The Greek inscription set up by the Epicurean philosopher Diogenes of Oinoanda, probably in the first half of the second century AD, is a document of extraordinary interest and importance. It is the longest inscription known from the ancient world, perhaps running to about 25,000 words, and the only one to give a detailed exposition of a philosophical system. Since 1884 a total of 299 pieces of the inscription have been found scattered about the ruins of Oinoanda in the (...) mountains of southwest Turkey - substantial finds, but still not even a third of the complete work. Of these fragments 76 were found in the ten years 2003-2012, all but one of them during a new epigraphical and architectural survey of Oinoanda directed by Martin Bachmann in 2007-2012. Jürgen Hammerstaedt and Martin Ferguson Smith recorded and edited the new finds. The present volume brings together all the articles in which they presented the new texts and revisions of "old" ones and described the survey. It contains also three new sections, including indices of Greek names and words. (shrink)

In 130 ce, Hadrian and Sabina traveled to Egyptian Thebes. Inscriptions on the Memnon colossus document the royal visit, including fifty-four lines of Greek verse by Julia Balbilla, an elite Roman woman of Syrian heritage. The poet's style and dialect have been compared to those of Sappho, although the poems' meter and content are quite different from those of her archaic predecessor. This paper explores Balbilla's Memnon inscriptions and their social context. Balbilla's archaic forms and obscure mythological variants showcase (...) her erudition and allegiance to a Greek past, but while many of the Memnon inscriptions allude to Homer, Balbilla aligns herself closely with Sappho as a literary model. The main question raised here is what it means for Julia Balbilla to imitate Sappho while simultaneously honoring her royal patrons in the public context of dedicatory inscriptions. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Greek and Latin Inscriptions in the Manisa MuseumKent J. RigsbyHasan Malay. Greek and Latin Inscriptions in the Manisa Museum. Vienna, 1994. 192 pp. 99 plates. (Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Denkschriften 237, Ergänzungsbande zu den Tituli Asiae Minoris 19)For well over a century, inscriptions found in the Hermus Valley in Lydia have been making their way to the museum at Manisa. Hasan Malay presents here a full (...) inventory of this rich collection, stones deriving from the great cities (Sardes, Philadelphia, Daldis, Hierocaesarea, etc.) and from the numerous villages [End Page 167] within their territories. Malay has himself contributed substantially to the building of this collection through his explorations, and his familiarity with the region and its monuments is an essential component of this catalogue.In recent years the inscriptions of Lydia have received work of very high quality which is readily available to readers, and Malay has made the laudable decision to include only what must be included in order to complete the published record on the museum holdings: new texts are given description, text, commentary, and photograph; already published texts with no photograph in print have a brief description, lemma, and photograph but no text; others, only a description and up-to-date lemma without photograph or text (except where Malay has improved the readings, e.g., nos. 39, 368, 380). Malay has shown admirable discipline in not filling our libraries with redundant matter.The material is organized by type of text, except for a twenty-page addendum of stones that arrived during the year that publication was in progress. The statistics: 561 entries, of which 190 are new texts; twelve of these have been held for impending separate publication; four texts are in Lydian; there is little Latin (no. 470; bilingual, nos. 231, 520 [a new illustration of the bilingualism of Imperial freedmen; cf. Robert, Laodicée 325-26], and 523, an edict). Metrical texts are few (nos. 51, 318, 354). Dates range from the fourth century B.C. (no. 515, fragment of an Aeolic decree, nearly stoichedon) to the twelfth A.D., but are mostly Roman Imperial; for many stones the exact provenance is uncertain. The lemmas, while not genetic in form, are thorough and current; the commentaries address essentials with efficiency. Careful indexes are provided (only to the texts actually printed), also a detailed concordance to past publications, and two clear maps showing known provenances. Some of these texts will be taken up in the course of the completion of TAM V by Georg Petzl. Note that Petzl's "Beichtinschriften" (= EpigrAnat 22) appeared simultaneously; a number of those inscriptions are in the Manisa Museum, and Petzl was able to consult and cite Malay's manuscript in completing his own work.The photographs are uniformly excellent (nos. 360 and 362 have been badly cropped, cutting off some text) and constitute an important new body of evidence for the history of art in western Anatolia in the late Hellenistic and Roman periods. These mostly are reliefs (no. 161 is especially rich, and obscure owing to weathering; no. 58 is a Nike in the round; no. 336 is incised and perhaps unfinished).The volume offers pleasures for diverse agendas. New villages are attested (nos. 38 and 184, 48, 51), a known one located (no. 31); a new phratry inscription (no. 244) joins others from the northeastern part of Lydia. We have a new sundial (no. 25), and a woman who lived to be a hundred (no. 465). Foreign ethnics are few. No. 536, from Dareioukome, is a grave monument for Apollonius set up by his wife, Tyche, perhaps in the second century or earlier, ' ΤΩ[... ]ΔOYPHNΩ; the majuscules are properly cautious, and Malay cites Dura only in the commentary; there is scarcely space but consider Τω[βίου], whatever the likelihood of a Jew from Parthian Dura settling by the Hermus. [End Page 168]A number of new cults and divine epithets are revealed. Zeus Antigoneios (nos. 69-74, variously spelled) Malay traces to the Antigonid dynasty and Macedonian soldiers settled in Lydia in the Hellenistic period. This seems to me unlikely, in an area never under Antigonid rule even briefly, and I suspect rather that the epithet... (shrink)

Inscriptions from Amathous X. Greek and latin inscriptions from the agora of Amathous. The riches of this batch of inscriptions reflect the importance of its find spot. If of three building dedications there exists nothing but the most banal elements, that of a probable mausoleum dedicated to Germanicus reveals an unrecognized aspect of the cult of this prince. Statuary dedications uncover two new proconsuls and a new proquestor, as well as two hitherto unencountered documents from Cyprus : a bronze (...) statue of Gordian III, and that of a doukenarion, interim governor of the island. Together, with proof of the city’s status as metropolis, and a document unique in its type, the plan of a sacred asylum zone, the inscriptions shed new light on the economic and political panorama of Amathous in imperial times, which until recently appeared rather lustreless. (shrink)

Hellenistic and Roman acrostich inscriptions are usually full of verbal and visual clues, which point the reader in the direction of the ‘hidden message’ contained in the vertical lines of the text. The authors of such inscriptions want their audiences to appreciate the skill that has gone into their composition. There are several complementary ways in which the presence of an acrostich might be signalled to the reader or viewer and their attention directed towards it. These include direct verbal statements, (...) or more subtle allusions, within the text of the inscription. But, even without having read its text, the viewer of an inscription containing a ‘hidden message’ is often immediately aware that some kind of wordplay is at work. Acrostichs, palindromes and various kinds of word square are all graphically striking, or their appearance may be enhanced to make them more so. Regular spacing, the repetition of the acrostich in a separate column and the use of painted or incised grids are all ways in which the layout of the text on the stone can invite the viewer to play a word game. In some cases, as I will argue in this paper, acrostich makers envisaged—even intended—the participants in this game to include the illiterate as well as the literate. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:American Journal of Philology 123.1 (2002) 136-140 [Access article in PDF] P. M. Petsas, M. B. Hatzopoulos, Lucrèce Gounaropoulou, and P. Paschidis, eds. Inscriptions du sanctuaire de la Mère des Dieux autochtone de Leukopétra (Macédoine). Meletemata 28. Athens: Kentron Ellenikes kai romaikes archaiotetos ethnikon idryma erevnon, 2000. 365 pp. Cloth, price not stated. The Macedonian sanctuary of the Autochthonous Mother of the Gods at Leukopetra, near Beroia, was discovered (...) by earth-moving equipment and emergency excavation in 1965, when a segment of the new national highway was being built. Although the site itself has never been fully excavated, many architectural pieces, four altars, three offering tables, stelai, and plaques were rescued and taken to the Beroia Museum. The original excavator, Photias Petsas, helped recently by a younger generation of accomplished epigraphists, has labored over the years and through many vicissitudes to publish these finds. For this was not [End Page 136] merely a sanctuary, not merely a small marble temple, but a sanctuary and temple covered with inscriptions, most of them (161 of 170 complete enough to categorize) recording the cession or consecration of slaves or children to the service of the goddess. Many of the inscriptions (127 of 194) are virtually complete and dated by local and imperial era, the earliest from A.D. 141-42 (?), the latest from A.D. 313.This handsomely produced and meticulously edited volume therefore publishes a corpus of material that contributes to a number of important topics: to the debate over the legal and actual status of the persons ceded to gods here and elsewhere; to the administration and health of a small sanctuary in the territory of a larger city in Roman Macedonia; and to the religious beliefs that may have undergirded all of the above. It also provides evidence of the erratic but apparent diffusion of Roman legal status, legal concepts, and legal practices even in the backcountry of a larger city, and thereby also sheds interesting light on what happens before and after the Constitutio Antoniniana in one specific place. All this should interest historians of Greece under the Empire, or students of the phenomenon of "Romanization," or historians of Greece keen to track continuity and change in the practices of sanctuaries and slaves.The volume itself is a pleasure to use. The lengthy introduction covers the mythical and actual history of the area (20-23); the geographical and social backgrounds of the dedicators (23-28); the goddess, her multiple names, and her financial dealings (28-33); the legal status of the consecrated (33-60, with a clear summary of a hundred-year-old controversy); onomastics (61-63); and language (63-73)--the Lefkopetra inscriptions constitute a "unique dossier" (63) for how Greek was spoken for centuries during the High Empire. How each lemma is to be laid out is then discussed (74), and the architectural and other pieces described (75-78); for the last, the drawings (figs. 37-51) are indispensable. All that is missing is a discussion of letter forms, itself noted as reserved for further study by J. Touratsoglou (75).The 194 inscriptions (plus five incerta) are clearly presented, restored when need be, translated, and discussed; all but three (nos. 79, 191, and 193) have pictures as well. Because the inscriptions themselves are also very (if not uniformly) formulaic, their readings seem relatively straightforward to me and I can make no suggestions for corrections in what seem to me to be well-read and well-restored texts except to suggest that numbers 136 and 160 belong to the same monument--a suggestion in which I have been anticipated by Marijana Ricl, who was kind enough to send me an article (forthcoming in Tyche 16, 2001) in which she discusses these inscriptions and suggests different supplements or explanations in only thirteen other cases (nos. 5, 26, 45, 46, 51, 53, 58, 63, 78, 90, 93, 115, and 150). In short, these inscriptions have been published by people who know what they are doing, and with all the proper aids and... (shrink)

SummaryStarting from late Classical-early Hellenistic age a series of witty, lighthearted and irreverent funerary verse-inscriptions aiming to produce some effect of amusement or laughter appeared on a number of monuments, reaching their apogee during Greek-Roman era. Most of them originated in Asia Minor and Rome. Some earliest examples were related to widespread hedonistic exhortations on tombs. Their later ramifications, consisting of ironical or playful expressions, amusing puns and instances of black humour, were written in a more satirical vein, except (...) with inscriptions dedicated for animals that were rife with sentimental motifs. Remarkably diverse as they were, such verse-inscriptions cannot be defined in terms of a distinctly separate, continuous tradition, but they shared some common features. Lacking – for the most part – conventional and formulaic elements, they struck us as heavily individualised, which sets them apart from the mainstream tradition of funerary poetry. This in turn might shed some light on social standing or/and mentality of individuals who opted for such expressive ways of remembering the dead. (shrink)

This article offers a re-examination of the theoi (‘gods’) heading which appears regularly on inscriptions in the ancient Greek world. Long noted, the heading has also long been passed over, often considered so formulaic as to lack much significance. This paper explores the consequences of taking theoi seriously as a reference to the divine, by investigating the function and meaning of the heading in the classical period. It makes use of two case studies, the financial building inscriptions from the (...) Athenian Akropolis and the epigraphic corpus from Oropos, to set out the most important characteristics of the formula. By placing the theoi heading in a broader context of other types of divine formula found on inscriptions, and by paying particular attention to the crucial aspect of the heading’s non-specificity, this article contends that the theoi or theos formula should not be understood as a prayer or appeal to the gods. Instead, it is a statement of presence of the divine and a recognition of divine power. (shrink)

The recent discovery in Bahrain of a Greek inscription, dating to the 120s BC, transforms our understanding of the Arab-Persian Gulf in the Hellenistic period. The inscription, recording the dedication of a shrine to the Dioskouroi on behalf of the first independent king of Characene, indicates that Bahrain was a garrisoned node within the Seleucid Empire and the centre of the previously unknown archipelagic administrative district . Seleucid and Characenian control of Bahrain is placed within the longue durée political (...) history of relations between southern Mesopotamia and Dilmun. The cultic dedication to the Dioskouroi traces the consciously Hellenizing modalities of Characenian emancipation from the Seleucid Empire and the development of a coherent maritime religious network in the Gulf. (shrink)