O grupo de escritos chamados Cartas Católicas, junto à chamada Carta aos Hebreus apresenta-se como um testemunho extra-paulino do Cristianismo primitivo. De fato, é o conjunto dos textos narrativos (Evangelhos e Atos) e do Corpus Paulinum (conjunto dos escritos atribuídos a Paulo) que são mais marcantes na compreensão do Evento Jesus Cristo e sua vivência e compreensão no primeiro século. Com frequência, se esquece que o Cristianismo é um fenômeno histórico e social plural. Uma pequena introdução a este tempo histórico (...) e à sua temática é sempre oportuna para compreender as raízes da Igreja. (shrink)

Os dois primeiros capítulos dos Evangelhos canônicos de Mateus e Lucas têm dois conceitos teológicos que precisam ser mais investigados. Trata-se de “justiça” e “virgindade”, que podem ser entendidos como “tópoi”, isto é, palavras ou conceitos muito especiais. A tentativa desde artigo é abrir o debate a respeito e propor uma nova leitura dos relatos de Anunciação, desta-cando as figuras fundamentais de José e Maria, referências específicas de Jesus: sua messiani-dade e sua humanidade.

Las referencias de Michel Foucault a la noción de ideología no han sidotan numerosas. Luego de unas pocas líneas dedicadas en la primera de lasconferencias de La verdad y las formas jurídicas, en una entrevista publicadaen 1977 manifestó su incomodidad con el concepto de ideología, entreotras dos razones, por las implicancias con una noción clásica de sujeto.Por otra parte, y de modo sorpresivo, en algunos trabajos tales como ¿Quées la crítica?, analizó la noción de crítica. Lo que me interesa indagar (...) essi al momento de conceptualizar la crítica, Foucault mantiene la mismaconceptualización de la subjetividad que cuando reprochaba el conceptode ideología. (shrink)

Toujours déjà expressif, habité par la dimension du langage au moment même de l'expérience, le "visuel" est un champ à part entière où se croisent réel et imaginaire, et donc une nouvelle forme de compréhension de notre rapport au monde. En ce sens, les derniers travaux de Merleau-Ponty, par leur réflexion sur la question du visuel, remettent en cause la plupart des catégories par lesquelles nous avons coutume de "nommer" notre rapport au monde. Cette problématique se révèle particulièrement importante aujourd'hui. (...) Le développement continu des technologies optiques et médiatiques ne cesse d'ouvrir nos existences à des formes inédites de visualisation et d'expérience, et impose une compréhension renouvelée du statut contemporain des images. Convaincus que la pensée du dernier Merleau-Ponty peut contribuer de manière décisive à saisir ces enjeux, les dix auteurs des interventions recueillies dans ce volume des philosophes ainsi que des spécialistes internationaux des médias provenant de cinq pays différents proposent une réflexion collective particulièrement homogène et novatrice autour des croisements entre les notions de "visible" et de "visuel"."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

Em uma nota originalmente publicada em 1974 somente em italiano, Gilles Deleuze cunhou a expressão filosofia-cinema, aparentemente significando um novo estilo de fazer filosofia, a ser desenvolvido sob a luz das novidades do cinema. A fim de melhor entender o que uma “filosofia-cinema” poderia ser, antes de tudo devemos imaginar o que seria uma “filosofia antiquada”. Proponho caracterizá-la como uma “filosofia-pintura” baseada na noção de “representação”. Por sua vez, essa noção sugere uma concepção peculiar de visão baseada no modelo ótico (...) de “janela”, introduzido na pintura por Leon Battista Alberti e usado também na filosofia moderna. Esse modelo ainda funciona em nossa época? Apesar de numerosas referências recentes ao modelo janela, em minha opinião o modelo na ativa atualmente é aquele da “tela”. É claro que nossas relações diante das telas das mídias eletrônicas de hoje são diferentes daquele relacionamento que mantemos com a tela cinematográfica. Todavia, acho que esta última é a predecessora mais próxima dos modelos anteriores. De modo a entender os componentes da continuidade e da descontinuidade entre esses dois tipos de relacionamento, engajei-me numa investigação dos dois caminhos respectivos para mostrar o sonho de viver em uma tela. De fato, acho que esta investigação pode nos fornecer elementos importantes que permitam o desenvolvimento de uma “cinema-filosofia” na escala de hoje. (shrink)

It would make a wonderful musical study – perhaps someone has already done it – to compare the various operatic and instrumental versions of the famous myth of Orpheus and Eurydice. [...] We know all too well the anxiety question par excellence, the disquieting “ Che vuoi? ” traversing our symbolically embedded lives. So, let me indulge a bit in this uncanny zone and ask: “ Che vogliamo? ”, what is our goal with this issue? Why did we start this (...) project? To be honest, I’m more than uncomfortable with this question, as it pushes me dangerously close to the awkward regions of the Lacanian “ Moi, la vérité, je parle ”. Nevertheless, for the greater good let me play this role for a little while and do my best to outline an answer. (shrink)

En este breve comentario discuto algunos aspectos de la interpretación de la epistemología de Davidson que sugiere Willian Duica en su reciente libro. Luego de una presentación somera del libro me centro en tres asuntos centrales de la interpretación de Duica. En primer lugar, argumento que su lectura de la crítica de Davidson al dualismo esquema/contenido es muy restrictiva y deja abierta la posibilidad de un realismo directo empirista. En segundo lugar, argumento que en su lectura el propio Duica se (...) compromete inadvertidamente con un empirismo de este tipo y, de este modo, su interpretación entra en tensión con el coherentismo de Davidson. Finalmente, discuto algunos aspectos de la interpretación que hace Duica de la tesis davidsoniana de la triangulación. In this short comment I discuss some aspects of William Duica's interpretation of Davidson's epistemology in a recent book. After a brief review of the book, I focus on three central issues of Duica's interpretation. First, I argue that his reading of Davidson's criticism of the scheme/content dualism is too restrictive and leaves open the possibility of an empiricist direct realism. Second, I argue in his reading Duica inadvertently commits himself to an empiricism of this sort and, as a result, his interpretation is in tension with Davidson's own coherentism. Finally, I discuss some aspects of Duica's interpretation of Davidsonian triangulation. (shrink)

Dans ses efforts pour la renaissance et la reconnaissance de l'Afrique, Léopold Sédar Senghor a élaboré une philosophie de l'art fondée sur l'identification des paradigmes inhérents au style afro-diasporique : le génie du rythme et l'hégémonie du mouvement, source d'un négro-orphisme où l'émotion apparaît consubstantielle de la commotion. S'inscrivant dans la continuité de la pensée senghorienne, le présent ouvrage met en place la théorie d'une esthétique kinésique et tente de l'appliquer à l'étude des pratiques oratoires, musicales, sportives, chorégraphiques afro-diasporiques. Il (...) montre comment l'idiosyncrasie africaine a servi de matrice à de nouveaux langages plastiques et musicaux tant en Europe qu'aux Amériques. Il en est ainsi de la geste jazzistique de Wynton Marsalis, examinée ici en lien avec la statuaire oraculaire nkisi nkondi du Congo, les polyphonies des peuples "pygmées", le bwiti et le mvet, culte et art verbal d'Afrique centrale. L'esthétique du jazz, du basket-ball, du hip-hop, des cultes religieux et des musiques diasporiques se rattache essentiellement à l'Afrique noire par la virtuosité expressive, la vitalité kinesthésique et la démocratisation du rythme. Libératrice, jouissive, délice dionysiaque, elle traduit le goût, la passion d'exister ainsi que la faculté de résistance d'une sensibilité culturelle qui a su surmonter les tragédies de l'Histoire avant de trouver de nouvelles voies de régénération et de dissémination dans le corps et l'âme des sociétés postmodernes. (shrink)

América Latina: un ejercicio de la imaginación Hace algunas semanas mi hija, que está cursando sexto grado de la escuela primaria en Argentina, me dijo que la docente de Ciencias les había pedido a sus estudiantes que llevaran para la clase siguiente un mapa de América Latina. Me sorprendió; no recordaba haber visto un mapa de América Latina. Los mapas que generalmente se utilizan en la escuela son los del continente americano y luego los que sectorizan América del norte, central (...) y del sur.... (shrink)

This begins before 1896. This begins before Arkansas. But “this can't be right grandmother. who are our Ancestors! she said, shit gal, i don't know”. One of my ancestors walks toward me. She be Gertrude. Gertrude Grant. I have no pictures of her. I have no living memories of her. Yet I remember. Her. My Nana's mama, born around 1890 in the lumber town of Canfield in southern Arkansas.Canfield, Arkansas, 1896We're childrenBabies reallywhen the fires startA mob is always ready to (...) takeour wagesRun us awayAlways ready to lynch usWhen a volley of shotsbe my lullabiesI won't live to see 36I learn about the Canfield Race War of 1896 through online searches, old newspaper clippings, doctoral dissertations. Great-Grandma Gertrude would have been around six when the rioting happened, when white laborers became jealous of Black laborers and tried to push them, beat them, burn them out of town. Free library access to census documents and land deeds tells me that Gertrude's daddy, James W. Grant, purchased eighty acres of land in Canfield on February 1, 1893, perhaps thanks to the Southern Homestead Act, which made millions of acres of land available to homesteaders, including migrating and free Negroes. James and his wife, Susie A. Lewis, raised their children on their land in Canfield. How did the riots affect them, their land, their kin, their safety, their daily lives? I ask all the questions. I was raised with the permission to ask all the questions. I ask all the questions before I'm trained in the academy to ask all the questions. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Normalization and the Welfare StateLadelle McWhorterIn Racism and Sexual Oppression in Anglo-America, I argued that as race was absorbed into biology in the nineteenth century, it was recast from a morphological typology to a function of physiological and evolutionary development (McWhorter 2009b). Racial difference became a sign of developmental difference. Racial groups represented stages of human evolution, and raced individuals were to be disciplined and managed in accordance with (...) developmental norms.Twentieth-century race was therefore a category and tool of normalization; to be raced was to be located at a particular point along a developmental curve. Some races were thought to be more or less arrested in their development, while others were merely retarded, and theorists disagreed at times about which were which. But they all agreed that the most highly developed race was the Nordic or the Anglo-Saxon. Anglo-Saxons were the norm for modern human beings— anatomically, physiologically, intellectually, and morally. There were other white races whose status was debated (Mediterraneans and Ashkenazi Jews, for example), and there were disputes over the evolutionary status of Chinese, Hindus, and Mexicans. But most theorists agreed that at the very bottom of the developmental scale we should place Celts, Negroes, and American Indians. These peoples were savages, primitives. They should be trained to the extent possible to contribute to the society that had already superseded them, but their proper destiny was to pass away into extinction as humanity advanced.These evolutionary stragglers, along with the evolutionary throwbacks that appeared sometimes among whites, were considered dangerous for two main reasons. First, a great many of them were expensive. They were shiftless, often incompetent, and frequently lawless. Because of them, it was necessary to [End Page 39] maintain police forces, prisons, poorhouses, and asylums. They were a drain on the economic advance of society, which affected its educational and technological advance and ultimately its evolutionary advance as well. Second, because they had primitive sexual urges unrestrained by reason as well as heritable defects and diseases, they threatened the bloodlines of more advanced human beings. In short, they posed a risk for the ongoing evolutionary advancement of the entire Human Race. To protect the Race, it was necessary to contain these primitives, savages, and throwbacks and to reduce their numbers through careful management of their sexuality. This, I argued in the book, was racism’s cutting edge in the early twentieth century.Since publishing the book, I have done some work on the changes in practices of racism in the wake of the Biological Synthesis—that is, the unification of biology and genetics that occurred in the 1930s through the efforts of renowned scientists such as Theodosius Dobzhansky and Ernst Mayr (McWhorter 2010a, 2010b, 2010c). As I discussed in that work, by 1950, evolutionary biology was less a study of species development than it was a study of the effects of evolutionary forces acting on and within populations. Correlatively, racial practices shifted toward management of statistically delineated populations or ethnic groups. Theorists and policymakers recognized that not all members of a given population have the same genes, meaning that old-style racism (which assumed, for example, that all Negroes were stupid) was false; some Negroes might be quite brilliant, in fact. It was not The Negro who was stupid but the population of Negroes in the aggregate that was measurably stupider than the population of Anglo-Saxons. Accordingly, normalization now occurred at the level of the population. Disciplinary practices designed for cultivating the capacities of groups of individuals were altered or replaced to focus on groups as groups, as aggregates. The point was to shift the statistical norm of the population rather than to alter the bodies or behavior of each and every individual. I have argued elsewhere (McWhorter 2009a, 5) that this merger of disciplinary normalization and population management constitutes the full flowering of what Foucault calls biopower (Foucault 1978, 140).When Lisa Guenther invited me to speak at the plenary on “Re-thinking Whiteness” that took place at the fifth annual meeting of philoSOPHIA at Vanderbilt University, she explained that although many presenters offer polished papers, it has been a... (shrink)

Santiago Maldonado desapareció el 1° de agosto de 2017 durante la represión que Gendarmería Nacional realizó en la localidad de Cushamen, en la provincia de Chubut, contra la protesta de la comunidad mapuche en la que Maldonado participaba. El sur argentino tiene una larga experiencia de reclamos del pueblo mapuche centrados en recuperar las tierras que consideran ancestrales, lograr la autonomía jurisdiccional y alcanzar el reconocimiento de libertad económico - productiva y de su identidad cultural. El 1° de agosto de (...) 2017, la Gendarmería ingresó al Pu Lof en Resistencia de Cushamen dado que el Movimiento Autónomo de Puel Mapu había cortado durante 24 horas la ruta 40, que recorre Argentina paralela a la cordillera de los Andes, para reclamar la liberación de su líder Facundo Jones Huala, detenido un mes antes en la provincia de Rio Negro. La Gendarmería Nacional había recibido orden de la justicia federal para despejar la ruta 40 pero, una vez que la cumplió, ingresó también a la comunidad de manera ilegal. La desaparición de Santiago Maldonado fue denunciada de forma inmediata por la comunidad, para luego, convertirse en el reclamo central de los organismos de Derechos Humanos y de diversas organizaciones políticas. Maldonado estuvo 78 días desaparecido hasta el hallazgo de su cadáver, sumergido en el Río Chubut, durante un rastrillaje que los buzos de la Prefectura realizaron, rio arriba respecto del lugar de la represión. La movilización social, política, jurídica y mediática que se produjo durante el tiempo que Maldonado estuvo desaparecido reflejó cómo la Historia Reciente argentina continúa abierta, se hizo evidente la presencia del pasado en el presente y las disputas sociales y políticas que de ello se desprenden. Más precisamente, quedaron expuestas las memorias en conflicto en torno a lo ocurrido durante la última Dictadura militar en Argentina y a la violación a los derechos humanos mediante la desaparición forzada y el Terrorismo de Estado. En este contexto, y entendiendo que los medios de comunicación son una herramienta clave donde se producen esas luchas por la memoria como proyección de discusiones y conflictos más profundos, el objetivo del presente trabajo radica en analizar cómo se presentó la desaparición y muerte de Santiago Maldonado en la prensa escrita argentina, ¿A qué imaginarios responde y qué significados tiene esa conceptualización?, ¿Qué luchas sobre el pasado reciente argentino visibilizó?, y ¿Qué posiciones se intentaron legitimar con su utilización pública?. Para dar respuesta a estos interrogantes se analizarán los diarios La Nación y Página 12 (versiones digitales) observando la existencia de una lucha por los sentidos del pasado que pugnó por el significado de la desaparición y de la muerte de Santiago Maldonado. Si bien se entiende que dichos periódicos no agotan las líneas de análisis del caso, se seleccionaron como punto de inicio de la investigación en tanto constituyen publicaciones masivas dirigidas a perfiles de lectores disimiles donde pueden rastrearse las disputas por la memoria antes mencionadas. El foco de análisis estará puesto en los meses de la desaparición y muerte de Santiago Maldonado para reflejar la existencia de una lucha por los sentidos del pasado que pugnó por atribuirle diferentes significados al destino del joven. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Overtones:A CollagePaul Youngquist (bio)Mom leans against the keyboard of the old upright piano in the den. She puckers her lips and gently fingers the valves. A couple of times a month, she frees her trumpet from the purple velveteen lining its case—out of love or frustration I can never tell. She stares hard at the bell, pointed somewhere near my feet. She inhales deeply, pressing the silver mouthpiece to (...) her crumpled lips. A silent moment passes—torn by a noise pitched past the sun, a shrieking flare sound. Another follows and another, bright glissandos blinking out somewhere below middle C. They shatter everything I know about her. Everything I thought I knew. What sound was that, what cry? What aspiration to be free? After those initial stabs, she falls into familiar melodies: "Bugler's Holiday" by Leroy Anderson, maybe, or "When the Saints Go Marching In." I'm unsettled for the rest of the day.Trumpeter Don Cherry's sound unsettled me too. I was much older when I first encountered it on Ornette Coleman's The Shape of Jazz to Come. It took me back to Mom's cries. I heard her sound in his: bright, high, and transient: less pitch than smudge, transmitting unknowable overtones. On "Lonely Woman," for instance. Cherry states the plaintive melody in hazy unison with Coleman, blurs the third note, wavers and plays his peculiar temper, untimely and free to move beyond the platitudes of harmony until, after Coleman's baffled cry, he parts company to play a sixth above (if such language matters, and it doesn't), descending in half steps to resolve (not happily) on a minor third, Cherry now pitched below. Their unison breaks apart to reconverge, and the brief bridge feels like a heaving between sobs. This isn't music. It's too raw for the repartee of bebop or the sociability of swing. But everybody can feel it, which explains the scandal of Coleman and company's extended appearance in late 1959 at the Five Spot in New York's East Village. Writing in the New York Times Magazine years later, Joseph Hooper likened it to the furor erupting after Stravinsky's Paris premier of "The Rite of Spring" in 1913. In an interview with Terry Gross, Cherry remembers everyone who was musically anyone being there—from Leonard Bernstein to Thelonious Monk—to witness the sacrilege. The implacable trickster Charles Mingus appeared one [End Page 133] night with Phineas Newborn, a keyboard virtuoso famous for his perfect pitch. Newborn sat and stared at his cufflinks. He never played a note. After the set, Mingus barreled onto the stage and, with his long arms and big hands, crashed all the keys. "That's where it is," he bellowed. "It's all there." Everywhere and nowhere. Cherry and Ornette decentered intonation. They distempered tradition's scales. Afflicted with perfect pitch, Newborn couldn't follow their cries and whispers. They flew free from the comforting staff. Still you feel them, hear their immeasurable sound.Don Cherry: "I've always been on the outside, and that's a good quality for the music to have, like the wind in your face."Cherry's mother Daisy gave him his first horn when he was fourteen. It breathed life into him, offering a way to express sounds his body harbored. Born in Oklahoma City in 1936 to "Negro-Choctaw Indian parents" (his words—his mother's mother was half native), Cherry heard gospel, blues, and Indian songs from the start. The family's move to the Watts neighborhood of Los Angeles in 1940 only multiplied the sounds of diverse ethnicities mixed with the rumble of jazz from the Cherry Blossom, his father's club, where Don and his sister sometimes danced for dimes. His horn funneled all this sound—all the music he'd ever make—through a peculiarly powerful feeling: "that feeling to me, through as much music as I've learned, I still remember just that feeling when I first got that horn." What feeling exactly? "Infant happiness" (in-fant, not speaking). The feeling of life before language: "infant happiness, infant happiness, beautiful! That's what music is really... (shrink)

But Williams had created a field of historical study, where his white counterparts had not. Single-handedly and without the blessing or approval of the academic community, Williams had called attention to the importance of including Afro-Americans in any acceptable and comprehensive history of the nation long before the historians of various groups of European-Americans or Asian-Americans had begun to advocate a similar treatment for their groups. And if Williams did not impress the white professional historians, he gave heart and encouragement (...) to future Afro-American historians. When the History of the Negro Troops appeared in 1887, nineteen-year-old W. E. B. Du Bois was a college senior at Fisk University and editor-in-chief of the student magazine, The Fisk Herald. In the columns of the Herald Du Bois wrote, "At last we have a historian; not merely a Negro historian, but a man who judged by his merits alone has written a splendid narrative. The Herald congratulates George W. Williams, and the race, which may justly be . . . [proud] of him."1 Many years later, Carter G. Woodson, the founder of the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History and of the Journal of Negro History, described Williams' History of the Negro Troops as "one of the most valuable accounts of the Civil War."2 With words like these from Du Bois and Woodson, on whose shoulders much of the second stage of Afro-American historiography would rest, it is not too much to say that George Washington Williams was responsible for the beginnings of Afro-American historiography. · 1. The Fisk Herald, January 1888, p. 8.· 2. Woodson's appraisal of Williams was found among his papers and made available to me by Dr. Charles H. Wesley when he was executive director of the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, which had been founded by Woodson in 1915. John Hope Franklin, president-elect of the American Historical Society, has written a biography of George Washington Williams. He is the John Matthews Manly Distinguished Service Professor of History at the University of Chicago and the author of, among other works, From Slavery to Freedom: A History of Negro Americans and A Southern Odyssey: Travelers in the Antebellum North. (shrink)

It is frequently argued that home birth is morally irresponsible because it involves the taking of risks on behalf of the fetus. Against this position, I argue three things. First, the fact that home birth involves risks does not necessarily entail that choosing or attending one is morally unacceptable, irresponsible or wrong. Second, parents have a prima facia prerogative to decide on behalf of their fetuses and children whether risks should be taken. While this prima facia prerogative can be overridden, (...) reasonable and widely accepted criteria for doing so are not met in the case of home birth. Third, since the current attitudes and behaviours of physicians with regard to home birth constitute a de facto morally and socially unjustifiable overriding of an informed parental decision, physician autonomy should be restricted so as to preserve the autonomy of the medical consumer. (shrink)

Several important analyses of the structure of evolutionary explanation have explicitly or implicitly required that historical laws be among the explanans statements. The required historical laws take the form of a generalization which relates some property or event to a developmental sequence of properties or events. The thesis of this paper is that historical laws of this kind are precluded by modern biological theory and, hence, analysis of evolutionary explanation within modern biology that require such laws are defective.

“Seguramente, hasta hoy no creía que no aumentará de peso ni se achicará al aumentar la velocidad de la nave, ni que lo que es ahora para usted ya pasó para Fulano y aún no ocurrió para Zutano, ¿verdad? Desengáñese, porque el autor de este libro, nada menos que profesor de astrofísica relativista y autoridad mundial en agujeros negros y otros portentos, le hará dudar de todo eso” (del prólogo de Mario Bunge). -/- -/- “Como Borges —escribe el autor—, he (...) sentido que el del tiempo es el problema esencial de la metafísica de Occidente. Lo he estudiado durante más de 30 años. Me convertí en físico relativista por este problema. Y jamás rechacé la metafísica, como otros colegas, que, borrachos de ignorancia, desprecian lo que ignoran. Estudié lógica, semántica, ontología, epistemología. A veces los medios se transformaron en fines, y publiqué abundantemente filosofía. Siempre fui un outsider: un científico para los filósofos, un astrónomo para los físicos, un físico para los astrónomos. No me quejo: me evité lo peor de todos esos mundos”. -/- . (shrink)

Merleau-Ponty has long been known as one of the most important philosophers of aesthetics, yet most discussions of his aesthetics focus on visual art. This book corrects that balance by turning to Merleau-Ponty's extensive engagement with literature. From Proust, Merleau-Ponty developed his conception of "sensible ideas," from Claudel, his conjoining of birth and knowledge as "co-naissance," from Valéry came "implex" or the "animal of words" and the "chiasma of two destinies." Literature also provokes the questions of expression, metaphor, and truth (...) and the meaning of a Merleau-Pontian poetics. The poetic of Merleau-Ponty is, the book argues, a poetic of the flesh, a poetic of mystery, and a poetic of the visible in its relation to the invisible. Ultimately, theoretical figures or "figuratives" that appear at the threshold between philosophy and literature enable the possibility of a new ontology. What is at stake is the very meaning of philosophy itself and its mode of expression. (shrink)

Perhaps it is best to begin on a semi-autobiographical note. In my liberal days, Mill's arguments in On Liberty for freedom of speech struck me as a paradigm of rationality: the force and eloquence of his presentation, I then thought, could not fail to impress themselves on any mature member of our species. But I am a Marxist now, and more and more of my former political beliefs now strike me as less and less tenable. It was considerations such as (...) the one that follows which have recently led me to modify drastically, and in some cases abandon entirely, my former political views vis à vis the question of freedom of speech.Whenever there is an ascendant class, a large portion of the morality of the country emenates from its class interests and its feelings of class superiority. The morality between Spartans and Helots, between planters and negroes, between princes and subjects, between nobles and returiers, between men and women, has been for the most part the creation of these class interests and feelings …. (shrink)

A história da linguagem adquire ao longo do Ensaio sobre a origem das línguas o andamento de uma queda acelerada na corrupção. Há uma língua primitiva que se degenera e se altera: um processo de formação e uma deformação. À medida que Rousseau identifica em suas reflexões – seja na origem seja na estrutura – música e linguagem, a perda de força expressiva que se verifica nas línguas acomete também a música e estas duas corrupções caminham juntas, de modo que (...) ambas se afastam da língua musicada ou da palavra cantada do início. A corrupção da música e das línguas corresponde ao apagamento de sua potência expressiva e refere-se a uma autonomização da harmonia artificial, ao aumento das consoantes, das articulações, da racionalidade, da prática da escrita, bem como ao desenvolvimento histórico, político, econômico e social. Todos estes processos devem ser levados em consideração numa análise sobre as línguas e a linguagem. Todavia, é possível isolar metodologicamente cada um deles. Dito isto, propomos neste artigo investigar o papel da escrita no processo de corrupção e degeneração das línguas. (shrink)

RESUMO Na flosofa de Rousseau expõe-se a paulatina construção de uma ideia ocidental de humanidade: a história de como o ser humano assim denominou-se ser, bem como a história do abuso dessa denominação. Trata-se, sobretudo, da crítica sobre a construção de um mito da dignidade exclusiva da natureza humana, tema que percorre as obras de diferentes flósofos, dos modernos aos contemporâneos, dos ocidentais aos não ocidentais. O presente artigo aborda, a partir de Rousseau e em diálogo com outros autores, o (...) “ciclo maldito” característico da modernidade, uma ideia que separa os humanos dos animais e segrega os humanos entre si. Começa-se por apartar o ser humano da natureza e constituí-lo como um ser à parte em um processo de monopolização progressiva do valor da existência: aparece em um primeiro momento o especismo, subsequentemente a desigualdade sociopolítica, o etnocentrismo e outras formas derivadas de exclusão. ABSTRACT In Rousseau’s philosophy, the gradual construction of a western idea of humanity is exposed: the history of how the human being naming himself being, as well as the history of the abuse of that denomination. It is, above all, a critique of the construction of the myth of the exclusive dignity of human nature, a theme that permeates the works of diferent philosophers, from the modern to contemporary ones, from western to non-western. This article discusses, based on Rousseau and in dialogue with other authors, the “cursed cycle” characteristic of modernity, an idea that separates humans from animals and segregates humans from each other. It starts with separating human being from nature and constituting him as a distinct part in a process of progressive monopolization of the value of existence: speciesism appears at frst, then sociopolitical inequality, ethnocentrism and other forms derived from exclusion. (shrink)