Adapting Wittgenstein's concept of the human species as 'a ceremonial animal', Wendy James discusses in a readable and lively style the conceptual ordering of space, time, and rhythm; the mutualities of language, consciousness, ritual and religious practice; the dialectics of gender and generation; power, war, and peace; and large-scale modern social formations such as the city and the nation. The Foreword is by Michael J. Lambek, Professor of Anthropology, University of Toronto.

Chez les Ankave-Anga, des agriculteurs forestiers de Papouasie Nouvelle-Guinée, les initiations masculines et les cérémonies de secondes funérailles restent des temps forts de la vie collective. L'étude ethnographique de tels rites contemporains d'une société «non-moderne» conduit à nuancer certaines propositions théoriques des abondants travaux récents - cognitivistes ou non - qui tentent de dégager la spécificité des actions rituelles, souvent en marginalisant la signification de ces actions. En particulier, l'opposition entre rite et technique mérite réexamen car elle est fondée (...) sur une vision obsolète des rapports entre techniques, culture et organisation sociale. Chez les Ankave, l'impossibilité de tracer une limite entre mythe, rite et technique souligne au contraire la part des objets et les gestes qui les fabriquent ou les mettent en oeuvre dans la convergence et la redondance de pratiques et de représentations qui donnent leur spécificité aux rituels.In Ankave-Anga, farmers forest of Papua New Guinea, male initiations and ceremonies, funerals remain second moments of collective life. The ethnographic study of such rites contemporary society "non-modern" qualified leads to some theoretical propositions of abundant recent work - cognitive or not - that try to identify the specific ritual actions, often marginalizing the significance of these actions. In particular, the opposition between ritual and technical merit review because it is based on an obsolete vision of the relationship between technology, culture and social organization. In Ankave, unable to draw a line between myth, ritual and draws attention to the technical part of the objects and actions that make or implement the convergence and redundancy practices and representations that give specificity rituals. (shrink)

There are two basic paradigms in social sciences. The first of these is positivism, which is based on explanation-oriented thought; the other is the understanding/interpretive paradigm that emerged as an alternative to positivism. As a theory of meaning that finds its place in many socio-cultural fields, the hermeneutic approach is among the paradigms based on understanding/interpretation. The hermeneutic approach appears at the point of comprehending the invisible, beyond the observable. In this context, examining Mevlevi Rites in a hermeneutical context (...) as a part of Turkish culture from a socio-cultural perspective is important in terms of revealing the meaning of the Rites. The Mevlevi order is based on the principle of unity of exictence in sufi thought and at the same time it is based on an esoteric belief system. In this sense, Mevlevism and Mevlevi Rites, which reflect the belief system mentioned, have meanings beyond the obvious. Particularly, music, which is the dominant element in the ceremony, draws attention as a character that has the capacity to direct the performance. In this direction, the performances during the ritual start with music and the continuity of the ritual is ensured by being managed with music. Therefore, in Mevlevi order, music serves as a tool that accompanies ecstasy. Every movement, every practice, and every stage, every phenomenon and every act of the Mevlevi Rites, which is an integral part of the performance, contains metaphorical meanings. In this context, in the research, which is limited to the theological dimension of the hermeneutic paradigm, the spiritual meanings of the Mevlevi rites were determined by the literature study, the documents related to the subject were examined, the descriptive analysis of the data obtained was made and the findings were revealed. (shrink)

Tout pouvoir politique se manifeste et par sa maîtrise de la contrainte et par la possibilité qu'il a de se dramatiser dans des cérémonies qui visent à intégrer et à mobiliser les administrés pour des actions communes. Il affirme simultanément sa légitimité, ses hiérarchies et ses priorités. Les exemples des rites du protocole, des élections municipales, des inaugurations et intronisations énoncent comment le politique se donne en spectacle et quels effets sociaux produisent de telles démonstrations. Outre les conditions les (...) plus favorables à l'apparition des rites, sont examinées la dynamique et l'obsolescence de ceux-ci selon les régimes politiques, ainsi que les raisons expliquant l'intérêt actuel des anthropologues pour les liturgies politiques.All political power is manifested and his mastery of stress and the ability he has to dramatize in ceremonies designed to integrate and mobilize administered for joint actions. He says its legitimacy simultaneously, hierarchies and priorities. Examples of rites protocol, municipal elections, inaugurations and state inductions how politics makes a spectacle and what social effects produce such demonstrations. In addition to the conditions most favorable to the emergence of rites are examined the dynamics and obsolescence as these political regimes, as well as the reasons for the current interest anthropologists liturgies for politicians. (shrink)

In the article, the vocabulary related to the wedding ceremony in the Pamiri languages is discussed. In particular, vocabulary reflecting the wedding ceremony in Ishkashimi language is almost unknown. In the Pamiri languages are still preserved all the traditional wedding ceremonies. The vocabulary associated with them is well-kept in full and is indigenous and sometimes borrowed. For the most, the terminology applied in the ritual is borrowed. Often the term is borrowed from Badakhshan dialect of the Tajik language. At the (...) same time, some Tajik words are used in specific meaning that is typical only to the dialect of Badakhshan and Dari language of Badakhshan in Afghanistan. This is mainly the vocabulary associated with traditional ways and procedures of the wedding ceremony. Some other words, such as sarbьzьrg ’to give respect, attention to mourners’, can be observed only in classical Persian literature. In view of the Islamization of the region the Arab terms are frequently used in rituals; they are associated with official terminology applied during the marriage process and designate its legal aspects. There are also Turkic lexis that was included into the dictionary because of language and cultural contacts in the region. It is significant that in the lexicon predominate metaphorical and descriptive ways of designation of the ceremonies. Remarkable specific vocabulary with original meaning is of particular use in the local minor Iranian languages in comparison with such major written national languages as Tajik language of Tajikistan and Dari Afghanistan. For example, in Ishkashimi language the word dumod is used only in the sense of ‘son-in-law‘, and in the meaning of ‘bridegroom‘ - only Å¡amard. Since the marriage and wedding ceremony has a special place in the spiritual culture of the people, the symbolic function is included into almost all the rites and ritual objects of it. During the ceremony, people wish of fertility, happiness, coming together and family well-being for the whole family and for the newlyweds. Thus, the terminology associated with these rites is preserved for a long time in the language; equally strong are numerous ritual prohibitions related to marriage. (shrink)

A “white coat” ceremony functions as a rite of passage for students entering medical school. This comment provides a second option in response to the earlier, more enthusiastic, discussion of the ceremony by Raanan Gillon. While these ceremonies may serve important sociological functions, they raise three serious problems: whether the professional oath or “affirmation of professional commitment” taken in this setting has any legitimacy, how a sponsor of such a ceremony would know which oath or affirmation to administer, and what (...) the moral implications of this “bonding process” are. I argue that the initiation oath is morally meanignless if students are not aware of its content in advance, that different students ought to commit to different oaths, and that bonding of students to the medical profession necessarily separates them from identification with lay people who will be their patients. (shrink)

이 글은 『의례』에 보이는 상례 관련 내용을 선진 제자서의 내용과 비교한 것이다. 고대 상례에 관련된 가장 직접적이고 체계적인 문헌은 『의례』이다. 이것은 내용상에서 『좌씨전』, 『묵자』, 『순자』 등의 선진 제자서에 반영된 것도 있고 반면에 상호 어긋나는 내용도 있다. 이러한 상황이 발생한 이유는 고대의 『의례』를 비롯한 예경(禮經)이 성립되는 과정에서 일부 내용이 이미 제자서에 반영되기도 하고, 반대로 제자서의 내용이 후대 유가에 의해 예경에 편입되었기 때문이라고 생각된다. 우선 『의례』 상복 편의 기본 내용은 선진 제자서에 대체로 반영되어 있고 공통적인 내용이 많다. 대표적으로 부모와 군주를 위한 삼년상은 (...) 유가에서 공통적으로 선양한 것이다. 비록 묵가에서 유가의 후장구상(厚葬久喪)에 대해 반대하지만, 『의례』의 상복제도는 적어도 춘추시기에 이르기까지 사람들의 보편적 인식이었다고 할 수 있다. 또한 『의례』와 제자서에 반영된 내용에서 공통적으로 복상(服喪) 대상이 성인인가의 여부에 따라 상복에 차이를 두고 있음을 확인할 수 있다. 한편 선진 제자서에 반영된 상례 관련 내용은 『의례』의 규정과 다른 주장도 많다. 특히 제자서에 반영된 부모를 위한 상복은 『의례』의 규정과는 달리 사회적 지위의 다름에 따라 차이가 있음을 보여준다. 또한 부모와 군주를 위한 상복제도와는 달리 아내와 첩을 위한 제도는 『의례』의 규정과 다른 내용이 많이 보인다. 현행본 『의례』 「상복」 편에 나열된 규정은 복상 주체와 대상의 신분에 따라 상복과 상기를 달리하기 때문에 당시에는 물론 역사적으로도 엄밀하게 시행되기 어려웠을 것으로 생각된다. 특히 “친친”의 부자관계에 기초해서 자식을 위한 상례는 비교적 분명하고, 군주와 부모를 위한 상례는 명확히 규정되고 강조된 반면에 신하와 아내를 위한 상례는 규정이 없거나 모호한 경우가 많다. 따라서 “삼강”(三綱)이라는 용어가 한대(漢代) 정치윤리 이념을 반영한 동중서(董仲舒)의 『춘추번로』(春秋繁露)에 처음 보이는 것이지만, 내용상으로는 이미 『의례』에 반영된 것이라 보아도 무방할 것이다. (shrink)

The arrow of time has been invoked to bridge all gaps between the 'two cultures'. Would time also help to mediate between the sphere of cognition (epistemic meaning) and the sphere of Bedeutsamkeit (meaning-as-relevance) when taking ritual to be a strongly idiosyncratic representative of the latter? What is the role of time in the modes of meaning in the realm of scientific concepts in their most rigorous shape (the mathematical) on the one hand, in ritual on the other hand? Taking (...) an external point of view, surprising connections can be laid, especially when focussing on the relations of form and materiality or content in the respective fields. Ritual can be considered — according toits formal structure — as an embodiment of the notion of an algorithm. When looking at the temporal structure of the respective symbolic practices from an internal point of view however, their contrasting modes of creating meaning become irreducible. In particular, the algorithmic-sequential mode in ritual is a shell for another time, constitutive of a proper Bedeutsamkeit. This is analyzed in terms of the role of the past in ritualized meaning (and illustrated via the art of time in the Japanese tea ceremony). Whereas a paradoxical creation of a past as something lost and nevertheless to be recollected is constitutive for the meaning of the ritual gesture, the proper element of the concept is time's arrow always pointing forward, to the next stage. Here the past, while embodied in the scientist's gesture as trace of epistemic styles and traditions, at the same time has to be suppressed in the interest of the creation of the new. (shrink)

The ceremony of gathering twelve-year old children together in each parish for the first sacrament of the Eucharist is not an old custom. The primitive Church took Christ's word literally: “Except ye eat the flesh of the Son of man, and drink his blood, ye have no life in you.” (John, VI, 53), from which it was generally thought that children who died before having received communion were as damned as if they had not been baptised. The initiation of neophytes (...) required successively both sacraments and confirmation. When the custom was established of baptising the new born (2nd and 3rd centuries) they received communion at the same time. As they were incapable of eating the host, the blood of Christ was conferred upon them in the guise of wine. (shrink)

Symbolism of Javanese rites and ceremonies; collection of articles.

Quand point l'année nouvelle, chacun se soumet au cérémonial des voeux, interminables et impersonnels (la sacro-sainte triade santé-bonheur-réussite!), auquel se greffe la tragi-comédie des grandes résolutions dans une cascade déprimante de ne plus dont rien ou presque ne subsiste quelques jours après. S'y ajoutent les rituels et les folklores qui, sous toutes les latitudes et dans toutes les cultures humaines, leur font écho. Chacun s'y prête à chaque fois (cette répétition donne le vertige) avec un enthousiasme qui décroît en général (...) au fil des ans. Et si, à l'heure d'entrebâiller la porte de Janvier, qui restera close un an encore, il devenait urgent et même vital de lever les yeux du compte à rebours universel pour passer du trompe-l'oeil de la carte de voeux et de la vraie-fausse résolution au rendez-vous enfin pris avec soi-même? Et si dire oui, faire oui à la manière nietzschéenne, c'était simple comme le Nouvel An? Telle est l'invitation philosophique que ce livre, écrit dans une langue volontairement accessible au plus grand nombre sans rien céder sur le fond de la pensée, adresse à toutes celles et à tous ceux qui souhaitent ne pas laisser filer indéfiniment, année après année, l'occasion de devenir ce qu'ils sont. (shrink)

"Esta investigación evidencia descripciones detalladas que identifican la socialización de la naturaleza en la actividad de los curanderos pames de Agua Puerca y La Manzanilla, en la Región de La Palma, San Luis Potosí. Los espacios rituales de estas prácticas y los que se les asocian son las cumbres de los cerros, el cementerio y la milpa. Y los seres a quienes se les ofrenda son aludidos bajo el nombre en español de animales, término que desgina al diablo, al Primer (...) Muerto y al Trueno"--Publisher's website. (shrink)

本书将先秦诸子置于先秦时期广阔的历史和文化背景之下,有别于学界常用的从史学或经学维度研究礼学,而是注重对先秦诸子礼学的哲学和思想层面的研究,既从哲学高度考察和梳理了先秦道家、儒家、墨家和法家代表性人物 如老子、庄子、孔子、孟子、苟子、墨子、商鞅、韩非等人礼学思想的基本内容和基本结构.

sweet-potato porridge: symbol of semen, 148 symbol (see also taboos): anthropological interpretation of, 126, 172-3; in Ndembu ritual, 125 f., 169, 172-3 ; and social relationships, 18, 42; of trees as sacrament, 171-2 taboos (see also ...

朱熹是宋代理学的集大成者，也是成就斐然的礼学大家。他一生议礼、考礼，对礼的本质、价值、结构、功能进行了具有理学特色的阐述，对古代礼制也悉心潜玩，博考深辨，其见解多为后代礼学家所称引。朱熹礼学是其宏大的 理学体系的重要组成部分，在经学思想史上具有非常重要的地位，对宋元以降的中国乃至整个东亚社会产生了深刻的影响。本书从朱熹的三《礼》学思想入手，从学、理、用三个层面对朱熹礼学进行了系统论述，将文本分析与思 想、社会、政治的互动结合起来，考察了朱熹礼学思想形成的背景、内容及其特点。对困惑学界多年的朱熹晚年思想转型、朱熹为何要编撰《仪礼经传通解》、朱熹如何处理礼学与理学的关系等重要学术问题也作了进一步的探索 。.

儀式是理解人類文化的一把鑰匙。作為人類基本經驗形態的展演，儀式涉及人類文化的諸多方面，是闡釋特定文化經驗、觀察文化意蘊、理解不同文化體系的表達模式的切入點。本書秉承審美人類學的理念，把儀式作為人類的基 本文化形式和審美文化機制，在全面理解儀式理論觀念和相關概念的基礎上，闡釋了儀式與審美制度、審美認同和審美交流的關系，為讀者理解審美人類學提供了重要參考。 張良叢，哈爾濱師范大學文學院副教授，馬列文論研究會理事，主要從事審美人類學和西方文學理論研究。.