A comparative fMRI study by Peeters et al. (2009) provided evidence that a specific sector of left inferior parietal lobule is devoted to tool use in humans, but not in monkeys. We propose that this area represents the neural substrate of the human capacity to understand tool use by using causal reasoning.

This book explores the Romanian Revolution in relation to the ongoing questions around its authenticity. It offers a critical theoretical re-examination of the revolution using the concept of performative contradiction as an analytic tool.

Cohen Kadosh & Walsh (CK&W) discuss the limitations of the behavioral, imaging, and single-cell studies related to number representation in human parietal cortex. The limitations of the imaging studies are grossly underestimated, particularly those using adaptation paradigms, and the problem of establishing a link between single-cell studies and imaging is not even addressed. Monkey functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), however, provides a solution to these problems.

Single-cell studies of monkey posterior parietal cortex (PPC) have revealed the extensive neuronal representations of three-dimensional subject motion and three-dimensional layout of the environment. I propose that navigational planning integrates this PPC information, including gravity signals, with horizontal-plane based information provided by the hippocampal formation, modified in primates by expansion of the ventral stream.

Binz et al. argue that meta-learned models offer a new paradigm to study human cognition. Meta-learned models are proposed as alternatives to Bayesian models based on their capability to learn identical posterior predictive distributions. In our commentary, we highlight several arguments that reach beyond a predictive distribution-based comparison, offering new perspectives to evaluate the advantages of these modeling paradigms.

En raison de ses élargissements successifs, l’Union européenne compte désormais près d’un demi-milliard de citoyens, 27 États membres, 3 alphabets et 23 langues officielles dont certaines ont une diffusion mondiale. Mais ce n’est que la partie émergée de l’iceberg : quelques 60 autres langues font également partie de son patrimoine commun, parlées qu’elles sont dans certaines régions ou par des groupes spécifiques. Par ailleurs, les migrants ont apporté un large éventail de langues : on estime qu’au moins 175 nationalités sont (...) présentes sur le territoire de l’Union. Cette diversité est le fondement même de l’identité européenne, qui, à l’heure de la mondialisation, en fait sa force : le multilinguisme est un facteur majeur de compétitivité pour l’économie européenne, et la traduction sous toutes ses formes – notamment littéraire – constitue le support essentiel d’une Europe de la diversité.With its successive enlargements, the European Union now has almost half a billion citizens, 27 Member States, 3 alphabets and 23 official languages, some of which are spoken all over the world. But this is only the visible part of the iceberg: some 60 other languages, spoken in certain regions or by particular groups, are also part of its common heritage. To these are added a wide range of other languages introduced by migrants: it is estimated that at least 175 nationalities are represented within the EU. This diversity is the very foundation of European identity and, in our age of globalisation, also what makes its strength: multilingualism is an important factor of competitiveness for the European economy, and translation of every kind, literary included, is a mainstay of European diversity. (shrink)

This essay examines Hungary’s Viktor Orbán, and his cultivation of a new form of authoritarian and hyper-nationalist neoliberalism, which I call ordonationalist. With particular emphasis placed on tracing resurgence of the national state, ordonationalism points to the neoliberal intensifications, but also the ruptures to neoliberalism through post-neoliberal advances, exemplified by the Hungarian state. Ordonationalism combines: (1) a newly empowered nationalist state invested in flexibilizing domestic labour and controlling access to domestic capitalist accumulation; (2) a national state captured by political actors (...) as a means towards controlling access to domestic capital accumulation; (3) a novel regime of social reproduction, linking financialization, flexibilization of labour, steep decline in supporting social reproduction, and supporting consumption as a source of social reproduction. This project is hegemonic. However, the contradictions between radical neoliberalization and radical nationalism generate ever-more instances where an authoritarian state steps in to solve crises generated by its contradictions. (shrink)

This paper offers a politolinguistic analysis of four ‘state of the nation’ speeches delivered by the Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán between 1999 and 2002. The analysis focuses on the ways in which Orbán’s self-representation, his discourse strategies and the tone of the speeches changed in response to changes in the ideological background over the four years in question. The findings demonstrate that Orbán’s voice was most active in the pre-election speech of 2002, that he had become increasingly interpellative (in (...) the Althusserian sense) over this period and that he increasingly tried to conversationalize the dominant ideology. (shrink)