Before one can speculate about a new world order and “a clash of civilizations”, or “the end of history”, it is necessary to develop an appropriate set of measures to compare human competition in world politics and economy. Components and the generic model of an autonomous civilization is defined for eight civilizations recognized at the beginning of the 21st century. Each component of contemporary civilizations is numerically estimated in order to construct the civilization index. A comparative (...) analysis of 8 civilizations’ indexes is provided in order to define strategies for the civilization development within 3 zones of encounters: clashes, modernization, and westernization. Two layers of world civilizations are defined and the dynamics of world civilization at the beginning of the 3rd Millennium is modeled. Based on that dynamics, the challenges for civilizations and peoples conclude the paper. (shrink)

Civilization, rather than being an alternative to the state of nature, is instead its efficient form. The instruments and institutions of civilization—economic and political structure, law, culture, religion, war, etc.—are manifestations of humankind’s genetic predispositions toward cooperation and reason. The fabric of civilization comprises behaviors and institutions that coalesce around core beliefs that need not be objectively true. The principal cost of civilization is defined by the social obligations that individuals are compelled to incur, and the opportunities for private benefit (...) that they are compelled to forego, all for the sake of maintaining an optimal degree of civil unity and trust. Disputes about these costs give rise to culture wars, civil wars, and clashes between civilizations. (shrink)

It is necessary to distinguish between civilization as a sociocultural complex on the one hand, and civilization as a process, on the other. This is illustrated by invoking the work of Norbert Elias. For Elias, the civilizing process consisted in the way in which what were, historically, constraints on human behaviour became internalized, and is a process that takes different forms in different cultures. On the other hand, at the centre of civilization as sociocultural complex was the question concerning the (...) attributes of a human being, crystallizing as clear-cut criteria for adjudging the degree to which the people occupying a particular territory were or were not civilized. The conception of civilization as a complex has become contemporary via Huntington's ‘clash of civilizations’ thesis, and is indicative of the way in which the very word ‘civilization’ now carries with it a considerable ideological baggage. This article argues that the ideological use of civilization and the wider discourse of the war against terror involves the fusion, or conflation, of civilization as process and civilization as complex. (shrink)

ExcerptThe Ukraine war since February 2022 has exposed stark cleavages in international politics. The end of history long ago ended, and with it the conviction that Western civilization and its distinctive form of modernity would become universal.1 The clash of civilizations, in the model outlined by Samuel Huntington, has also been shown to be misdirected, although not entirely misguided.2 There is a struggle between civilizations, but the line is drawn not between the great religious blocs but along (...) rather different lines. It is the Atlantic West that has emerged as the leading contender, provoking a range of reactions from Eurasia and the Global South. The front line now runs within the Global North, between the Atlantic powers and an ill-defined Eurasian bloc, both of which are firmly part of European culture and civilization. The conflict can be viewed as a type of civil war, generated not by civilizational conflict per se but by geopolitics. The political West that took shape in Cold War I represented a distinctive combination of power and authority. Power was expressed above all by the military potential vested in the United States and formalized in a multilateral format with the creation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1949. Authority was generated by the principles underlying the political West, whose founding document is the Atlantic Charter of August 1941, which enunciated Wilsonian themes of democracy and security. (shrink)

Before one can speculate about a new world order and “a clash of civilizations”, or “the end of history”, it is necessary to develop an appropriate set of measures to compare human competition in world politics and economy. Components and the generic model of an autonomous civilization is defined for eight civilizations recognized at the beginning of the 21st century. Each component of contemporary civilizations is numerically estimated in order to construct the civilization index. A comparative (...) analysis of 8 civilizations’ indexes is provided in order to define strategies for the civilization development within 3 zones of encounters: clashes, modernization, and westernization. Two layers of world civilizations are defined and the dynamics of world civilization at the beginning of the 3rd Millennium is modeled. Based on that dynamics, the challenges for civilizations and peoples conclude the paper. (shrink)

After the end of the Cold War, some Western politicians, using a number of research and university centers, try to put forward theories like the concept of a clash of civilizations and thus impose their policies on the world community and independent countries. In this regard, they are making attempts to present Islam as a kind of threat. Through false propaganda in the media dependent on them, such politicians try to portray the extremist and non-humanistic image of Islam (...) in the ideas of the world community and connect Islam with terrorism. (shrink)

The article explores the extent to which experts from different countries share the same axiological approaches with regard to the dialogue among civilizations and international cooperation at governmental and grass-roots levels. The article shows how subject matter experts provide collaborative input into the features and limits that shape global universal values. Interactions among civilizations promoting their equality and partnership as opposed to clashes should be at the heart of the transformations of values. Such transformations are expected to foster (...) mutual exchange and enrichment achieved through a deeper understanding of the inevitability of increasing global interconnectedness and mutual dependence. (shrink)

J. Andrew Kirk’s book examines – and eventually agrees with – Samuel Huntington’s controversial claim that a dangerous ‘Clash of Civilisations’ today poisons the Western-and-Islamic relationship. Kirk then suggests ways for improving these relations, highlighting Islam’s need to reform itself through a re-embrace of its more eirenic, prophetic Meccan phase. While there is much that is admirable here, the review below suggests Kirk’s interpretation of the ‘prophetic’ relationship to government is too one-sidedly Anabaptist.

Writing in 1978, on the eve of Thatcherism’s political triumph, the cultural theorist Stuart Hall (Hall et al., 2013, p. 193) claimed Britain was experiencing a ‘crisis of hegemony’; a political, e...

We propose to discuss about the possession and expression of a capacity that empowers individuals to act as citizens. First, elements of Aristotelian politics are presented as arguments for civility as a capacity inherent in the social nature of human beings. Then, according a contractualist interpretations, the individual becomes a citizen to the extent that he forms an agreement with the other members of society. A first finding refers to the fact that with contractualism, the individual has lost the inherence (...) of his civic action and must define himself as a citizen if he meets the extrinsically given requirements Likewise, it is indicated that the expression of civility has been interfered with by an idea of individual freedom understood in negative terms. However, before returning to Aristotelian perspective, it is necessary to redefine the idea of freedom that guides civic interaction, advocating for a social and intrinsically motivated citizenship. Proponemos discutir sobre la posesión y expresión de una capacidad que faculta a los individuos para actuar como ciudadanos. Primero, se exponen aspectos de la política aristotélica como argumentos en favor de la civilidad como una capacidad inherente a la naturaleza social de los seres humanos. Luego, desde una interpretación contractualista, el individuo se convierte en ciudadano en la medida en que establece acuerdos con los demás miembros de la sociedad. Así, una primera constatación se refiere a que, con el contractualismo, el individuo ha perdido la inherencia de su acción cívica y es definido como ciudadano en la medida en que cumple requisitos dados extrínsecamente. Asimismo, se indica que la expresión de civilidad se ha visto interferida por una idea de libertad individual entendida en términos negativos. Sin embargo, antes de retomar una perspectiva aristotélica, es necesario redefinir la idea de libertad que guía la interacción cívica, abogando por una ciudadanía social e intrínsecamente motivada. (shrink)

In view of a rapid succession of events in the contemporary world, on both the political and the scientific levels, it is indeed essential to say more about the subject of democracy in the civil society. If by democracy we mean not only a form of govern- ment but also a system of living, then indeed a unanimous judgment and also a general conception cannot be expected, but nevertheless the concept need not to be debased to the stage of complete (...) meaninglessness. (shrink)

Does Civilization Need Religion? sets out from the fact that religion's inability to make its ethical and social resources available for the solution of the moral problems of modern civilization is one, and the neglected one, of the two chief causes responsible for its debilitated condition. It is convinced that if Christian idealists are to make religion socially effective they will be forced to detach themselves from the dominant secular desires of the nations as well as from the greed of (...) economic groups. It aims to show that though neither the orthodox nor the modern wing of the Christian Church seems capable of initiating a genuine revival which will evolve a morality capable of challenging and maintaining itself against the dominant desires of modern civilization's needs, there are resources in the Christian religion which make it the inevitable basis of any spiritual regeneration of Western civilization. Does Civilization Need Religion? maintains that the task of redeeming Western society rests in a peculiar sense upon Christianity, which has reduced the eternal conflict between self-assertion and self-denial to the paradox of self-assertion through self-denial and made the Cross the symbol of life's highest achievement. It is persuaded that the idea of a potent but yet suffering divine ideal which is defeated by the world but gains its victory in the defeat must continue to remain basic in any morally creative worldview. (shrink)

이 논문은 시민사회에서 시민이 그리고 시민사회를 구성하는 단체들이 무엇을 해야 하는지에 대한 담론으로 구성되어 있다. 시민사회는 자발성과 공동성을 특징으로 하며 따라서 자발적 결사체들로 구성된다. 그러나 시민사회를 구성하는 시장의 논리와 가치가 시민사회의 다른 영역들을 침범하며 국가 관료주의가 시민들을 타율적으로 만들고 정치적 삶에서 시민들이 멀어지면서 시민들은 시민사회에서 자율성과 연대를 잃어버리고 있다. 이런 상황에서 사회적 관계의 대부분을 형성하는 시민사회에서 시민들이 좋은 삶을 위해 어떻게 살아야 할지가 문제시될 수밖에 없다. 그리고 필자는 이 물음에 답하기 위해 먼저 공통체와 사회적 자본 개념을 참조하고자 한다. 왜냐하면 사적관심과 (...) 공적관심이 혼재한 시민사회는 사적인 것과 공적인 것을 넘어선 공통체를 통해 유지, 발전되며, 공통체는 사회적 자본의 활발함에 의존하기 때문이다. 공동소유, 공유지 등의 개념을 발전시킨 공통체는 자본주의가 발전할수록 그 중요성이 더해지지만 시장과 국가의 관리라는 선택지를 넘어 시민사회의 자치로 관리될 때 발전될 수 있다. 그리고 이를 위해 공동체 구성원 사이의 신뢰, 협력, 연대 등의 사회적 자본이 중요하게 된다. 그러나 사회적 자본이라는 가치를 형성하기 위해 시민들의 동등한 참여가 필수적이다. 동등한 참여가 보장될 때 시민들의 연대가 형성될 수 있기 때문이다. 그리고 낸시 프레이저에 따르면 동등한 참여를 위해 분배적 정의가 필요하다. 그러나 동등한 참여가 좋은 삶을 목적으로 하는 한 동등한 참여도 결국 동등한 신분에 대한 인정을 요구하는 것이다. 즉 분배적 정의는 동등한 것은 동등한 것으로, 차이 있는 것은 차이 있는 것으로의 인정을 의미한다. 따라서 인정투쟁을 통해 우리는 동등한 참여를 인정받고 연대를 형성할 수 있다. 이제 시민사회는 사회적 규범으로서 인정을 통해 사회적 자본을 형성하고 공통체를 유지, 발전시킴으로써 시장논리에 대항하고 자율성과 연대를 위한 장소가 될 수 있다. (shrink)

In this commentary published, I explore the difficult but urgent question: has civil society in Bangladesh failed to uphold its responsibility as a check on government power? Over the years, civil society’s silence has allowed concerning issues like electoral manipulation, human rights abuses, and corruption to go unchecked. From the forced resignation of Chief Justice Sinha to the tragic murder of Abrar Fahad, the lack of strong, collective action has left many crucial injustices unchallenged. Civil society has a fundamental duty (...) to defend democratic principles, demand transparency, and hold power accountable. But too often, our intellectuals, academics, journalists, and human rights defenders avoided direct engagement, especially during moments that called for bold stances. This silence has enabled a climate of impunity and fear that damages the very foundations of democracy. I argue that civil society owes an apology for its inaction—this isn’t merely symbolic. Admitting these past failures is the first step toward rebuilding trust and credibility. Civil society must recommit to its role as the people's voice and stand firmly against abuses of power while protecting the rights and freedoms that all Bangladeshis deserve. (shrink)

This paper argues that political civility is actually an illusionistic ideal and that, as such, realism counsels that we acknowledge both its promise and peril. Political civility is, I will argue, a tension-filled ideal. We have good normative reasons to strive for and encourage more civil political interactions, as they model our acknowledgement of others as equal citizens and facilitate high-quality democratic problem-solving. But we must simultaneously be attuned to civility’s limitations, its possible pernicious side-effects, and its potential for strategic (...) manipulation and oppressive abuse, particularly in contemporary, pluralistic and heterogeneous societies. (shrink)

Civil disobedience, despite its illegal nature, can sometimes be justified vis-à-vis the duty to obey the law, and, arguably, is thereby not liable to legal punishment. However, adhering to the demands of justice and refraining from punishing justified civil disobedience may lead to a highly problematic theoretical consequence: the debilitation of civil disobedience. This is because, according to the novel analysis I propose, civil disobedience primarily functions as a costly social signal. It is effective by being reliable, reliable by being (...) costly, and costly primarily by being punished. My analysis will highlight a distinctive feature of civil disobedience: civil disobedients leverage the punitive injustice they suffer to amplify their communicative force. This will lead to two paradoxical implications. First, the instability of the moral status of both civil disobedience and its punishment to the extent where the state may be left with no permissible course of action with regard to punishing civil disobedience. Second, by refraining from punishing justified civil disobedience, the state may render uncivil disobedience—illegal political activities that fall short of the standards of civil disobedience—potentially permissible. (shrink)

Data from archaeology and paleoanthropology directly challenge the validity of the basic assumptions of the CLASH model. By not incorporating a “deep time” perspective, the hypothesis lacks the evolutionary baseline the authors seek to infer in validating the model.