the Republic in 1792, the relation with other peoples becomes central in the revolutionary debates. The topic of colonialism is part of the constituting debates, and not only because of the uprisings in then Saint Domingue leading to the Haitian Revolution. This article is a part of a larger research project that attempts to reassess the relations between Hegel and the French Revolution, and deals with the question of how we can re-read Hegel's interpretation of the French Revolution based on the evolving historiography of the Revolution. After an introduction of both sides of this dialogue, the paper discusses how Hegel's political philosophy can be applied to understand the debates about the emancipation of colonies that take place during the French Revolution. The next part further analyses some issues, such as the notion of sovereignty and, in the concluding remarks, I summarize my discussion and point to some avenues for further research. (shrink)