Oritsegbubemi Anthony Oyowe. 2022. Menkiti's Moral Man. London: Lexington Books.

The position that I seek to defend in this article is that the epistemological hegemony that is presently one of the defining characters of the relationship between Africa and the global North is a form of injustice which makes the talk of ‘global justice’ illusory. In arguing thus, I submit that denying the indigenous people of Africa an epistemology that is comparable to epistemologies from other geopolitical centres translates to questioning their humanity which is a form of injustice. I thus (...) proceed to argue that, as a precondition to an authentic discourse on the possibility of ‘global justice’; epistemic injustice must first be challenged and rejected. In so doing, I am defending the position that the acceptance and respect for the diversity of the peoples of this world and their epistemologies is imperative if genuine justice at global level is to be realised. (shrink)

The position that I defend in this article is that the transformation and Africanisation of the philosophy curriculum in universities in Africa is necessary in order to reverse epistemicide. It is necessary because the present philosophy curriculum in universities in Africa is predominantly Eurocentric in its content. As a result, it curiously excludes the philosophy of the indigenous people of Africa. This status quo calls for a fundamental change of the philosophy curriculum. In advancing the thesis of this article, I (...) seek to critique recent arguments on the transformation and Africanisation of the philosophy curriculum. I note that much of the literature in defence of transformation and Africanisation of the philosophy curriculum contains principally theoretical arguments. I attempt to go further than this and discuss some normative suggestions that can be implemented in order to put this noble idea into practice. I argue that the theoretical call for the Africanisation of the philosophy curriculum on its own is not enough if it is not simultaneously accompanied by clear policies on how that can be put into practice. (shrink)

In this paper, I show that the strong relations of knowledge, power and liberation are worth reassessing and clarifying in light of the indigenous people of Africa’s quest for epistemic liberation....

This article reacts to Oyowe’s understanding of the personal existence of ancestral persons as real mind-dependent entities. The article’s author’s contention is that Oyowe has not managed to rule out the alternative that the author is sympathetic to, namely, that ancestral persons are real mind-independent entities that continue to exist even when, through forgetfulness, they cease to exist in the memory of humans. This article calls Oyowe’s mind-dependent alternative the “safe” one, as it appears easier to defend than the “unsafe,” (...) mind-independent alternative, which the article’s author has yet to develop convincing reasons for. (shrink)

This present paper analyses the ethical implications of the upward growth of black market trading in Zimbabwe in the context of its political economy of crisis that was predominant from 2000 to 2008. It argues that the growth of black market trading during the stated period can be situated in the prevailing political economy of crisis and strained state-market relations. Poor policy decisions by government as well as the imposition of targeted sanctions on the country by the United States of (...) America (USA) and European Union (EU) contributed to this crisis. Grounded on the theoretical framework of political economy, such an analysis of the ethical implication of black market trading is necessary for students of business ethics not only because black market trading has had some significant implications on the economy of Zimbabwe, but also because it leads us to question the extent to which people take ethics to be of importance in business. (shrink)

How justified are those who think that the clamour for one-party politics in Africa was inspired by the character of African consensual democracy such as the one defended by Kwasi Wiredu? I show that though Wiredu’s consensual democracy may share some similarities with a one-party polity, it does not necessarily follow that it has inspired the emergence of one-party polities in Africa. Similarly, the absence of any discernible similarities between African consensual democracy and one-party polity may not also necessarily entail (...) that the former has not inspired the latter. When one considers the ontological nature of Wiredu’s consensual democracy and the one-party polity, it becomes contentious to claim that the latter emerges from the former. However, based on Wiredu’s idea of consensual democracy, one might argue that consensual democracy has a common ancestry with a one-party polity because they both seem to emerge from “party1”. (shrink)

In this paper, I consider how a world government constructed from the perspectives of both the global North and the global South could be a more promising one as it seeks to challenge the idea of world government constructed principally from the perspective of one geopolitical centre. I will call this position the ‘inclusive world government paradigm’. Specifically, after giving a brief presentation of some reasons behind the construction of a world government, I proceed to consider Luis Cabrera’s idea of (...) world government that essentially denotes assisting the global impoverished to improve their lives through progressive, democratically accountable integration between states. Thereafter, I offer some responses to Cabrera’s idea of world government. Finally, I suggest how the idea of world government could be understood differently if both the global North and the global South could be its co-creators and influence its agenda. I reckon that this could only be possible if the asymmetrical power relations in the present world are reversed and replaced by a more just and a more respectful relationship between these geopolitical centres. (shrink)