I argue that Descartes uses his method as evidence in the Discours and Les Météores. I begin by establishing there is a single method in Descartes’ works, using his meteorology as a case study. First, I hold that the method of the Regulae is best explained by two examples: one scientific, his proof of the anaclastic curve (1626), and one metaphysical, his question of the essence and scope of human knowledge (1628). Based on this account, I suggest that the (...) form of his early metaphysics (not its content) is similar to the method of doubt of the Meditationes. Second, I argue that Descartes’ explanation of the cause of parhelia (1629) likewise contains a formulation of this procedure. I provide a novel reading of Les Météores, where, following Descartes’ guidance in the Discours and Correspondance, I interpret his meteorology by reasoning from effects to causes, in this case, from Christoph Scheiner’s 1626 observation of parhelia to his meteorological foundation. This backwards orientation to Les Météores, I argue, reveals an instance of Descartes’ scientific method. I conclude with remarks on Descartes’ concept of evidentia, in which I explain how he incorporates a posteriori evidence and an apparent hypothetical foundation into his rationalist epistemology where he uses his method as evidence for his claims. (shrink)

This work was originally published anonymously.

Cette édition numérique a été réalisée à partir d'un support physique, parfois ancien, conservé au sein du dépôt légal de la Bibliothèque nationale de France, conformément à la loi n° 2012-287 du 1er mars 2012 relative à l'exploitation des Livres indisponibles du XXe siècle. Un colloque pour le 350e anniversaire du « Discours de la méthode » de Descartes. « Copyright Electre » Pages de début Note bibliographique Avant-propos Ouverture I - L'unité et les méthodes du discours La chronologie des (...) six parties Cohérence ou incohérence du Discours? Descartes et la Méthode en 1637 L'explication rationnelle entre méthode et métaphysique L'explication scientifique II - La science et les essais La Dioptrique et Kepler L'arc-en-ciel dans les Météores Mersenne, la pesanteur et Descartes Descartes et les mathématiques au collège Les Essais de la Méthode et la réforme mathématique III - « Je pense » et la morale Problèmes logiques du Cogito Le sum dans le cogito sum Descartes et la question de la technique La morale provisoire et la découverte métaphysique de l'homme chez Descartes IV - L'évidence et la métaphysique Les preuves de l'existence de Dieu dans la quatrième partie du Discours Certitude et fondement - L'évidence de la raison et la véracité divine dans la métaphysique du Discours de la Méthode La situation métaphysique du Discoursde la Méthode Les désordres du rationalisme Pages de fin. (shrink)

Le systeme cartesien est enracine dans la metaphysique qui s'impose avant (non plus apres: meta) la physique. Pourtant, Descartes decouvre avec Beeckman la physico-mathematique, qui applique une methode mathematique a toute la nature. Optique, dioptrique et meteores occupent ses annees parisiennes. Aux Pays-Bas, il consacre neuf mois au commencement de la metaphysique, mais l'abandonne quand il apprend l'existence de faux soleils. Leur explication lui fait elargir la science a l'ensemble du Monde a partir de la lumiere. Il fera connaitre sa (...) methode dans le Discours, avec un resume de sa metaphysique. Comment Descartes avait-il ete incite a demontrer que l'existence de Dieu est plus certaine que les mathematiques? Quels furent les themes nouveaux des Meditations? Alors, l'arbre de la philosophie va deployer ses branches, jusqu'a ce dernier fruit, la generosite. Seule la mort interrompt La Recherche de la Verite, son principal bien en cette vie. (shrink)

Le present volume analyse, non plus en amont la definition kantienne de la science, du savoir, de la scientificite en general, mais cette fois en aval la place des divers savoirs dont Kant a pu traiter. Par une serie d'etudes consacrees a diverses sciences en contexte kantien, le present volume etudie comment Kant assigne a chaque science une unite ideale, une region ontique (un domaine d'objets), une methode, voire une epistemologie, ainsi qu'un mode historique de constitution et de progression propres, (...) avec le constant souci (issu du criticisme) de distinguer les sciences, de ne jamais confondre leurs limites. Ce volume revele ainsi un Kant, non pas seulement theoricien de la science, mais theoricien, voire praticien des sciences en leur pluralite. Kant y apparait comme etant lui-meme un Naturforscher, physicien, scientifique, savant dans les sciences de la nature au sens le plus large. Ce volume souligne l'apport de Kant a un grand nombre de sciences de son temps (mathematique, physique, chimie, biologienaissante, geographie physique, cosmologie, astronomie, mais aussi sciences qualifiees aujourd'hui de sciences de l'esprit ou de l'homme, comme anthropologie ou psychologie), comme en attestent les nombreux opuscules scientifiques que Kant consacre, de 1754 a 1794, a divers sujets de science physique ou d'histoire naturelle (seismes, volcans, marees, climats, vents, influence de la Lune sur la Terre, modification de la vitesse de rotation axiale de la Terre, meteores, cometes, etc.). (shrink)

Que lit-on de Descartes? Le Discours, souvent ampute des cinquieme et sixieme parties. Les Meditations, parce qu'elles s'inscrivent dans une querelle mondaine sur l'atheisme. Des extraits du Traite des Passions, et les doctes s'enfoncent encore parfois dans le dossier des Objections et Reponses. Et le Descartes du Monde, des Meteores ou du Traite de l'homme est abandonne a la patience curieuse des historiens des sciences, parce que, la, il delire. Nous restituer le Descartes contemporain de Theophile et de Cyrano, qui (...) evoque Cervantes et Calderon, qui, avant que sa trajectoire ne le laisse mourant dans les discours glaces du stoicisme, n'avait pour seul souci que la vie et la mort de la machine humaine, en esperant decouvrir le ressort capable de la maintenir en vie pour jamais, telle est l'action de ce livre ou le heros-philosophe de la tradition est aussi l'archetype du temps baroque. (shrink)

Si l'histoire de la pensee medievale inclut celle de ses influences, comme l'histoire de la pensee moderne celle de ses sources, il est alors doublement legitime de se demander ce que peut nous apprendre sur la pensee cartesienne sa confrontation historique avec la pensee medievale, au contact de laquelle elle s'est formee, et a l'encontre de laquelle elle s'est developpee. Prenant la suite de travaux anterieurs, cet ouvrage d'Etienne Gilson envisage tout d'abord la confrontation dans une perspective genetique (en cherchant (...) dans certaines doctrines medievales les sources de theses cartesiennes comme l'inneisme, l'etude des meteores ou de la circulation sanguine), avant de considerer plus precisement le rapport de la metaphysique cartesienne et de la metaphysique medievale a travers l'examen de certains points de doctrine particulierement delicats. C'est ici notamment que sont rencontres et eclaircis les problemes de la critique cartesienne des formes substantielles, du dialogue de Descartes avec saint Augustin a l'occasion du cogito, avec saint Thomas dans la preuve de l'existence de Dieu par la causalite de l'idee, et avec saint Anselme dans la preuve dite ontologique. Le caractere novateur de la pensee cartesienne se trouve ainsi etabli avec une acuite inedite. (shrink)

Il faut placer la reflexion qu'Edouard Glissant a inlassablement et obstinement poursuivie en regard de la philosophie europeenne. Apparait alors un autre Glissant, present des les commencements de l'oeuvre, et qui brusque la tradition philosophique pour en arracher des propositions veritablement inouies: Tout-Monde, Relation, creolisation. Des lors, la coherence et la clarte du parcours de la pensee s'imposent, contredisant le stereotype d'une oeuvre reputee obscure ou difficile. Les essais d'Edouard Glissant augurent d'un temps et d'une geographie inedits de la philosophie, (...) ou une ontique fusionnante repense et deplace la metaphysique et l'ontologie. Glissant est un meteore, surgi de cet espace cosmique qu'il a nomme l'Autre de la pensee. Glissant doit etre lu non pas seulement comme un tres grand ecrivain, mais comme celui qui aura renouvele de fond en comble, a l'oree du XXIe siecle, les tres anciennes questions de la philosophie, en revenant a sa figure premiere, que pratiquerent Heraclite et Parmenide et que bannit Platon: la poesie. (shrink)

My thesis is that Descartes wrote the Discours as a plan for a universal science, as he originally entitled it. I provide an interpretation of his letters that suggests that after Descartes began drafting his Dioptrics, he started developing a system that incorporated his early treatises from the 1630s: Les Méteores, Le Monde, L’Homme, and his 1629 Traité de métaphysique. I argue against the mosaic and autobiographic interpretations that claim these were independent treatises or stages in Descartes’ life. Rather, I (...) hold that threat of condemnation concerning his heliocentric thesis resulted in him suppressing his larger project and, instead, he published a plan where he outlined his ongoing system of philosophy. (shrink)

HOME . ABOUT US . CONTACT US HELP . PUBLISH WITH US . LIBRARIANS Search in or Explore Browse Publications A-Z Browse Subjects A-Z Advanced Search University of Cambridge SIGN IN Register | Why Register? | Sign Out | Got a Voucher? prev abstract next Two Approaches to Reading the Historical Descartes A Devout Catholic? Knowledge of The Mental Thought and Language Descartes as A Natural Philosopher Substance Dualism Notes Two Approaches to Reading the Historical Descartes Author: Desmond M. Clarke (...) DOI: 10.1080/09608780902986680 Publication Frequency: 5 issues per year Published in: British Journal for the History of Philosophy, Volume 17, Issue 3 June 2009 , pages 601 - 616 John Cottingham: Cartesian Reflections: Essays on Descartes's Philosophy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008) 40.00 (hb.). ISBN 978-0-19-922697-9 John Cottingham, in a new collection of essays, asks the question: 'what exactly did Descartes himself chiefly take himself to be doing?' (254). 1 While the question is relatively clear, and while it acknowledges implicitly that Descartes was probably doing a range of different things, the answer that is apparently proposed here emerges only on reading the whole collection. Cottingham distinguishes in Chapter 1 - which is a new, synoptic overview of what is discussed in the other chapters, all of which were previously published - between two approaches to reading Descartes. One is to see him as 'a dummy on which to drape various suspect doctrines (such as “Cartesian dualism”)' (3), which contemporary analytic philosophers have shown to be radically mistaken. Another approach is adopted by historians of ideas 'who make it their life's work to pay meticulous scholarly attention to the philosophical works of past ages' (3). Cottingham does not explicitly criticize either of these approaches, but he hints at situating his own as some kind of Aristotelian middle course between the two. Since the two reference points are dangerously close to straw men or what Cottingham calls 'extreme positions', the proposed middle way may simply combine elements of two approaches, each of which is entirely legitimate. I return to this question at the conclusion. In fact, many of these essays were intended to show (rightly!) that Descartes never held the philosophical positions that are often attributed to him. The interpretation of Karol Wojtyla, later Pope John Paul II, provides a good example of how mistaken one can be: The Cogito ergo sum radically changed the way of doing philosophy … After Descartes, philosophy became a science of pure thought: all that is being- the created world, and even the Creator, is situated within the ambit of the Cogito, as contents of human consciousness. Philosophy is concerned with beings as contained in consciousness, and not as existing independently of it. (257) The only way to address such a caricature is to refer back to what Descartes actually wrote. Cottingham does precisely that, often quoting the original Latin or French texts. However, having shown successfully, by a close reading of the texts, that Descartes did not hold many of the views that are attributed to him, it still remains to say what Descartes did hold or teach about various philosophical problems that retain their perennial interest for us. This is how the question arises, intermittently, about what Descartes thought he was 'chiefly' doing, or what was his primary objective, in the course of an intellectual career that spanned three decades. However, the apparently legitimate desire to bring Descartes' intellectual endeavours into sharp focus may be frustrated by the evidence. His life and work manifestly lack the coherence or unity of purpose that one finds, for example, among many of his French or Dutch contemporaries. It is comparatively easy to 'read' the life of Gisbertus Voetius as that of an unwavering Calvinist theologian, to see Antoine Arnauld as a staunch and consistent theological defender of Port Royal, and even to interpret the obviously fragmentary contents of Pascal's unpublished notebooks (subsequently, the Penses) as an extended search for authentic religious faith, in opposition to what he perceived as the corruption of ecclesial structures. In contrast, Descartes' life reveals features that are difficult to integrate into a coherent pattern. He lived and published during a critical juncture in the Scientific Revolution of the seventeenth century. Although baptized into the Catholic Church soon after his birth in the Loire district of France, he chose to live most of his life in the aggressively Calvinist United Provinces, in which other religious practices were officially (though often ineffectively) banned. Descartes may have adopted the motto from Ovid, at least early in his career: 'bene vixit qui bene latuit' (he lives well who conceals himself well), and he seems genuinely to have wished to avoid theological controversies. However, he engaged in very public controversies with so many of his contemporaries - including Hobbes, Gassendi, the French Jesuits (collectively) and Father Dinet (in particular), Voetius and the University of Utrecht, Regius, Fermat, Roberval, Revius and other theologians at Leiden - that one might conclude that his claimed preference for a quiet life was a disingenuous mask. 2 Descartes published four books during his lifetime, and wrote at least one other that he had intended to publish. The latter was his first major composition, Le Monde, which he suppressed when he heard about Galileo's condemnation by Rome in 1633. This was followed, in 1637, by Descartes' first book (also written in French), which he tried to publish anonymously by withholding his name from the title page: the Discours de la methode pour bien conduire sa raison, & chercher la verit dans les sciences. Plus la dioptrique, les meteors, et la geometrie, qui sont des essais de cete methode. Four years later Descartes published the first edition (in Latin) of Meditationes de prima philosophia, in quibus Dei existentia et animae immortalitas demonstrator, which also included six sets of objections and replies. The Principia philosophiae appeared (in Latin) in Amsterdam in 1644, and was followed five years later by Les Passions de l'Ame (in French). 3 In parallel with these publications, Descartes carried on a very extensive correspondence over a thirty-year period (in both Latin and French), and preserved copies or drafts of his letters with a view to future publication. Given the range and variety of his interests, and the sheer volume of writings, published or otherwise, that have survived from his pen, one may be tempted to engage in a comparative evaluation, as Cottingham does, by selecting one of Descartes' books as his primary contribution to philosophy. Cottingham claims that the Meditations was Descartes''masterpiece' (44), 'the definitive statement of Descartes's philosophy' (45) and the 'definitive statement of his metaphysics' (68). He also describes the Meditations more narrowly as 'his metaphysical masterpiece' (259, 303) and, more broadly, as 'his philosophical masterpiece' (289), and he lists it with the Discours as one of Descartes' two 'masterworks' (280). The Principia offers some competition in this comparative judgement when it is described as 'the canonical presentation of his metaphysical views' (114), while 'the construction of a moral system … was the crowning aim of his philosophy' (231). Having pitched repeatedly for the Meditations as Descartes' primary text, Cottingham claims that its author was 'a devout Catholic' (215), that he was 'a devoutly religious philosopher' (256), and that he could not free himself 'from the influence of the long years of theological study he had dutifully completed at La Flche' (62). Accordingly, the Meditations should be read as 'in essence a work of theodicy' (220); 'what has pride of place in the construction of his philosophical system is … an appeal to God … the nature and existence of the Deity is something that lies at the very heart of his entire philosophical system' (255). Without quite saying so, there are hints here that Descartes was a devout Christian whose primary intellectual contribution was to write a work of metaphysics, in which God is central and in the course of which the author alternates between proving God's existence and contemplating God - the latter a seventeenth-century version of Bonaventure's Journey of the Soul to God. 'Descartes's attraction to a contemplative mode of philosophizing' (305) is reflected, in the Meditations, in 'the language of the soul's coming to rest in adoring contemplation of the light' (306). Cottingham also accepts the overwhelming evidence from Descartes' correspondence that he 'devoted most of his career not to metaphysics but to science' (108), although he quibbles elsewhere with those who adopt the shorthand term 'science' to describe part of what was called 'natural philosophy' in the seventeenth century (282). He also refers to the '(notoriously lame) argument for the essential incorporeality of the thinking self' in one of Descartes' masterworks (60), and he describes the 'strange, seemingly isolated world of his metaphysical meditations' (139), with its 'creaking ontology' (147), when read in isolation from the rest of his work as a natural philosopher. How should we read him, then, in the twenty-first century? A Devout Catholic? That Descartes was a devout Catholic is possible, unlikely and undecidable. He seems not to have studied theology at all while at school at La Flche, although he completed the pre-theology college cycle in the company of Jesuit students who then continued their studies in theology. Descartes consistently attempted to avoid public entanglement with religious and theological controversies, and said so frequently. 4 Given the alignments that prevailed at the time, both in France. (shrink)

Descartes claimed that he thought he could deduce the assumptions of his Meteorology by the contents of the Discourse. He actually began the Meteorology with assumptions. The content of the Discourse, moreover, does not indicate how he deduced the assumptions of the Meteorology. We seem to be left in a precarious position. We can examine the text as it was published, independent of Descartes’ claims, which suggests that he incorporated a presumptive or hypothetical method. On the other hand, we can (...) take Descartes’ claims as our guide and search for the epistemic foundations of the Meteorology independent of the Discourse. In this paper, I will pursue the latter route. My aim is to explain why, and how, Descartes thought that he had deduced the assumptions of the Meteorology. My interest, in this case, is solely Descartes’ physical foundation for the Meteorology, in the physics and physiology that resulted in Descartes’ explanation. With this aim, I provide an interpretation of Descartes’ World where many of its conclusions serve as evidence for the assumptions of the Meteorology. I provisionally conclude that Descartes thought that his World was the epistemic foundation for his Meteorology. (shrink)

Dans le cadre de nos recherches sur la correspondance de Descartes, nous avons découvert une lettre inédite du philosophe. La lettre, qui se trouve à la Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Preußischer Kulturbesitz, est addressee à Joachim de Wicquefort, datée de Leyde, le 2 octobre 1640. Dans sa lettre Descartes réclame, par l' intermédiaire de Wicquefort, la traduction latine de ses Meteores, qui avait été remis au professeur de philosophie d'Amsterdam, Caspar Barlaeus. Elle précède de trois jours la lettre, déjà connue, à (...) Wicquefort sur le même sujet. L'importance de notre lettre est qu'elle confirme certaines hypothèses concernant l'édition latine du Discours, et le projet abandonné de la publication des objections faites au Discours et aux Essais et des réponses du philosophe. (shrink)

Résumé Michèle Le Dœuff est une philosophe qui a beaucoup contribué aux études beauvoiriennes, mais dont l’ apport a été sous-évalué. Pourtant, Le Dœuff a été la première à faire un travail critique, philosophique et féministe autour du Deuxième Sexe, d’ abord dans son célèbre article « Cheveux longs, idées courtes » (1977), puis de façon plus approfondie dans L’ Étude et le rouet (1989). Les études beauvoiriennes ont sans doute encore beaucoup à puiser dans l’ œuvre de Le Dœuff.

L’entrée de l’ordinateur cristallise les relations latentes à la vie de couple et les contradictions qui la minent. Pour comprendre ces effets, encore faut-il connaître le devenir de la vie conjugale. En effet, un objet technique n’a de sens que dans la mesure où il s’inscrit dans un corps social traversé par ses propres dynamiques. L’ordinateur accentue donc, plutôt qu’il ne crée, certains traits d’évolution de la famille et des rapports homme/femme. Il intervient dans un univers déjà investi par un (...) ensemble d’objets techniques socialement marqués et inégalement répartis entre les sexes.The introduction of the computer uncovers the dormant relations in a couple’s life and its undermining contradictions. To apprehend this phenomenon, a thorough knowledge of today’s domestic life is essential. Indeed, a technical object only makes sense insofar as it integrates into a society with its own underlying dynamics. The computer, as a consequence, does not produce, but rather emphasizes some trends of the evolution of both family and current gender relations. It enters into an arena already surrounded with technical objects that are socially marked and unevenly distributed among the sexes. (shrink)

'The Levinas Reader' collects, often for the first time in English, essays by Levinas encompassing every aspect of his thought: the early phenomenological studies written under the guidance and inspiration of Husserl and Heidegger; the fully developed ethical critique of such totalizing philosophies; the pioneering texts on the moral dimension to aesthetics; the rich and subtle readings of the Talmud which are an exemplary model of an ethical, transcendental philosophy at work; the admirable meditations on current political issues.

La réflexion de Canguilhem est précieuse car elle nous rend attentif au fait qu’il n’existe pas de science de la santé mais seulement un savoir des patho­logies. La santé relève d’abord d’une évaluation existentielle qui vient de l’épreuve de la maladie. Si tel est le cas, elle ne saurait s’identifier avec un sens univoque de la normalité mais doit toujours être rapportée à la perception d’un individu, y compris quand elle est l’objet d’une rationalité économique ou politique exogène. Deux sens (...) de la santé entrent dès lors en conflit qui traversent les différentes analyses de l’Essai sur quelques problèmes concernant le normal et le pathologique, la santé comme abus et la santé comme régulation. Il semble bien que l’enjeu d’une philosophie de la vie soit de parvenir à les articuler. (shrink)

Pour retrouver la réalité, il faut d’abord de cesser de la penser à partir de ce qui l’absente. Rien en vérité ne nous empêche de la connaître et de l’éprouver comme absolue présence. Aucun irrémédiable exil ne nous en sépare. Revenir à la plénitude substantielle impose cependant d’abandonner tout rapport d’extériorité, pour enfin redécouvrir que « dans l’absolu nous sommes, … » (664)). L’on ne pourra ainsi échapper à la vacuité qu’en se délivrant des scissions qui nous absentent, et nous (...) év... (shrink)

De 1686 à 1758, soit pendant plus de soixante ans, les savants les plus éminents de l’époque, dont la Marquise Du Châtelet, participent au débat sur les forces vives ; faut-il mesurer la force par le produit de la masse et de la vitesse ( m.v, qu’on appelle aujourd’hui la quantité de mouvement) ou par le produit de la masse et du carré de la vitesse ( m.v 2 )? Or il est intéressant de souligner que, loin d’être une simple (...) dispute de mots, ce à quoi cherche à la réduire D’Alembert, cette querelle est avant tout une discussion sur les premiers principes et les principes dérivés : quels sont les principes fondateurs, quels sont les principes seconds? Notre propos est de montrer que D’Alembert, dans la position qu’il prend pour mettre fin au débat, a été fortement influencé et formé par les réflexions sur la physique que développe Émilie Du Châtelet (1706-1749), dans les Institutions de Physique parues en 1740. (shrink)

Contemporary philosophers are increasingly turning to the work of Emmanuel Levinas to bring a consideration of ethics into their own thinking. As an exponent of the phenomenological tradition, Levinas ranks with Heidegger and Sartre; as a disciple of Husserl, he was one of the most independent and original interpreters, testifying to the fruitfulness of Husserl's phenomenology. In collecting almost all of Levinas's articles on Husserlian phenomenology, this volume gathers together a wealth of thoughtful exposition and interpretation by one of the (...) most important European philosophers of the twentieth century. Levinas's thought is relevant to a broad variety of disciplines and concerns. This volume serves as a reliable introduction for the beginning student, as well as satisfying the expert's more demanding and critical desire for insight into the complexities of Levinas's thought. (shrink)

Les propriétés matérielles sont généralement appréhendées comme les propriétés d’une substance matérielle : cette chemise possède la propriété d’être bleue, cette chaussure la propriété d’être en bon état. Pourtant, on peut trouver plusieurs raisons de douter que les propriétés soient nécessairement les propriétés d’une substance matérielle, à la fois en métaphysique avec la théorie du faisceau, et en physique contemporaine à travers les notions d’énergie du vide et de champ. Or, si les propriétés ne sont pas les propriétés de substances (...) matérielles, on peut s’interroger sur la théorie de l’instanciation qu’implique une telle thèse. Dans cet essai, je m’emploierai à examiner la cohérence et la plausibilité de la thèse selon laquelle certaines, voir toutes les propriétés matérielles ne sont pas instanciées par une substance et la théorie de l’instanciation qui en découle. | : Material properties are generally construed as properties of material substances : this shirt has the property of being blue, these shoes are in good condition. However, one could think of several reasons to doubt that properties necessarily are properties of material substances both in metaphysics, with the bundle theory, and in contemporary physics, through the two notions of field and energy of the vacuum. But, if properties are not properties of material substances, what is the resulting theory of instantiation? Within the scope of this article, I will examine the consistence and plausibility of the view that several, if not all of, material properties are not instantiated by a substance and the theory of instantiation which follows from it. (shrink)

Cet article analyse le travail de Patrick Tosani en suivant l’ordre d’apparition des séries afin de souligner l’évolution de la réflexion de l’artiste sur la photographie. Sur le plan méthodologique, l’article privilégie l’analyse des images et des dispositifs mis en place en insistant sur la dimension réflexive du travail. On découvre ainsi comment ce processus en œuvre génère une pensée sur la nature des images produites.

Georges Le Rider, Les deux monnaies macédoniennes des années 323-294/290 p. 491-500 Après la mort d'Alexandre en 323, deux monnaies furent émises parallèlement en Macédoine jusqu'en 294-290 : des alexandres et des philippes en or et en argent. On a expliqué ce double monnayage par des raisons commerciales (les peuples des Balkans auraient été très attachés aux philippes) ou par des raisons politiques (propagande en faveur de Philippe III). Dans cet article, l'accent est mis sur une explication de caractère fiscal. (...) Pour recueillir des revenus procurés normalement par la frappe d'un monnayage local, les autorités macédoniennes auraient émis des philippes (monnaie macédonienne par excellence, d'usage interne) parallèlement aux alexandres (monnaie internationale, réservée aux relations avec l'extérieur). (shrink)

1. Le livre de Lao-tseu = Laozi -- 2. Les entretiens de Confucius = Lun yu.

[1. Des Milésiens à Héraclite] -- 2. D'Alcméon aux auteurs de la Collection hippocratique.

This book brings together new essays on a major focus of debate in contemporary metaphysics: does time really pass, or is our ordinary experience of time as consisting of past, present, and future an illusion? The international contributors broaden this debate by demonstrating the importance of questions about the nature of time for philosophical issues in ethics, aesthetics, psychology, science, religion, and language.

Depuis les années 2000, l’histoire des émotions, champ de recherche particulièrement fécond, tente de renouer des liens entre l’histoire et la psychologie, dont le divorce semblait jusque-là prononcé. Les émotions, longtemps considérées comme fugaces, irrationnelles, voire incommunicables, semblent à présent susceptibles d’être étudiées par l’historien. Aussi bien dans ses méthodes que dans les processus de légitimation auquel elle se confronte, elle entretient des liens étroits avec l’histoire des idées, qu’elle recoupe en partie. Cet article propose de dégager quelques enjeux épistémologiques (...) et méthodologiques communs à ces deux champs historiographiques. (shrink)

While Hegel’s infamous “end of art” thesis states that art is “for us, a thing of the past” he insists that philosophy and, to a degree that is often underestimated by contemporary readers, religion endure within the structure of modern life. In this paper I aim to demonstrate how by focusing on Hegel’s claim that religion meets no end, we can come to a better understanding of how and why he thinks art does end. This will lead us away from (...) common, but false, picture of Hegel as being indifferent (or even hostile) to art’s sensuous mode of intelligibility. Inasmuch as religion remains both necessarily sensuous and a component of social life that realizes freedom and divinity within modernity, the “problem” with art cannot be its sensuousness per se. What art ultimately finds itself unable to do, and what religion can do, is find a way to reconcile the destabilizing force of individual, subjective freedom with a jointly-held representation of who and what we are and what we value most, what Hegel calls “divinity” (das Göttliche). By countenancing the vital role of religion in Hegel’s thought, we can therefore better understand one of his most famous, and least understood philosophical claims. (shrink)