In the Ukrainian-Russian relations, especially in pre-revolutionary times, the religious component played an important role. The attitude of the Russian authorities toward Southwest Russia was shaped by the influence of several conceptions made in the church circles, which also significantly influenced the formation of Russian national identity.

The article is one of the last reflections of the outstanding mathematician, Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences Viktor Nikolaevich Maslov, who passed away in August 2023. In it, in a free manner, the motives of personal biography are combined and easily turn into wise judgments about acute social conflicts of our time, it is shown that the real history of people and events found compromises and mutual understanding between seemingly irreconcilable ideas and positions. The Polish roots of (...) his biography in his worldview are surprisingly linked to the proximity of the mathematical ideas of the Banach space of the great Polish mathematician Stefan Banach with the indexes of his name, with the friendship and cooperation of Polish and Russian scientists. Social-democratic family traditions on the maternal and paternal lines are perfectly combined with patriotic service to the state and are imprinted with vivid examples. He contrasts one – sided ideas about Ukrainian nationalism with the experience of such a politician as Makhno, who was merciless even to the slightest manifestations of anti-Semitism, but most importantly, this is opposed by the unity of the origin of languages and the interweaving of cultural ties. The author expresses his belief in the international potential of socialist ideas, which is poorly used in solving modern social conflicts, in particular, in Ukraine, which he, as a person with Cossack roots, experiences with particular acuteness. (shrink)

This is an intellectual-biographical research essay on D. I. Chyzhevśkyi (1894-1977), the internationally renowned Ukraine scholar, expert on the history of philosophy, on Russian and Ukrainian philology and Slavic-German intercultural relations. He studied at Saint Petersburg University 1911-1913 and at Kyiv University 1916-1919 where he graduated with distinction. His would have been a promising academic career, however, in 1921, for political reasons Chyzhevśkyi felt compelled to leave Ukraine. He went to Germany, studied with E. Husserl in Freiburg/Breisgau, (...) met M. Heidegger, H.-G. Gadamer and other young influential German philosophers. But political transformations again changed the course of his life. Despite the hardships he had to cope with in the following years he was incredibly productive in publishing, engaged actively in the famous Prague Linguistic Circle and in the first Conferences of the Hegel Association. He became Assistant Professor of Slavonic studies at Harvard University and from 1956 professor at Heidelberg University. Still, his success was not without a drop of bitterness. As an émigré Chyzhevśkyi remained a foreigner in his adopted country. The essay is based on original documents from German archives: institutional files and private letters, many of them yet unknown. Moreover, the article benefits from its author’s personal acquaintance with Chyzhevśkyi in his late Heidelberg years, 1960s and 1970s. (shrink)

The article explores the representation of psychological traumas afflicted by war in contemporary literary writing by Burundian (African) and Ukrainian (European) authors who were witnesses of the events described in their works. Based on the existing linguistic and psychological theoretical approaches to the phenomenon of a mental wound, a comparative perspective is provided on the nature, literary, and linguistic manifestations of psychological trauma in Burundian novels by Antoine Kaburahe and Marie-Therese Toyi, presenting the tragic, but stoic experience during the (...) civil war in the East African country, and the shocked, but resilient experience of Ukrainian civilians during the full-scale aggression of the russian federation in the Ukrainian diary (Serhiy Zhadan) and essay writing (Ilya Kaminsky, Ludmila Khersonsky, Zarina Zabrisky, Elena Andreychykova, Andrei Krasniashikh) available in English translation. The implemented analysis allows for a deeper understanding of the effects of wartime psychological trauma on the lives of an individual. Due to a more distant time perspective, the protagonists of Burundian texts reveal both the tragedy of the interethnic civil war conflict and the importance of addressing the causes of the conflict to prevent its replication in the future. In the Ukrainian texts, the initial stage of psychological trauma obtaining can be observed, which accounts for a range of the related emotional states among the characters who do not fully realize yet the traumatization process they have been going through during the first days and weeks of the russian military invasion. The narrative structure of the Burundian and Ukrainian texts was also highlighted, which helped identify traces of oral story-telling tradition (African texts) and broad allusions to the historical and cultural phenomena (Ukrainian texts). (shrink)

Ukrainian lands in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries have been in proximity of great geopolitical changes several times. During that time the Ukrainian nation – due to various factors – encountered a number of “windows of opportunity” for achieving the realization of dreams about independence and national sovereignty. The author identified in the period considered four “general moments,” of which two have been completed successfully. The first of these occurred in 1990–1991, when for the first time in modern (...) history, Ukrainians managed to achieve a lasting and relatively stable independence. The second of the “moments” – still unresolved – are events that began in the late autumn of 2013. The process, called “Revolution of Dignity”, represents a new quality in the history of the Ukrainian nation, therefore, that the Ukrainians have to defend the status quo but not to seek to achieve an independent being. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the ability of Ukrainians to achieve and maintain independence is largely a function of the relative power of the Russian state as measured with respect to the shape and quality of international relations. (shrink)

The Vatican probably hoped that the visit of the apostolic nuncio Claudio Gugerotti on December 16-18, 2016 to the occupied territories of the Donbas Ukrainian society "swallowing" was just as easy as it easily "swallowed" the same and his Easter visit, as the "swallowed up" meeting on June 10, 2015 by Pope Roman Francis with the President of the Russian Federation V. Putin, in which many saw the obvious anti-Ukrainian context, not to mention here the anti-Ukrainian (...) gesture that the Pope had made by signing on February 12, 2016 The shameful "Havana Declaration", p Vatican which essentially gives Ukraine at the mercy of Moscow, since it recognizes domain of the Moscow Patriarchate. However, one should pay tribute to those who, seeing the pro-Moscow line of conduct of the Vatican, in particular its current head, Pope Francis, aspire to persuade Ukrainian society, first and foremost, of Ukrainian Roman and Greek Catholics, which, they say, only in this way the Holy See and can prove that he "loves Ukraine", but simply needs to have the ability to "read," "listen," to "look at the world through the eyes of God the Creator," as the Pope teaches. (shrink)

The article discusses the peculiarities of the functioning of Ukrainian fantasy fandom as well as its transformations related to two main aspects: 1) from “the old” fandom to the new one and 2) from the ordinary forms of existence during the peaceful times to existence during the wartime after Russian full-scale invasion in Ukraine in February 2022.The article indicates the general transformation of the scholarly research of the fandom in the Western academic context. It is possible to present (...) it as the flow from an “ethnographic” or external interpretation of the fandom as a part of the mass culture that depends on the specifics of the popular culture production, to the “internal” or integrated descriptions of the fandom functioning as a separated sphere of social activity.The article argues that there are two stages of the existence of Ukrainian fantasy-related fandom. “The old” fandom emerged in the pre-computer era and was based on the Soviet fandom, which influenced its peculiarities. For instance, there are such aspects as statelessness, the absence of national representation (and the dominance of Russo-centrism as the common cultural platform), the importance of direct interpersonal contacts, distancing from contact with authorities, and the tendency to reduce the presence of the fandom in the shared urban space.Unlike “the old” fandom, “the new” one is developing under the influence of new communicational technologies, which erases the barriers to entering the fandom for new members, enlarges the zones of potential contacts, eliminates geographic and territorial barriers, etc. Moreover, “the new” fandom is more integrated into the urban space and is more available for communications. For the Ukrainian fandom, the transition from “the old” fandom to the “new one” means focusing on domestic cultural issues as the fandom becomes Ukraine-centric.Russian military aggression against Ukraine, from annexing Crimea in 2014 to the full-scale invasion in 2022, became the inner catalyst for the development and transformation of the Ukrainian fandom. The external existential threat led to the transformation of the practices, implemented by the fandom and to the rise of the Ukrainian popular culture, which is closely related to the fandom. During the full-scale invasion, the Ukrainian fandom, preserving its core responsibilities (communication and social activity around popular culture functioning), spreads its new topical responsibilities: apart from the domestic volunteer work, which unites the majority of Ukrainian communities, it includes the educational activity, gaining subjectivity during international communication with the foreign fandom of Europe and the USA, charitable activity, etc. (shrink)

Ukraine’s “Revolution of Dignity,” spanning both the 2013–2014 protests in Kyiv’s city center and the mass mobilization of grass-roots resistance against Russian aggression in 2014–2015 and thereafter, manifest new interpretations of ideas and philosophical concepts. In the first part of the article we unravel the meaning of the Ukrainian word hidnist – a moniker of the revolution whose significance remains underestimated. In the second part we situate Ukraine’s revolution within a broader context of “modernity” and suggest its individualist (...) foundation may be replaced by a form of “personalism” – an ethic that echoes that of Ukraine’s revolutionaries. In the third part of the article, we delve into the substance of the revolution’s agenda: its protagonists’ promise to build a non-hierarchical community of “fairness”. In the fourth and final section, the main argument of the article is summarized, namely: that the shift from individualism to personalism in social interaction and the transition from hierarchy to heterarchy in power relations, particularly with respect to institutionalizing “fairness,” embodied in the various structures and organizations formed during Ukraine’s Revolution of Dignity, may have been reflective of more comprehensive trends in ideational change affecting European civilization. (shrink)

The article examines the provisions of the catechisms of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church regarding the war and its challenges, as well as the defense of the Motherland. A comparative analysis of relevant thematic instructions in the Catechism “Christ is our Easter” (published in 2011), the Catechism for youth “We walk with Christ” (published in 2021) and the “Catechism of the Christian Warrior” (published in 2022) was carried out. It was determined that the provisions of the UGCC's own fundamental (...) doctrinal documents, its Catechisms, regarding the problems of war and defense of the Motherland, were formed, clarified and supplemented according to the circumstances and needs of the time. The catechism of the UGCC “Christ is our Easter” contains general Christian considerations on the subject under consideration, which are principled, establishing, and refer to how civilized peoples should conduct themselves. The catechism for youth, created in the previous years of the undeclared Russian Federation's “hybrid” war against Ukraine, covers the issues related to the war and the defense of the Motherland in a substantive way and closer to current Ukrainian realities, although it still has some idealistic approach. The Catechism of the Christian Warrior, the preparation of which was completed and the publication was carried out during the full-scale military offensive of the aggressor, is a set of thorough and competent advises for Ukrainian soldiers, where things are called by their names, and there are no provisions that can cause doubts due to experience and be problematically achievable for implementation. Therefore, it is concluded that especially this Catechism, together with and in addition to the two previous ones, is a useful and timely contribution of the UGCC to the instruction of Ukrainians during the war, and therefore to Ukraine's victory over the enemy. (shrink)

Ukraine's war of self-defense against Russia is one of the clearest examples of a nation fighting a just war in recent history. Ukraine is clearly entitled to defend itself, and Russia is clearly obligated to cease hostilities, withdraw troops, and make repair. In light of this, some of the most salient moral questions related to Russia's war of aggression in Ukraine involve the international community; namely, what moral duties it has toward Ukraine, especially in light of Russia's extreme and pervasive (...) human rights abuses. The first section of the essay argues that there is a pro tanto moral duty to intervene militarily in Ukraine to stop Russian human rights abuses and ensure that Ukraine achieves a military victory. This duty is grounded in duties of rescue, promissory obligations, and reliance obligations, as well as duties to nations’ own citizens and to the international community. The second section of the essay argues that the most relevant consideration in determining whether there is an all-things-considered duty for the international community to intervene militarily in Ukraine is Russia's nuclear coercion and the associated risk of nuclear war. This section highlights the nuclear risks involved in compliance with Russian nuclear coercion, which I argue have been neglected in prominent discussions. The moral stakes involved in this determination are very high, and succumbing to Russian nuclear coercion in the face of massive human rights violations would set a dangerous precedent. Any course of action should be guided by a thorough analysis of all the risks involved, both nuclear and moral. (shrink)

The leadership of the Russian Federation made visible organization and invested significant financial resources in support of the Russian Orthodox Church, making the latter a cementing ideological component of the Moscow government, its various aggressive policy. So, since 2012, the state support for the 2016 year celebration of the "1000th anniversary of the Russian presence on Athos" has begun. On this occasion, a special order of Russian President Vladimir Putin on October 16, 2012 for №468-rp "On (...) creation of working groups...". The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine appealed to the Specialized Department of the Department of Religious Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine with a request to comment on the next aspiration of the Russian Federation to steal Ukrainian history, attributing to itself what the Muscovites do not have any direct relation to. (shrink)

The manuscript presents a summary of the results of the linguistic semantics study of Covid-19 related quarantine. Research conducted on a sample of Russian speaking Ukrainians. Found content and structure of the respective discursive field. Described features of inter-discourse connections. Established that the actualization of some discourses is accompanied by the deactivation of others, what makes quarantine semantics biased. Also, it was suggested that some of the discourses are indirectly positively associated and form the semantic core of the quarantine (...) concept. (shrink)

Objective. Study of the Covid-19 related quarantine concept as an emerging category of linguistic consciousness of Ukrainians. -/- Materials & Methods. The strategy of the study is based on the logical and methodological concept of inductivism. Respondents were asked to write down their own understanding of the quarantine, formulate an appropriate definition and describe the situation, which in their opinion is the exact opposite to quarantine. Respondents also assessed how much their psychological well-being, their daily lifestyle during quarantine had changed, (...) and ranked their preferences for the quarantine strategies proposed to them. A discursive analysis was applied to the obtained texts, as a result of which nine discourses were identified. These data, along with some socio-demographic characteristics were subjected to multidimensional mathematical and statistical processing. -/- Results. Covid-19 related quarantine is represented in the linguistic consciousness of Russian-speaking Ukrainians by a discursive field, which includes at least nine recognizable, semantically autonomous discourses. Empirically discovered such phenomenon as – inter-discourse semantic dissociation. Its essence is a statistically significant reduction in the probability of some discourses appearing in the texts when others are being actualized there. This feature is associated with the innate negativity of the language and determines the semantic biasing of the quarantine concept. Inter-discourse semantic dissociation, as well as the influence of non-discursive factors constitute the discursive formation of the quarantine concept, which is qualitatively characterized by the hierarchical relationship of its components. At the same time, it was revealed that part of the discourses interacting “horizontally” are indirectly associated “vertically”, which forms the stable semantic core of the quarantine concept. Partial empirical confirmation has been found of the previously put forward assumptions about: a) the existence of such a relationship between discourses and psychological defense mechanisms (as character-forming factors) that contributes to the hierarchical structure construction of discursive formations; b) the differential nature of discourses and mechanisms of psychological defenses interaction, which makes it possible to single out the discursive aspect in a characterological profile and consider a discourse as an operator of characterological semantics. -/- Conclusions. An empirical study made it possible to form a primary idea of the substantive and structural semantic features of the quarantine concept, as an emerging category of linguistic consciousness of Ukrainians. The results obtained have a potentially useful application perspective. Thus, when implementing anti-epidemiological measures, it is important to consider the studied features of the discursive formation hierarchical structure of the quarantine concept, since discursive semantics are associated with cognitive focusing, which, in turn, affects the behavior direction and its upshots. (shrink)

Diogenes Laertius's “Lives of the Eminent Philosophers” is a fictionalised account of the history of philosophy, full of philosophical concepts and scientific terminology. The Ukrainian translation strategy this work proposed by the authors aims to ensure adequacy in meaning while maximizing the uniformity of terms. The main principles of this translation are: 1) to avoid Greekisms, Latinisms and calques from the Russian language; 2) to translate Greek etymologically related concepts with single-root words; 3) to translate single-root antonymic concepts (...) in the same way; 4) where lexical semantics is terminologically or substantively significant, to use synonyms; 6) composites or words with a complicated internal form can be translated periphrastically; 7) to use some neologisms to clarify meanings. (shrink)

This essay argues that Russia's war on Ukraine and the post-Soviet experience, more generally, reveal ethical, empirical, and theoretical problems in the study of nationalism in the region; namely, the tendency to designate anti-colonial, non-Russian nationalism as a “bad” ethnic type and the related tendency to see opposition to it as a “good” civic, nationalist agenda while in reality, the latter agenda can be imperial. Conflation of imperialism with civic nationalism and underappreciation of the democratic potential of non-Russian (...) nationalism are problematic. The essay argues that these problems stem from theorizing about ethnic and civic nationalism that is rooted in abstract principles and does not take into account the empirical realities in which specific policies originate. I suggest that a more ethically and theoretically accurate characterization of types of nationalism as good or bad can be achieved by applying a methodology that takes into account not only formal markers of “ethnic” and “civic” policies but also the realities proponents and opponents of a given policy seek to establish and undo, the methods by which these realities come into being, and the constraints on employing illiberal methods that political actors face. (shrink)

The rethinking of the events of the Soviet past largely concerns the sphere of church-state relations. The significant losses of cultural and architectural heritage during the Soviet period make it expedient to study the mechanisms of liquidation of church buildings in the second half of the 1960s. The purpose and objectives of the article. To determine the principles of state policy in the field of religion and methods of its implementation by party-state structures concerning the church network of the (...) Russian Orthodox Church in the Ukrainian SSR. The research methodology. The research methodology is based on a set of philosophical, general scientific, and historical methods and principles. To solve the specific tasks of the study, the principles of objectivity, historicism, systematicity, and comprehensiveness were also used. Research results. The period of the second half of the 1960s was marked by the liberalization of official views on the religious sphere, the abandonment of repressive methods of fighting religion and the Church, the beginning of the latent destruction of sacred buildings, and the dominance of the Soviet state’s nihilistic attitude toward cultural heritage. The Russian Orthodox Church remained entirely subordinate to the Soviet state, which disregarded its legitimate rights and interests. Discussion. The repressions of the “Thaw“ period and the failure of building a communist society led to a loss of public confidence in the possibility of a just welfare state. It became clear that by practicing persecution, restricting the rights of priests, and banning them from studying in theological schools, the Soviet government was undermining its authority. Therefore, in the 1970s, ideologues of the CPSU Central Committee proposed a new model of churchstate relations — the adaptation to communism. There were no fundamental changes in party policy, as it was based on the Marxist doctrine of religion as the opium of the people. The anti-church orientation of state policy remained, only its forms and methods were transformed. The period of massive closure of Orthodox churches was replaced by a new long-term period, called the period of “streamlining the religious network”. Conclusions. One of the directions of the state’s policy towards religion in the mid-1960s was the targeted liquidation of religious buildings of the Russian Orthodox Church. The main reasons for it were the ideological and political priorities of the state leadership. The closure and destruction of religious buildings were systematic actions of the party-state structures in the process of implementing their policy in the field of religion in the Ukrainian SSR. (shrink)

The article analyzes arguments, made by John J. Mearsheimer and others, that the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 was largely caused by Western policy. It finds that these arguments rely on a partially false and incomplete reading of history. To do so, the article identifies a range of premises that are both foundational to Mearsheimer’s claims and based on implied or explicit historical interpretations. This includes the varying policies of Ukraine toward NATO and the EU as well as (...) the changing Russian perceptions thereof; the political upheavals in Ukraine in early 2014 that were immediately succeeded by the annexation of Crimea and the war in Donbass; and the supposed absence of Russian ‘imperialism’ toward Ukraine prior to 2014. Finding that these interpretations do not hold up in light of relevant and available data, the article qualifies and contextualizes the validity of Mearsheimer’s arguments, points to superior ones, and highlights the need for case-specific expertise when using explanatory theory to make sense of politically salient ongoing events. (shrink)

Today, there are several problems in the field of criminal law caused both by the emergence of new types of legal relations and by the imperfection of legislation. Due to the emergence of new challenges in the field of criminal law, many of them require theoretical understanding. Some of these challenges, generated in the light of the armed aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, revealed several reasons for discussion in the Ukrainian and international legal community. The (...) purpose of the study involves consideration of certain aspects of modern challenges in the field of criminal-legal relations, which arose against the background of the military aggression of the Russian Federation in Ukraine. The first part of the study is devoted to the question of the qualification of war crimes committed by the Russian Federation in Ukraine as acts of genocide. The second part of the work is devoted to the issue of using existing international legal mechanisms to hold the Russian Federation accountable for war crimes. There are convincing reasons to say that the actions of the Russian Federation during the war in Ukraine have signs of the crime of genocide. Even though Ukraine is not a party to the Rome Statute, the Ukrainian government can use another tool to bring the subjects of war crimes to justice, by creating a certain mixed investigative mechanism or a criminal tribunal that could deal directly with the crime of aggression. (shrink)

The paper reviews historical and regional studies publications of Volyn periodicals in the 19 th -20 th centuries, which covered the Ukrainian-Polish-Russian relations. Their key theme lines are indicated, specifically a socio-economic line which addressed social inequality problems, enslavement of Ukrainian peasants by Polish gentry at the time when some Ukrainian regions were a part of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth; a religious line which covered consequences of Polonization, threats to Orthodoxy, feats and courage of its defenders; (...) an ethnographic line which attempted to describe the history of origin of nations and the specifics of their national self-identification. It is shown that all these lines of publications featured different ideological tendencies. Thus some articles from ‘Volynskiye Gubernskiye Vedomosti’, ‘Pochayevskiye Izvestiya’ and ‘Volynskiye Yeparkhialniye Vedomosti’ were analyzed, which allowed to trace propaganda of the Russian Empire in the spirit of Russian monarchism and chauvinism spreading via press. Those processes had a rather negative impact on social and interethnic moods of the Ukrainian-Polish-Russian relations in the imperialist context. By contrast with the above, journalists of the democratic newspaper ‘Vestnik Volyni’ advocated the Polish and Ukrainian self-identification. (shrink)

The article concentrates on the characteristic of the historiography of EU - Russia relations in international security issues during 1992-2010. The author observes the transformation of the international security concept and highlights that after the Cold War the broadening of the traditional view on this matter has become the widely-spread tendency in modern science. Ukrainian and foreign security studies have been reviewed according to this approach. The author points out that there is a great amount of works, which (...) deal with this problem. The results of researches on different aspects of EU - Russia relations in the security sphere, such as the dialogue about the border and illegally immigration questions, the struggle against international terrorism, drug and human trafficking beings, the ecological cooperation and interaction in outer space are summarized. The article stresses that the majority of works devoted to the Russia - EU relations in international security touches upon the law side or one party's activity, although its interaction is of our scientific interest. The main tendencies and peculiarities of the Ukrainian, Russian, European and American historiography are analyzed. The author finds out the uninvestigated issues, which open wide perspectives for researchers in their future studies of EU - Russia relations in the sphere of international security. (shrink)

У статті розглянуто процес розподілу Чорноморського флоту СРСР у період 1991-1997 рр. між незалежною Україною та Російською Федерацією на тлі проблеми приєднання Криму та Севастополя до УРСР 1954 р. Акцентовано увагу на неврегулюванні цього питання на міждержавному рівні. Наголошено на незмінності імперської позиції Росії щодо перегляду питання повернення Криму та Севастополя як стратегічно важливих об'єктів її зовнішньої політики в Чорноморсько-Середземноморському регіоні. Підкреслено негативне ставлення сучасних російських політиків до партійно-урядових рішень СРСР та РФРСР 1954 р. про передачу Кримської області до складу (...) Української РСР. Наведено спільні російсько-українські законодавчі акти, у яких російська сторона гарантувала й зобов'язувалась поважати територіальну цілісність і недоторканість незалежної України. (shrink)

The sequence and escalation of Russian–Ukrainian political and military conflicts since 2014, culminating in Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, have reopened interest in and debates on just war theory and practice in general and specifically in historic and modern Eastern Orthodox cultures and Orthodox-majority states. These debates have significant repercussions in areas like church–state and church–military relations in these cultures; ecclesial involvement in these conflicts has varied from war-justification rhetoric (in the case of the (...) class='Hi'>Russian Orthodox Church) to reiterations of the inherited traditions of ecclesial pacifism/condemnation of all violence (the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople, a number of Orthodox Churches, clerical and theological networks, etc.). The Russian ecclesial involvements in the justification of war/military necessity and formulation of just war narratives have triggered divisions and antagonisms in the Eastern Orthodoxy. The development and course of the ecclesial conflicts involving Russian and Ukrainian Orthodox churches and parishes (and other Orthodox ecclesiastic bodies) will show whether Orthodox religious actors may begin to play a more significant role in the articulation and application of newly emerging trends in areas like the theology of just peace, just peace-making and Christian realism, Orthodox social ethics and the dynamic praxis of just peace-making. (shrink)

_Purpose._ The author of this article aims to present and analyze the views of Józef Maria Bocheński concerning the issue of the question of life’s sense based on the text "Sens życia i inne eseje". From the philosopher’s reflections under the theme of the impossibility of life’s sense in the case of community, the author analyzes Ukrainian society and tries to find an answer to the question, can the human community’s sense exist? Among the tasks are the following: to (...) apply the views of Barry and Janae Weinhold and the polyvagal theory of Stephen Porges; to express reflections on individual and social sense; indicate the potential reasons for the failure in searching for the Ukrainian national idea before Russia’s attack on Ukraine in February 2022, as well as identify general trends in the development of the Ukrainian idea as a result of Russia’s war against Ukraine. _Theoretical basis._ The methodological basis of the investigation is an analysis, synthesis, generalization, and analogy. Given the interdisciplinary approach, historical and psychological methods were used. It is noted that the most important feature of any group is interaction, which unites a number of other features into a single whole. Exactly the lack of interaction in Ukraine that necessitated the search for a national idea. After a full-scale Russian attack on Ukraine in 2022, there is a huge possibility to work through Ukrainian traumas, create a common identity, without an artificial division into West and East, and rebuild the state. _Originality__._ The paper combines philosophical reflections and the latest psychological developments; in their application, firstly, in the universal plane, which applies to every person, and secondly, in relation to the Ukrainian, due to its history and politics. _Conclusions._ It has been argued that the search for the authentic sense of life occurs when a person has reworked their traumas and attained a stable state of mental health, when subconscious factors do not control a person. By analogy, the thesis is put forward that Ukrainian society must undergo psychotherapy, to overcome its historical, and military traumas. As a result of the brutal war, rapid integration processes are possible, the whole Ukrainian society is aware of the need to switch exclusively to the Ukrainian language and rethink Ukrainian identity and statehood, build a new historical narrative on the heroic attitude of Ukrainian society, new Ukrainian heroes, dead and alive. It is possible to use the Russian attack as a unifying factor for all Ukrainians, creating a sense of community, creating a modern image of Ukraine in the international arena as a defender of democratic rights, Europe, rethinking its history and in particular Ukrainian-Russian and Ukrainian-Polish relations; indicate the need to process new traumatic experiences. (shrink)

The Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 inflicted severe damage on the country’s cultural heritage, triggering an upsurge in attempts to export cultural property across its borders. This paper deals with relevant issues related to the policy of Ukraine regarding the prevention of the export of cultural property abroad and the expertise of confiscated cultural property, as well as underscores the significance of enhancing state policy in this sphere in response to the challenges caused by Russian invasion. The (...) notable increase in illegal attempts to export antiquities abroad requires a revision of the procedure for appointing and conducting the expertise of confiscated objects. This primarily applies to excessively prolonged periods of expertise, the lack of uniform rules applicable to all art experts regardless of their affiliations, and the ambiguous criteria defining “cultural property” in Ukrainian legislation. The paper proposes measures to resolve these difficulties, including introducing preliminary expertise at customs control, unifying the requirements for experts’ conclusions, and clarifying definitions in legislation. (shrink)

The article offers to look at modern political processes through the prism of the participation of the religious factor in them. Considering the current Russian-Ukrainian war as a kind of trigger that launched global changes in the system of international relations, burying its previous bipolar model, the authors analyze the changes that have taken place in Ukraine, in its religious segment. Ukraine is turning from a little-known part of the world religious space into an active reformer of (...) this space. At a certain moment, it becomes the center of a global confrontation between three main religious points - Constantinople, Rome and Moscow, reformatting the usual Christian landscape of the world. The given quantitative and qualitative indicators of the presence of Ukraine as a religious entity in the European and world space demonstrate both its enrichment and problematic conflict. The war revealed latent inter-denominational confrontations in Ukraine and in the world. Such a powerful tool of ideological influence as religion/church is used by conflicting parties to justify and sanctify aggression and protect against it. The authors focus their attention on Ukrainian Orthodoxy, on its role in reformatting the religious space. Ukrainians put an end to the unlimited dominance of the Moscow Patriarchate in Ecumenical Orthodoxy, which affected other Christian communities. The absence of Ukraine in the geopolitical space, which lasted due to historical circumstances, has been overcome. Now it is subjectively present in the worldwide religious community and is there as an independent spiritual and organizational force that will only increase its potential. The former world security system has collapsed, and the old levers of restraining the aggressive and dangerous intentions of individual countries do not work. So, it is suggested to think about new forms of geopolitical coexistence. In the constructive solution of controversial issues, the human community must accumulate the efforts of all possible participators of the democratic alliance, including such a powerful religion, which over the millennia of its spiritual and practical activity has developed its own specific methods of peacemaking. (shrink)

Modern Ukrainian society is stratified not only economically, socially, professionally, informally, territorially, politically, historically, but ideologically and experiencedly. Is there something that unites Ukraine today? E. This - the present as a set of cultural and civilization factors and reality as a set of fateful events. The number and intensity of the fateful events for Ukraine in the last 3 years - from November 22, 2013, that is, the first protest against the non-signing of the association with the EU (...) - is abundant. It is not time to sum up, there is a permanent crisis, there is a war, we have a lot of losses, but we have already made our choice. (shrink)

This article examines the issues of social (re)integration in Ukraine, which were actualized during the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2014-2022. The first part of the article is devoted to the consideration of theoretical issues related to the conceptualization of social integration in the social sciences and the role of the state in reproducing social relations. The author assumes that during the last decades, ideas about the role of the state in these processes have changed significantly, which was caused (...) by the departure of the governments of developed democratic countries from the policy of the welfare state. This caused a reorientation of the state towards policies of inclusion, that is, targeted support and assistance to the most vulnerable social strata. The second part of the article is devoted to the consideration of the processes of social integration of migrants and refugees during the war in Ukraine. The author concludes that during the first full-scale invasion, processes of rethinking one's own national identity intensified in Ukrainian society. The armed confrontation and the catastrophic consequences caused by it contributed to the nationwide consolidation of Ukrainians and neutralized socio-cultural differences, which for a long time became the cause of political opposition and electoral divisions. Instead, the long stay of part of the territory and citizens of Ukraine under occupation under conditions of repressive and propaganda pressure, violent mobilization to the armed forces of the self-proclaimed republics and participation in the armed confrontation on the side of the occupiers revealed new divisions between Ukrainians who were on different sides of the front line. These divisions will obviously become an obstacle to the successful reintegration of Ukrainians after de-occupation, which will require a balanced and careful integration policy from the state authorities during the post-war reconstruction. (shrink)

The article deals the activities of social and political organizations of pro-Russian direction on the Crimea peninsula. The author defines that under the banner of maintaining relations with compatriots and the preservation of social and cultural traditions, was carried out targeted information campaign on the formation of anti-Ukrainian sentiment among the youth. Events on the Crimean peninsula, unfortunately, belong to insufficiently studied issues of recent history of Ukraine. Ukrainian historical opinion have demonstrated passivity on this issue (...) and no sound labor opposed promotional products of famous Russian historians and historical schools. Starting from the first day of the independence of Ukraine our "eastern neighbor" carried out targeted information pressing supported by numerous pro-Russian social organizations, which the peninsula has always been rich in. Types of propaganda rhetoric, methods and forms of action changed according to the political and military significance of events that took place. Рro-Russian social organizations have organized different initiatives to involve youth organizations. For example, there is the observance of the military patriotic youth camp Donuzlav anti NATO. (shrink)

The article deals with the genesis of the term "intelligentsia" within historical dimension, consideration of basic approaches and interpretation of this concept. The origins of the definition as well as its content in diverse historical periods are considered on the basis of a number of sources. The basic issues of contemporary discussion concerning an interpretation of the intelligentsia concept within the sphere of Ukrainian science and media are distinguished. The analysis of genesis and transformation of content of the intelligentsia (...) definition within historical dimension allows to make such conclusions. Firstly, a lack of clear and approved theory concerning the origins of intelligentsia concept has caused further mythologization of the latter. Eventually, some theses about history of the definition have become more popular and have complicated the view of a full picture. In particular, it applies to attribution of the authorship of this term to P. Boborykin and simultaneous disregard of evidences for a "Polish trace" in genesis of the term. Secondly, a view of content of the definition is deeply subjective in the contexts of personal perception and particular historical period. It makes a formulation of universal definition impossible. This circumstance causes the need for consideration of intelligentsia phenomenon within certain chronological or even geographical boundaries. A perception of the intelligentsia definition can became thereby a source for study of history of some period, country or nation. Finally, the author discerns such issues concerning an interpretation of the intelligentsia concept. The first issue deals with universality/specificity of the term, or it has a wider application?). The second one is the content of the concept in Russian Empire and USSR. The third issue concerns the relation of concepts "intelligentsia" and "the intellectuals". These circumstances make it difficult to study the topic, while actualizing the need for further balanced scientific research in this field. (shrink)

The current state of bilateral relations between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China is described by many international relations experts as the best in history. After taking the president office by Donald Trump, the bilateral relations between America and abovementioned powers are cooling down. Current foreign policy of the People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation focuses on holding a common position in the international political arena, which is in fact an (...) attempt to counter-weight political influence of the US administration and their allies. The dimension of the strategic partnership between China and Russia is also determining the mutual economic dependence, which is now crucial for both powers to build a strong position on the international forum. In addition, Russia is one of the crucial partners for the Chinese-led Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) – by many recognized as the Chinese attempt to break the American economic domination. The collisional course of the American foreign policy towards Russia and China forces the latter to look for Central and Eastern European allies as well as to gain influence in the region of Central Asia which is leading to a constant increase in tensions between China and Russia. (shrink)

In justifying Russian aggression against Ukraine, President Vladimir Putin asserts that Ukraine is neither a distinct nation nor a viable state. In response, this essay will establish a Christian account of Ukraine’s right to self-defense not only via just war criteria but also in relation to its purpose theologically as a nation-state. This essay, after reviewing Christian ethical positions that either reject or embrace the nation-state, draws on the Niebuhr brothers and Karl Barth to develop key theological criteria for (...) judging whether particular nation-states are true to their divine purpose. While affirming the role of the nation-state in protecting a people’s distinct identity, Christians will call on the nation-state to direct its people outward, toward their shared humanity with the world’s other nations. The essay concludes that the Ukrainian nation-state is fulfilling these criteria, whereas the Russian nation-state is not. (shrink)

Ukraine's integration into European economic and cultural field, building a democratic state, the emergency of new social and economic relations require finding a new national idea. Today our society needs new demands on reforming of all Ukrainian state infrastructure. In the twenty-first century in Ukraine there are two trends of the state - the Ukrainian state on the basis of conservative the Cossack era traditions and state, which it combined with the Russian and Soviet traditions. Based (...) on the analysis of European national ideas, modern Ukrainian idea has to create a common spiritual space and to become a condition for solving the existing political, religious, language problems of cultural processes, to unite all classes, stratas and ethnic groups, which lives on the territory of Ukraine. Ukrainian idea has to be united idea that it should be taken by different political parties, ethnic groups, and representatives of various religious denominations as their own. However, the contradictions between the political forces will remain, but they will exist at the level of the idea implementation ways. Experience of Ukrainian philosophical and legal thought, including G. Skovoroda heritage, discovers a main trend of the modern state development - the gradual Ukrainians` perception of elaborated by progressive political and legal thought achievements and especially those universal values as democracy, law, human rights and freedoms, humane and equitable order. Formation of Ukrainian law state, should ensure the existence of law, protection and guarantee the fundamental rights and freedoms of human being and citizen. However, it should be taken into consideration that law state can not be built by limiting laws adoption. Besides democratic, progressive legislation it is necessary to provide a system of strict observance and fulfillment laws by all participants: state, state bodies, public organizations, officials and citizens. Also the important condition of global events law state creation together the improvement of legislation, is the improvement of legal practice, which, in turn, depends on the legal, professional culture of those who create and use the law. (shrink)

China, the most populous country in the world after India with 1.4 billion people, shares a 4200 km (2600 mi) border with Russia, the country with the world’s largest geographical territory, roughl...

The range of issues related to the origins of Christianity, the birth and formation of its doctrine, the existence of Christianity at an early, pre-conciliar stage, the problem of the identity of its founder, always concerned not only Christian scholars, not only those scholars who in one way or another were involved in them in their research, but society as a whole. However, in all of this, in Ukraine these problems are not well developed. Those researchers who are now engaged (...) in them, as they say, can "count on your fingers." For the most part, this gap in Ukrainian religious studies is still traditionally filled with information from former Soviet and contemporary Russian scientific publications, some foreign reprints, and the findings of Russian Christian scholars. (shrink)

Within the article the attempt is made to study the perception of the XVIII century philosopher Hryhorii Skovoroda’s image and its philosophy through the prism of the later national identities. The fact is stressed that the statement of the issue concerning the Hryhorii Skovoroda’s image Ukrainization and the history of its solution turns out to be the consequence of the process of establishing the Ukrainian modern self-identity which started in the ХІХ century. The situation is emphasized that within “all- (...) class='Hi'>Russian” identity one can come across its three variations: Skovoroda is a “Russian” (meaning “all-Russian”); Skovoroda is a “Malorussian” (meaning a representative of a regional variant of a “Russian” identity) and Skovoroda is a “Ukrainian” (meaning a native from the land that is called Ukraine). At the end of the ХІХ century Skovoroda’s image was interpreted within Ukrainian personal identity. The conclusion is made that during ХІХ—ХХ centuries and even nowadays two national identities for Skovoroda’s personality remain relevant: Ukrainian and Russian. The Russian one is a result of the XVIII—XIX centuries “all-Russian” syncretism state being transferred into the modern particular Russian national self-identity. The process of Hryhorii Skovoroda’s image Ukrainization (in other words its extraction from the “all-Russian” context) developed through several stages. At the beginning of the ХІХ century he was “Ukrainian” because he had a Ukrainian territorial identity and was related to Slobidska-Ukrainian province. Later he became “Ukrainian” because he represented “simple” Ukrainian people. Finally he is “Ukrainian” because he belongs to the Ukrainian ethnic nation and therefore his philosophy belongs to Ukrainian philosophical culture. (shrink)

The article examines the problems of philosophy development in Ukraine during the thirty years of independence; an attempt is made to periodize this development. It is shown that the independence of Ukraine, in addition to the state, political and economic dimensions, also contains a spiritual component associated with religious, cultural, linguistic, and ideological independence. The key here was independence from the Moscow Church and creating an autocephalous Orthodox Church in Ukraine. Nevertheless, since, according to the Constitution of Ukraine, no ideology (...) can be recognized by the state as mandatory, spiritual independence is also a secular category and presupposes worldview and philosophical independence. The article highlights several stages of the creation of philosophical independence. First, the first stage required overcoming the ideologically biased philosophy of Russian Marxism, that is, Marxism-Leninism. The second stage is the involvement of Ukrainian philosophy in the models of modern world philosophy, the assimilation of its leading trends and paradigmatic complexes. The role of translations of philosophical classics and modern philosophical literature in entering philosophy into world philosophical thought in Ukraine is also shown. Finally, the third stage is related to solving the critical problems of our time, related to globalization, ecological crisis, universalism and particularism in ethics, ethical reclamation of modern society, etc. The article also deals with the role of philosophy and philosophical education in substantiating the value orientations of the development of Ukrainian society, the formation of communicative, moral, professional competencies of citizens as a factor in the civilizational choice of Ukraine. (shrink)

The article is devoted to the circumstances of Hryhoriy Skovoroda’s use of the pseudonym «Daniil Meingard» and the role played by Mykhailo Kovalynskyi in Skovoroda’s adoption of this pseudonym. The article reconstructs the biography of Pastor Daniel Mingard, whose name was adopted by Skovoroda, including refuted false information about him, widespread in Ukrainian-language literature; a brief description of the intellectual biography of his son, Pastor Gabriel Mingard, who, unlike his father, was a notable figure in the intel- lectual life (...) of the country of Vaud in the second half of the 18th century, in particular, one of the most original authors of the «Encyclopedia of Yverdon» — a liberal Protestant response to the «Encyclopedia» of Diderot and d’Alembert. The article states that the description of Daniel Mingard, which Kovalynskyi gives in «The Life of Grigory Skovoroda» in order to explain the origin of the pseudonym Skovo- roda, corresponds more to Gabriel than to Daniel Mingard. The explanation of this ambiguity is based on the hypothesis that Kovalynskyi, choosing Gabriel Mingard as an example to follow, projects the Mingard son-father relationship onto his relationship with Skovoroda. This hypothesis gives reason to reconsider the role of Kovalynskyi in the life of Skovoroda and in the formation of the image of the philosopher in «The Life of Grigory Skovoroda». The article reconstructs Kovalynskyi’s circle of reading and demonstrates that his literary preferences correspond to the leading trends of reception by Russian Freemasonry in the last third of the 18th century. Western, primarily liberal Protestant literature. This recon- struction gives reason to draw a parallel between Skovoroda’s opinion and Kovalynskyi’s reading circle, in the context of which the latter evaluates Skovoroda’s life and philosophy; they are related by devotion to religious and intellectual freedom, eclecticism, as well as numerous subjects that we consider purely Skovoroda’s subjects: self-knowledge, the inner man, the goodness of God, happiness, friendship, etc. (shrink)

The Ukrainian–Russian conflict of 2013–2017 is characterized as ‘hybrid’ warfare, with a crucial role of informational component. Using ideological discourse analytic tools, this article demonstrates how two prominent Russian TV channels shaped the persuasive message, creating strong unity and mobilizing a high level of support among the national audience. Based on legitimation and de-legitimation patterns, Channel One and Russia-1 built ideologically polarized opposition between ‘Our’ and ‘Their’ sides of the conflict. The wide range of editorializing tools, socio-cultural (...) and historical Soviet-time constructs, and references to gay culture served to promote one group and to debase the opposition. Close institutional ties between government and media in Russia sustain multiplicity and intertextuality of ‘general line’, thus eliminating discordant interpretations. The article shows strong evidence that the analyzed TV news programs present a typical illustration of ideological discourse, exploited by the Russian government in order to achieve its political goals. (shrink)

Paganism is revived. In recent years, the phenomenon of paganism has been increasingly mentioned in connection with attempts to revive it in one way or another, making it a mass religious phenomenon. Since it appears to us as a non-religious non-religious phenomenon, rather than as an intrinsic phenomenon of primordial beliefs, it is regarded as neo-paganism. It has appeared and spread in many countries and is already a worldwide phenomenon. Non-pagans often congregate in their forums, have their own international association, (...) and even be related. Thus, the magician of the Ukrainian Native Faith married the leader of Russian neo-pagans. (shrink)

The author reviews some archival documents and materials of Pavlo P. Skoropadskyi, Hetman of the Ukrainian state, his personal memoirs and executive decisions on foreign policy issues over a period of April-December 1918. Pavlo Skoropadskyi's stand as to building the state and his commitment to the pro-Russian vector are demonstrated. Some examples of practical steps taken by Pavlo Skoropadskyi's government to gain understanding with the Entente countries after Germany and Austria-Hungary lost the war are given. Based on its (...) organizational structure, the type of the Hetman state is defined. An example of rapport with new temporary state formations on the Don and Kuban Rivers is given. The paper describes radical and prompt actions of the Hetman government, taken to draw the Crimea under the dominion of Ukraine. The fallacy of the pro-Russian line of policy of Hetman P. Skoropadskyi in the context of the German and Austro-Hungarian occupation is pointed out. The ambiguous course of Ukraine is exemplified by the formation of its Armed Forces, Cabinet of Ministers and delaying in the implementation of the agrarian reform. The attitude of Pavlo Skoropadskyi to the Ukrainians and the Galicians is demonstrated through specific references to his statements. The paper shows some practical steps in opening embassy missions and consular agencies in European countries, which point to the efforts of the Cabinet of Ministers to win international recognition and authority for the Ukrainian state. A situational geopolitical change of the diplomatic relations is demonstrated by the example of Romania. The main causes of the anti-Hetman uprising are defined as the lack of a negotiation process with representatives of socialist and democratic forces of Ukraine, incapability to enlist the support of rural masses and inferior moods in respect of Russia. (shrink)

The article deals with the intellectual biography of Yuri Shevelov (1908–2002); in particular, it covers and analyzes the contacts of this Ukrainian Slavic scholar and writer with representatives of the Jewish nation in the Kharkiv period of his life. In his memoirs and essays, he repeatedly uses the expression “Ukrainian Jews”, forming an author’s unique and axiologically marked concept of “his Jews” (spiritually close Jews or “svoji jevreji” in Ukrainian in these texts). Yu. Shevelov found his “spiritually (...) close Jews” in Kharkiv in the 1910s and 1930s. He called them so because he felt their closeness as carriers of those moral principles and psychological and intellectual qualities that were important to him as a Ukrainian by his conscious choice. The aim of the article is to clarify the specifics of the phenomenon of Yu. Shevelov’s Jewish world as a specific part of his social and intellectual environment before World War II. Yu. Shevelyov’s “Jewish World” is considered a phenomenological construct reflected in the scholar’s memoirs and essays describing his relations with Jews and their role in shaping his intellectualism, critical thinking, moral principles, and worldview in general. The components of Yu. Shevelyov’s “Jewish World” are his relations with Jews in everyday life described in his memoirs and reflections on the Kharkiv performances of the Jewish theatre staged by Alexis Granovsky in Yiddish. The authors of the article emphasize that “spiritually close Jews” were an important component of Yu. Shevelov’s existential project, the implementation of which provided for the creation of modern Ukrainian culture as a basis for establishing historical justice – Ukraine’s understanding of its independent development without Russian pressure. The existential nature of cultural communication with “his Jews” is underlined by the fact that Yu. Shevelov was not a supporter of their linguistic and cultural assimilation that was consistently implemented by the governments in tsarist Russia and the Soviet Union. (shrink)

In this article, Timothy Snyder recounts his meeting with President Zelensky shortly after Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, and Snyder explores the philosophical implications of Zelensky’s decision to stay in Kyiv as Russian troops marched on the Ukrainian capital. Specifically, Snyder explains what Zelensky’s bravery during the first few days of the full-scale invasion shows us about the relations between freedom and speech, freedom and risk, freedom and obligation, and freedom and security.

Russian-Estonian Relations After 2007: Current Status and Development Prospects The article highlights the major points that have influenced relations between Russia and Estonia after 2007. These relations were rather poor during the post-Soviet period. The number of Russian people who lived in Estonia after gaining independence in 1991 exceeded 30%, which resulted in the very keen interest of Russia in Estonian politics. April 2007 created a new reality for relations between the countries. The decision (...) to move the statues of Second World War Soviet soldiers from main squares to cemeteries provoked negative reactions from Russians living in Estonia, but also infuriated leaders of the Russian government. As a consequence there were harsh verbal attacks from Moscow, the Estonian ambassador to Moscow was harassed, cyberspace attacks took place and traffic over the bridge in Narva, which is a key highway from Russia, was blocked. The Estonian authorities know there is no point in maintaining conflict with Russia. The President of Estonia, Toomas Hendrik Ilves, has stressed that Estonia's relationship with its biggest neighbour, Russia, can only get better. Russia plays an incredibly important role in the Estonian economy and tourist industry, according to Andrus Ansip, the Prime Minister of Estonia. (shrink)

The Russian Orthodox Church, the biggest centralized religious institution in the post-Soviet space, has been going through major changes in the 2000s. These are connected to qualitative changes in the composition of believers and clergy as well as legal registration of rights on church property obtained from the government in the 1990s. This has led to substantial changes in internal policies, particularly a sharp decrease in the influence of fundamentalists, which had been rising over the previous decade. Moreover, the (...) years of Putin's rule were years of failure in the church's relations with the government, which consistently denied the ROC's most important requests. In this paper we will examine the principal social developments that have been taking place within the Church in the first years of the twenty-first century. (shrink)

The establishing of the Military Chaplaincy Service of Ukraine is closely related to the fundamental socio-cultural transformations of the entire Ukrainian society, which began in 1991, when Ukraine gained independence. After three revolutions, and especially the Revolution of Dignity in 2013-2014, the people of Ukraine finally chose the path of European integration and their further development in the great family of the civilized world. Gradually, all state and public institutions began to reform their internal structures to approach the standards (...) of European societies. This also affected the armed forces of Ukraine, including and chaplain service. Since 1991, the chaplaincy has gone through several stages in its formation. As early as 2014, before the start of full-scale Russian military aggression against Ukraine, important changes took place in the Military Chaplaincy Service, which brought its internal structure closer to the standards of the armed forces of foreign countries. During the years of work of military chaplains in the combat units of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, experience has been gained that gradually allows us to assess the effectiveness of the mechanisms of activity and management. This article is a scientific reflection of the personal experience of the author, who is serving in the Armed Forces of Ukraine as a military chaplain in one of the combat units. The activity of a military chaplain within the framework of the military chaplaincy of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, and at the same time, in the conditions of the unit's execution of combat missions, gives an opportunity to fix and understand the factors of decreasing the effectiveness of military chaplains. The aim of this study is to determine the institutions and administrative factors of ineffective work of military chaplains and to propose management solutions to overcome them. (shrink)

B a c k g r o u n d. This article presents the results of the study of the main essential features and problems of self-identification of philosophy in the context of modern intellectual culture in Ukraine. The purpose of the research is to analyze the discourse of self-identification, its features, specific features and structure. In conditions where the history of Ukrainian philosophy is thoroughly researched, the current state of intellectual culture and the place and role of philosophy (...) in it remain relevant. Among the Ukrainian philosophers who developed new narratives in Ukrainian philosophy, it is worth mentioning famous figures: M.V. Popovych, S.B. Krymskyi and V.S. Gorskyi, V.G. Tabachkovskyi, and others. M e t h o d s. The article uses a combination of historical-philosophical and general scientific methods, including content analysis of philosophical texts, critical discourse analysis, historical-comparative and descriptive methods. This methodology contributes to a comprehensive study of the role and self-identification in modern Ukrainian intellectual culture. R e s u l t s. The results demonstrate the dynamic interaction between the philosophical discourse and the intellectual culture of modern Ukraine. The article identifies the key themes and trends of self-identification in philosophy, focuses attention on the discourse of self-identification, its features, structure, and specific features. C o n c l u s i o n s. It was found that the discourse of self-identification of philosophy in Ukraine, in its modern intellectual culture, is a multifaceted and constant process, deeply connected with the intellectual and cultural development of the country. The peculiarities of the discourse, which are related to the iteration of the national philosophy, the influence of Ukrainian studies and the reinterpretation of the heritage, specific features are identified, the specific features of the discourse are analyzed, such as, for example, the three main worldview foundations of the discourse: neoarchaizing-postmodern Byzantine-"Kiev Russian" Christianity (S. Krymsky and V. Horskyi), analytical-philosophical (M. Popovych), philosophicalanthropological (V. Tabachkovsky), and three main levels of manifestation of the main features of the discourse are demonstrated: intergenerational, inter-institutional and international levels. The structure of the self-identification discourse of philosophy in modern Ukrainian culture is analyzed, three conditional levels of the structure are defined: 1. intergenerational, 2. inter-institutional, 3. international. The article notes that continued interaction with both Western and domestic philosophical traditions will be crucial for the future development of Ukrainian philosophy. (shrink)