The contemporary world today has evolved into a global village. This civilization owes its existence to fast means of communication systems. Thus the global world is knighted into one political economy. Distances are reached under seconds. Notwithstanding the fast means of communication gadgets in our time, African traditional means of communication has survived the test of time. What then has been the connection of Africa traditional means of communication and politics? The answer to this question, specifically as operative in Ogba (...) land is the main thrust of this paper. The issues in discourse includes communication and the socio-political sphere, the town crier and Ogba socio-political culture using the literature approach. (shrink)

The modus operandi of this paper is centered on governance and the metaphysical forces in Ogba Land. In other words the main focus of the article is that theocracy is concomitant with Ogba metaphysics. The salient points discussed include Maduabuchi Dukor’s reflection on African cosmic environment as posited in Dukor’s four great works on African philosophy. Others include Jewish theocratic tradition, Islamic theocratic tradition and Ogba theocracy and metaphysics in the light of Dukor’s philosophy. The researcher adopted the literature approach (...) to achieve the aforementioned objectives. (shrink)

Business Ethics, the Environment &Responsibility, Volume 32, Issue 1, Page 164-178, January 2023.

There is a well-established relationship between isolation and both morbidity and mortality in the context of addiction recovery, yet the protective effects of intimate and familial relationships have not been adequately assessed. The current paper uses the European Life In Recovery database to assess the association between relationship status and living with dependent children on recovery capital of people in recovery from drug addiction, operationalised by the Strengths And Barriers Recovery Scale. The study participants were drawn from the REC-PATH study (...) and supplemented by a second sample recruited by the Recovered Users Network across various European countries, resulting in a combined sample of 1,313 individuals completing the survey, primarily online. The results show that, in recovery, those who are married or co-habiting reported significantly greater recovery strengths and fewer barriers to recovery, and reported greater gains in recovery capital across their recovery journeys. Similar associations are found for participants who have dependent children living with them. There is also some indication that this association is stronger for female than for male participants. Finally, having more people that one can rely on and a greater proportion of people in recovery in the social network are both linked to greater recovery capital and greater self-reported growth in recovery capital. We conclude that this study provides further evidence in favour of a “social cure” in recovery, in which close familial ties are associated with stronger recovery resources. (shrink)

Things are thick with politics. This essay illustrates the point by focusing on a variety of technologies that help to manage water: anicuts and tanks in India, dikes and a storm surge barrier in the Netherlands, and levees in New Orleans. Technologies are not only shaped by political forces; they also exert political force themselves: on social stratification in Indian villages or on government stability in the Netherlands. We should recognize, then, that the functioning of technologies and the functioning of (...) societies are intricately linked. The essay traces this interlinking by using the concept of “technological culture.” It argues that the different styles of coastal engineering in the United States and in the Netherlands can be explained by differences in their technological cultures, particularly the different styles of risk handling. This conclusion is then applied to the Indian case and to issues of development, democracy, and innovation. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Dike Phonou: The Right of Prosecution and Attic Homicide ProcedureDavid C. MirhadyAlexander Tulin. Dike Phonou: The Right of Prosecution and Attic Homicide Procedure. Stuttgart and Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1996. x 1 135 pp. Cloth, DM 56. (Beiträge zum Altertumskunde, 76)The normal means of seeking redress in Athenian law was through a dike, which the victim brought to the appropriate magistrate, who then conducted the (...) case through the various stages of the Athenian legal process, an initial inquiry, possibly a public arbitration, and finally a trial before a democratic court. What distinguishes homicide from almost every other offense, however, is precisely that its victim cannot seek legal redress because he is dead. So who does? [End Page 639]This short book is devoted to the single aim of supporting the “traditional view” that it was only the members of the victim’s family who had the right to seek this redress through a suit for murder (dike phonou). In a wider-ranging book (almost as short as this one, Athenian Homicide Law in the Age of the Orators), Douglas MacDowell argued in 1963 against that restrictive interpretation: though Athenian law enjoined the relatives (or in the case of a slave, the owner) of the victim to prosecute, it did not order others not to. Others have since followed MacDowell’s lead. Tulin relies on three disparate pieces of evidence, to each of which he devotes one chapter: Drakon’s Code (IG I3 104), [Dem.] 47.68–73, and Plato’s Euthyphro 3e7–5d7.He gives the entire text of Drakon’s Code in Greek, translates most of it in a footnote, but then discusses specifically only the four lines (20–23) that relate most directly to his argument, although he points out many peripheral issues along the way, such as the authenticity of the code and the possibility of interpolation. Without reviewing the evidence in detail, he takes as established that in archaic conceptions of homicide, murder was viewed initially as a violation of a kinship unit, not “any larger corporate entity” (11). Yet the Code itself is an indication of interest, and indeed control, being taken by the larger corporate entity, and the roles it ascribes to the ephetai in the place of the family of the victim need discussion, since they touch directly on Tulin’s central thesis; they do not get it. Ultimately the issue of restrictiveness will be decided on the basis of whether the jussive infinitives that form the injunctions of the Code are to be understood inclusively or exclusively. To Tulin they seem exclusive and restrictive; to me they could be inclusive, calling upon an ever wider circle to take responsibility for sharing in the prosecution. Viewed in isolation, this piece of evidence is inconclusive.In [Dem.] 47.68–73 the speaker, the Trierarch, is concerned to show his own scruples with regard to legal procedure, which prevented him from laying charges for murder against his opponents even after they had killed his old wetnurse. Tulin analyzes the passage in great detail, giving the Greek text twice and reproducing the Loeb translation. Although the presentation is unnecessarily awkward, Tulin is successful in showing that it is in fact the lack of the requisite family or owner’s relationship to the victim that has compelled the Trierarch not to pursue a prosecution for murder. It would have required him and his family to commit perjury with regard to their relationship to the deceased. One lapse in Tulin’s account sticks out, however: his interpretation of the clause (47.69). He translates it as a protasis to the infinitives set out in the funeral nomima: “if there be anyone related to the woman, let him...” (23). But the position of the clause after the second of the three infinitive clauses strongly suggests that it be made to follow that clause as an indirect question: “and (you, Trierarch, must) make a proclamation at the tomb whether there be some relative of the woman.” It becomes clear several lines later that the Trierarch will make this proclamation, since no relative [End Page 640] is required for it. The proclamation involves not... (shrink)

This work reveals the ambivalence of the notion of philia and its inability to serve as a foundation for the civic order when it is not supported by dike. The range of different analytical approaches opens up the perspective from which philosophy addresses a pivotal question for social and political ties in ancient Greece.

The term dikē has a wide range of meanings in tragic poetry. However, we could identify two distinctively or predominantly Euripidean trends that are closely associated with the use of dikē and are actually interdependent. Heracleidae, Suppliants, and Phoenissae are good test-cases in that regard. Whilst the plays bear strong resemblances to Aeschylean and secondarily Sophoclean dramas, the treatment of dikē is differentiated. 1) By contrast with Aeschylus and secondarily Sophocles, dikē in these Euripidean plays is viewed in connection to (...) socio-political values and institutions that are essentially humanly constructed. The focus is shifted to the nature and role of these human conventions and the way in which they interact with deeply-rooted, traditional patterns of conduct. The plays explore the difficulties, complications or failures that can arise in practice, in the frame of the quest for dikē. 2) Despite the occasionally strong individualization and interest in characterization, Euripides focuses on the consequences of the disturbance of dikē for the community as well as on the difficulties involved in the execution of dikē, rather than the rigid, and somewhat abstract, demand for the execution of dikē itself. Individual actions of doubtful justification are largely viewed and assessed in the light of their consequences for the polis. A major, pertinent issue is both the necessity and the limitations of vengeance or punishment, both on an individual and on a collective scale. (shrink)

Bekanntermaßen ist die philosophische Ethik spätestens seit Nietzsches Kritik an der moralischen Weltinterpretation und der modernen Ablehnung aller Metaphysik in eine tiefgreifende Krise geraten. Strittig ist dabei vor allem die Berufung auf die Vernunft geworden. Bei dieser Gelegenheit wird gern auf den göttlichen Ursprung des Sittengesetzes oder auf die Verbindlichkeiten der Pflicht verwiesen. Dabei wird zumeist nicht bedacht, daß ein vernünftiges Urteil die individuellen und allgemeinen Bestimmungen sinnvollen und vertretbaren Handelns in einem Widerstreit entgegengesetzter Momente austrägt. Das zeigt sich bei (...) der Analyse von Scham, Freundschaft und Liebe, die im Begriff eine Gegenbewegung im Denken erfordern, so daß sich Nähe und Ferne wechselseitig interpretieren. (shrink)

La question de la compréhension philosophique et celle de la justice sont intrinsèquement liées depuis les débuts de la philosophie grecque. La compréhension platonicienne de la justice tire son origine pré-philosophique de la déesse Diké, tout comme l’herméneutique tire la sienne du dieu grec Hermès. L’ambivalence d’Hermès implique la possibilité de comprendre mais aussi la possibilité de séduire ou d’abuser de cette compréhension, ce qui, dans l’horizon de la philosophie socratique et platonicienne, signifie en fait un défaut de compréhension. Dans (...) la philosophie platonicienne, la connaissance et la position éthique sont intimement liées. Si cette position éthique s’entend comme la justice, celle-ci ne doit pas être entendue dans le sens, quelque peu réducteur, d’une harmonie entre les actions de l’homme et les lois de l’Etat. Nous devrions plutôt nous occuper de l’harmonie intérieure de l’homme et de son âme, ce qui signifie en même temps l’harmonie entre l’homme et le monde dans lequel il vit. De ce point de vue, « l’an-archisme » herméneutique potentiel peut s’orienter, d’une nouvelle façon cette fois-ci, vers la question de l’archè et se transposer d’une simple théorie en existence même de la vie humaine, traitée dans la philosophie platonicienne à travers la question de l’âme. (shrink)

The object of this paper is to demonstrate the philological relation between justice, law and equality in ancient Greek or, that is the same, the philosophical relation between ethics, politics and economics. Actually it is interesting to examine the etymology of the word dikē which derives from the Sanskrit diś-(dik) and it refers more than to the generic idea of the «straight line» to the specific and astronomical concept of the «horizon (or skyline)», the apparent line that separates the cosmos (...) into two equal parts, the earth from the sky, meaning the same idea of equality which should be a rule of just law and ethical perfection. Moreover, according to my hypothesis Plato may have used the analogy of the horizon to explain his cosmological Doctrine of Ideas. (shrink)

Solon is our only primary source for the intellectual context of archaic Athenian political thought. Dike is central to that context. The primary question of dike is the degree of abstraction it denotes. To Solon dike is neither an abstract principle with metaphysical proportions, nor merely the concrete procedures of dispute mediation. Solon understands Dike in a polis that is ordered by the thoughts and actions of particular human beings, not by divine dispensations. This re-alignment of (...) political authority from vertical authoritarianism to horizontal citizen relationships is directly related to the views of nature found in the Milesian philosophers. Solon’s dike is immanent from the thoughts and actions of the citizens; it is not a divine power pushing down on the polis. Solon’s dike has three distinct functions. First, it is the inevitable result of unjust thoughts and actions; this is ‘natural dike’. Second, dike is a process of dispute mediation; this is ‘procedural dike’. Third, dike is a nascent ordering principle in the polis, found in one passage in Solon as distinct from the consequent retribution. Dike is an archaic concept standing for a comprehensive inevitability in the interactions of the citizens. (shrink)

How are we disposed to the problem of natural resources scarcity that we face today and to the fact that certain natural sources remain unused, whereas the exploitation of others puts further strain on the already degraded biosphere? The scarcity of natural resources not only imposes a series of ecological issues on us; it also challenges democracy as organizational system and way of life, because it increases inequality, conflict, authoritarianism, and repression. One way to address this predicament would be the (...) re-appropriation of our relation with the biosphere by ceasing to see it as a limitless source of extraction and consumption. This essay suggests that a certain part of this.. (shrink)

Le vingtième siècle aura été le siècle de la démesure. La démesure de la politique avec des guerres mondiales, des déportations et des camps d'extermination, qui a culminé avec deux bombes atomiques larguées sur des populations civiles. La démesure de l'homme, ensuite, puisque ces crimes ont été commis au nom d'idéologies abstraites qui, pour sauver l'humanité, ont sacrifié sans remords les hommes réels. La démesure du monde, enfin, avec une science prométhéenne qui a tenté de percer les secrets de l'univers, (...) une technique déchaînée qui a cherché à asservir la nature et une économie mondialisée dont les échanges ont imposé le prix des choses au détriment de la dignité des hommes. Nietzsche avait clairement établi le diagnostic : "La mesure nous est étrangère, reconnaissons-le; notre démangeaison, c'est justement la démangeaison de l'infini, de l'immense. " Le sens de la démesure semble être une fatalité, aussi n'est-il pas étonnant que, déjà chez les Grecs, dans le mythe, la tragédie, la physique, l'éthique ou la politique, il se situe au coeur de la réflexion. Au travers de la tentation de la raison d'abolir toute limite, de remettre en cause la finitude humaine, la démesure témoigne du tragique de notre condition. Les Grecs, et c'est l'enseignement de ce livre, se sont attachés à la comprendre pour la convertir en cette mesure qui permet de redonner un sens à notre existence. (shrink)

El artículo analiza la noción griega de philía y describe dos enfoques diferentes, que se asocian respectivamente con Sócrates y Protágoras. Para el primero, la amistad, conectada con eros, es el lazo más importante entre los seres humanos, en tanto que para Protágoras ninguna relación, incluida la philía, puede estar por encima de justicia. La Medea de Eurípides sería una aplicación de la teoría de Protágoras a un caso célebre en la literatura mítica.

O objetivo é analisar algumas interpretações conexas que giram em torno da tensão entre duas concepções da díke em Édipo Rei. Como as tragédias ocupavam um papel privilegiado na pólis ateniense, pode-se dizer que as exibições e festividades trágicas eram uma verdadeira instituição política. Não por acaso se pode afirmar que as peças apontavam para um conflito entre os valores aristocráticos tradicionais e a nova ordem democrática. Tal tensão pode ser evidenciada na investigação promovida por Édipo que se manifesta em (...) duas formas de justiça, uma de origem divina e outra, humana. Para tanto, este texto, em um primeiro momento, descreve a relação entre tragédia e pólis; após essa introdução, assinala o conflito que se desenhava na democracia e que se reflete nas tragédias; por fim, examina a possível articulação racional entre a díke tradicional e sua contrapartida humana. (shrink)

Mettre le noos en relation avec les idées de « panaristos » et de « méga nèpios » permet d’étudier les spécificités du concept noétique chez Hésiode lequel est le plus souvent amalgamé, dans les recherches sur l’évolution historique du noos/noein, à Homère. La présente étude propose d’articuler davantage le noos/noein dans les objectifs poétiques propres aux Travaux et Jours d’où émerge une vision particulière de l’activité psychique de l’individu grec archaïque, depuis le sot ignorant (Persès et les mauvais rois) (...) jusqu’au poète sachant (Hésiode lui-même). Il convient également de montrer comment Hésiode établit une nouvelle hiérarchie des créatures sur la base du noos qui devient consubstantiel à la dikè. Ensemble, ces deux paramètres sont insérés dans un discours à la fois poétique et politique où s’illustre entre autre le mythe des races. Le noos sert tout particulièrement l’autorité poétique d’Hésiode contre celle des rois et révèle une vision à part de l’intelligence. (shrink)

This article reconsiders the significance of Theognis’ verses quoted in Plato’s Meno by examining the proposed dilemma in the Theognidea. Firstly, the structure of the dialogue, location of verses, and the dilemma itself are briefly discussed. The article then analyses Theognis’ ‘eugenic’ and ‘didactic’ positions, and suggests that there is no contradiction in the verses from the Theognidea quoted in the Meno, and that Plato was aware of this. The article finally concludes that the pictures of Socrates in Meno and (...) Theognis in the Theognidea are alike in four important aspects: both are sôphrôn, both are personal exponents of dikê by virtue of their life, both are moral heroes striving for the improvement of others, and the result of their efforts has a tragic undertone. By drawing attention to tensions within the Theognidea, Plato may also draw readers’ attention to parallels between Theognis and Socrates as teachers. (shrink)

The fundamental difference between Castoriadis' and Papaioannou's accounts of the link between tragedy and the political is that Castoriadis insists on a political form whilst Papaioannou insists on a social actor. The starting point for this essay, then, are two thinkers: one whose main interest was a political and philosophical reflection on the social-historical and one whose main interest was a philosophical reflection on the arts. Surprisingly, however, the end situation is one where Castoriadis gives us a political explanation of (...) the link between tragedy and the political whilst Papaioannou gives us a social explanation of the same phenomenon. How can this difference be accounted for? First, distinguishing their respective conceptualisations of the political allows us to see that where one thinker privileges restlessness and revolution, the other privileges law and regime. Second, looking at their depictions of the essential aspects of tragedy places them on opposing sides of the couple hubris- dike, in a way that leads to two radically different conceptualisations of the relation in question. (shrink)

Eunomia was early personified. Already in Hesiod she is one of the three Horai, the child of Themis and the sister of Dike and Eirene, and from her family we may learn something of her nature. Both mother and sisters are concerned with the individual as the member of a community rather than as persomn in himself. Themis is a complicated character, whose implications cannot here be discussed, but we may without offence call her the mother of the social (...) order and of the organized life of the community; Dike and Eirene are certainly social virtues which cannot usefully be practised by the individual in isolation, but if widespread make possible the collective life of the city. Eunomia too is one of the guardians of the social order, keeping the city from violence and lawlessness. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Journal of the History of Ideas 61.1 (2000) 1-17 [Access article in PDF] The Influence of Folk Meteorology in the Anaximander Fragment Cameron Shelley * Introduction No scholars doubt that the pre-Socratic philosophers, especially the Milesians, were concerned with meteorology. Their works abound with accounts of wind, rain, thunder, lightning, meteorites, waterspouts, whirlwinds, and so on. Through examination of the fragments of the pre-Socratics, we can trace this interest (...) in meteorology from each philosopher to his predecessors right back to Anaxi-mander. 1 Thales might at first seem to be the most obvious candidate as the man who introduced meteorology into philosophy, but Kirk et al. argue persuasively that Thales was more interested in near-eastern mythology. 2 Thus, we must take Anaximander, Thales's protégé, to be the philosopher who made meteorology a topic of philosophical interest.This situation leaves us with an obvious question: where did Anaximander come by his interest and ideas about meteorology if not from Thales? Modern scholarship unanimously points to the Greek mythological tradition of Anaxi-mander's time as recorded primarily by Homer and Hesiod. Gilbert confidently asserts that any inquiry into the origin of Greek meteorology must begin with the stories recorded by these poets, and modern scholars generally echo this opinion. 3 Kahn notes that in classical Athens the Milesian-style, non-mythological accounts of meteorology were treated as direct challenges to the Olympic religion, [End Page 1] as demonstrated by Aristophanes in The Clouds. 4 But to conclude on this basis that Anaximander himself saw his project as the construction of theories by the removal of deities from myths is to mistake the result for the cause. Kirk et al. simply point to Kahn's account and speculate that Anaximander was influenced by Greek legends about Phaethon and Deucalion. 5 None of these scholars consider alternative possible sources of Anaximander's meteorological ideas, so that support for mythology as the source derives largely from the lack of a rival. But there is an alternative, namely, folk meteorology.Folk meteorology may be described as the body of folk wisdom concerning the nature and prediction of weather patterns. It typically comes in the form of pithy statements or jingles such as "Red sky at night, shepherd's delight; red sky in morning, shepherd's warning." 6 Folk meteorology has been almost completely neglected even by folklore scholars, so it is not surprising that it has escaped the attention of philosophers and classical scholars as well. However, an examination of folk beliefs about meteorology reveals significant similarities with some of the philosophical beliefs attributed to Anaximander, most notably, and surprisingly, regarding the concept of justice (dikê) implicit in Anaximander's famous fragment.The purpose of this paper is to construct and defend a case for the influence of folk meteorology on Anaximander, particularly on the concept of justice in the Anaximander fragment. The case begins on familiar ground, with the fragment itself and arguments against attempts to trace influences on it to non-meteorological sources, and continues with some evidence of the universality of folk meteorology across cultures and the character of balance as a folk-meteorological concept, which is then applied to the Anaximander fragment as a means of explicating what Anaximander meant there by justice. The suitability of balance for this purpose is taken as evidence that Anaximander was influenced by folk meteorology. Thus, this inquiry identifies a plausible origin of one of Anaximander's central philosophical ideas, an origin which has so far remained completely unexplored by scholars of ancient Greek philosophy. The Fragment of Anaximander Anaximander is famous among Greek scholars for the central role he gave to the concept of justice (dikê) in his natural philosophy. The one fragment of his writings, quoted by Simplicius in his Commentary on Aristotle's Physics (24.18-21), records Anaximander's view on the effect of justice in the physical world: [End Page 2] The things that are perish into the things out of which they come to be, according to necessity, for they pay penalty and retribution... (shrink)

This article performs an analysis of Aeschylus’ tragedy the Oresteia within the Lacanian model of the Four Discourses. The author contends that the myth, which dramatizes the transition from the ancient conception of the law based on familial revenge to the modern institution of law, may be viewed as a shift from a failed Master’s Discourse to the University Discourse. The cycle of revenge killings performed throughout the tragedy, culminating in Orestes’ murder of his mother, may be considered signifying acts (...) of self-sovereignty in the name of Dikê, or justice. However, the traumatic “product” of these acts – the murder that signifies the enactment of the law of revenge – parallels the product of the Master’s Discourse, the objet a, or traumatic kernel of the real. Ultimately, with the implementation of Athena’s new legal order based on alienating institutionalized knowledge and practices, this traumatic product is rearticulated in the formation of the superego and in relation to the Sovereign Good. (shrink)

The word “theodicy” comes from the Greek words for God (theos) and justice (diké). Although coined by Leibniz, the attempt it represents is far older. In the Jewish tradition, it stretches to the beginning—that is to the stories of Genesis with their attempts to explain how evil could exist in a world created by God. God, after each creative act, sees that his creations are “good.” Women, however, bear their children in pain (Gn 3:16) and the ground, sprouting “thorns and (...) thistles,” can at times appears “cursed” to the farmer (Gn 3:18). How do we explain this? How is it compatible with God’s justice? Is it, in fact, possible to “justify God’s ways to man”? Beginning with Genesis’s account of man’s disobedience, there is a whole tradition of efforts to answer this question. It includes Isaiah’s notion of the “suffering servant”—the person who suffers for the sins of others—and the Maccabean notion of the “martyr”—the innocent and just sufferer who serves as a witness for the truth. As the philosopher, Hans Jonas, observes, the “event of Auschwitz” marks an important challenge to this tradition. “Auschwitz” names not just the setting in which over a million Jews, Gypsies and Poles perished. It also signifies the dehumanization of its victims. In the “factory-like working of its machine” for extermination, even the gesture of martyrdom and witness was not left to the dying. In Jonas’s words, “Not fidelity or infidelity, belief or unbelief, not guilt or punishment, not trial, witness and messianic hope, nay, not even strength or weakness, heroism or cowardice, defiance or submission had a place there. .... Of all this, Auschwitz, which also devoured the infants and babes, knew.. (shrink)

Charioteering as a metaphor for correct and balanced thinking has been written about since Homer. The Iliad presents the divine charioteering model as exemplified by Hera and Athena and examines how the fate of mortal charioteers including Antilokhos, Patroklos and Achilles is determined based on their ability to adhere to this model. Authors as diverse as Plato, Proclus, Pindar and Euripides build upon the divine charioteering model as they show examples of charioteers who, in varying degrees, follow this model. This (...) paper will demonstrate that heroes who veer from the model of equilibrium and moderation provided by the gods, violate justice [dikē] with their hubris and incur agony [agōn] from the divinity they antagonize. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Matthew S. Santirocco JUSTICE IN SOPHOCLES' ANTIGONE Sophocles' Antigone is most often apprehended in terms of conflicts, an approach which the play does indeed invite. The personal clash of Antigone and Creon generates conflicts on many different levels— political (individual or family vs. state, aristocracy vs. democracy), theological (gods vs. men), philosophical (nature vs. law or convention), sexual (woman vs. man), even chronological (young vs. old). However, insofar as (...) no list can ever be so inclusive as the play itself, all such discussions tend by their very nature to be reductionist. And even if a balanced critique were possible at this level, a tragedy is not the sum of abstract conflicts; it is theatre, people in action. Furthermore, the conflict approach encourages us to ask the wrong questions. Although conflict need not imply resolution, critics persist in searching for it. Yet there is no resolution in the Antigone except by death. Similarly, such an approach invites us to ask who is right, Antigone or Creon. But in a very real sense this question misses Sophocles' point. Relevant, perhaps, to versions by Anouilh and Brecht, the question misleads when applied to the ancient play. It is interesting that we oversimplify, for Sophocles' sympathies are more expansive and complex than these modern interpretations of his myth. For all these reasons a valid alternative approach to the play may be to consider it not in terms of the conflicts incarnated in the personalities but rather in terms of one theme in the context of which all the conflicts are played out. The precise issue here, as so often in Greek tragedy, is a philosophical one. As the religious thought of an earlier era was yielding to judicial and political thought, and as older heroic ideals were being supplanted by a rationalistic view of man, tragedy's function in fifth-century Athens was, in part at least, to expose and explore these cultural displacements, either by affirming traditional values and concepts or else by questioning their continued validity. One such concept, perhaps the most recurrent in tragedy, 180 Matthew S. Santirocco181 is justice, dike. Originally a term used to refer to things as they are, dike came also to acquire a normative sense, things as they ought to be. At different times and in different contexts the word can signify custom or usage, law-enforcing authority, penalty, and ofcourse "justice" as a higher standard. Its precise semantic range is wide and fluctuating. Thus tragedy becomes, in a sense, a matter of vocabulary. In the Antigone the characters appeal to justice, but each defines it differently, so that the conflict is not so much between justice and injustice as between one sort of justice and another. The Oresteia of Aeschylus had earlier celebrated the transition from vendetta justice to courtroom justice. The Antigone, however, focuses not so much on the changes in dike as on a question these changes raise, namely the very possibility of dike. The establishment of the law court brought Aeschylus' trilogy to a resolved ending. Sophocles' vision in the Antigone is much more austere. Although he acknowledges the existence of an ideal of justice, he exposes the tensions and ambiguities inherent in it and thereby questions whether that ideal can ever be realized in the lives of men. II A key text concerning justice is contained in one of the choral odes. But can it be trusted? The tragic chorus is not, after all, the mouthpiece of the poet as was the comic chorus in Aristophanes' parabaseis. Nor is it always or necessarily the mouthpiece of the audience, SchlegeFs "ideal spectator." In the Antigone, as elsewhere, the chorus simply constitutes a panel of the population (here, of Thebes) and its perspective on the action is, if not omniscient, not particularly partisan either. Gordon Kirkwood has demonstrated the many dramatic functions of the Sophoclean chorus, including its ambiguities. In the Antigone no fewer than three odes are ambiguous, leaving in doubt the identity of the one who has disturbed order and right (332-75), who has violated the will of heaven (582-625), and whose mind has been perverted by love (781-816). Although the chorus may not be aware of the... (shrink)

But that from which things arise (genesis) also give rise to their passing away (phtora) according to what is necessary (kata to chreon); for things render justice (dike) and pay penalty (tisis) for their injustice (adikias), according to the ordinance of time. The Anaximander Fragment.

Through a comparative study of the meanings and origins of justice symbolized in the Greek word dikē and the Chinese word yi 毅, this essay explores an alternative understanding of justice exemplified in Mencius' teaching and illuminates a possibility of social and political justice that originates in the human heart instead of reason. On the basis of a genealogical study of yi that identifies its root meanings as "the dignity of the self" and "amity and affinity," this study recovers and (...) revives a way of justice that may preserve and promote the dignity of the individual and the solidarity of political community at once without succumbing to the violence and rigidity of traditional Western metaphysics. In so doing, it highlights a long overlooked dimension of early Confucian moral practice and establishes its unique relevancy for the contemporary debates on justice. (shrink)

In this paper I will investigate the identity of the daímōn introduced by Parmenides in B12, 3 DK, the deity “who steers all things”. The importance of this deity is not adequately reflected in ancient doxography but in recent decades many scholars have reconsidered its role. I argue that in Parmenides’ poem this daímōn may play a relevant role in connecting the theological, ontological and cosmological planes. My purpose is to provide enough arguments for the hypothesis that the daímōn may (...) be the same goddess, Themis, who in the proem (B1, 28) is paired with Dike as a guide for Parmenides to the theá who will reveal to him the truth of tò eón, and in the part of the poem called alḗtheia (B8, 32) is echoed as the divine personification of the thémis of tò eón itself. I will examine the different identities and attributes found in the accounts on Parmenides’ daímōn and will compare them with the identities and attributes that the mythological tradition assigns to the goddess Themis. (shrink)