The Author asks himself if the peculiar mode of application of the nexus doctrine/discipline represented by ideol- ogy constitutes the only possibility for reproducing and maintaining consensus in a political community. The constitutionalism’s curve shows the contrary: in the beginning constitutionalism developed as a common field between different ideologies, still it survived their crisis, and has opened a new mode of social and political collective behaviour, defined by the author as «political discourse». In order to overcome the risk of political (...) neutralization produced by the growing importance of technique in the contemporary governance processes, political discourse – considered in its function of language mediator and translator –, might work as an instrument able to link the broken threads of obligation. In order not to reproduce a straight and unilateral political discourse, a radical revision of the concept of measure would be necessary. Measure should be taken as an instrument for the allocation/distribution of differences and, therefore, as a useful element for the creation of consensus in a mass society. (shrink)

Nella filosofia vi sono dimensioni di tipo pubblico e politico e dimensioni che sono essenzialmente di carattere individuale. C'è qualcosa di simile a un confine tra questi due piani? È in qualche modo individuabile? Quali sono i limiti dell'influenza sociale sulla mente del singolo? Faccio riferimento in questo scritto alle opere di Piaget, Nietzsche, Foucault, Elias. I principali strumenti concettuali che utilizzo sono connessi con la funzione dell'esperienza e dell'induzione.

This introduction first justifies the approach of this focus on the political thought of Foucault. Therefore it highlights the conditions that determine the appearance and the operation of the political discourse, then it clarifies because, according to Foucault, political discourse should not be analyzed in a format which opposes science to ideology, but as an act of discourse located in a strategic field and fighting with other discursive formations. It concludes with a look at the difference and interweaving that for (...) Foucault stand and connect political discourse and philosophy. (shrink)

Il discorso moderno e contemporaneo sulla soggettività prende le mosse dall'opera di René Descartes (1596-1650), universalmente considerato l'iniziatore della filosofia moderna. Improntata ad un severo meccanicismo, la filosofia di Descartes nasce come un tentativo di sostituzione della fisica aristotelica nel curriculum universitario dell’epoca. La fisica, secondo l'ordine degli studi delle università a cavallo fra ‘500 e ‘600, costituito dalle discipline filosofiche e letterarie del trivio e del quadrivio, e da quelle superiori di medicina, diritto e teologia, doveva servire quale (...) premessa per una teoria dell’uomo e dell’essere – trattata seguendo il De anima e la Metaphysica di Aristotele – volta a fornire agli studi superiori strumenti concettuali adeguati ai loro fini. […]. (shrink)

Feminist thought is a constitutive part of political thought and its history. It is both a method of inquiry, a voice and a stance on the world, a claim of women’s political centrality, and a paradoxical critique of modern political and philosophical thought. As unexpected objection, feminist discourse constantly stretches the borders of the political canon and produces critical political theory, imposing the redefinition of the categories used to interpret the present and the past. Going through six centuries of history, (...) from the reappropriation of tradition in XV century to the tension with neoliberalism in XX century, protofeminist and feminist discourse constitutes in time a constant interruption of the monologue of Western patriarchal civilization, showing its centrality in the production, crisis and redefinition of political and social order. Thus, feminist discourse is an essential source of the history of political thought. (shrink)

L'articolo nella prima parte affronta il tema della concezione operativa della scienza in Bacone e Descartes; nella seconda il ruolo che rivestono le motivazioni biografiche di Descartes espresse nella VI parte del Discorso sul metodo per la strategia di comunicazione della nuova scienza.

In 1626, the Neapolitan Ottavio Sammarco published the Discorso politico intorno la conseruatione della pace dell'Italia in which the author referred to the King of Spain as arbiter among the Italian princes and his ministers in Italy as efficient instruments to ensure the stability. This piece of political literature shows an explicit practical orientation, through which the author carries out a systematisation of the political means to achieve quietness in Italy. In articulating the praxis into formal language, Sammarco looks (...) to the past searching for the wisdom of History and uses Tacitus’ account to build a discourse around the tools and mechanisms for preserving stability and avoiding conflicts. The aim of this article, in the first instance, is to examine Sammarco's discursive programme and the purpose of his discourse; in the second place, how Tacitus serves the author's aim and how his account means a fundamental anchor. Furthermore, it will be useful to trace how the political language that transforms the continuous threat of war into politics is modelled by 1626 in Italy and how Sammarco contextualizes his political vocabulary within the Spanish Monarchy political dialectic at the beginning of XVII century. (shrink)