Specifičnost današnjice je »kraj političkog«, pri čemu pojam demokracije i dalje predstavlja glavni zbirni termin za pružanje opsjene lažnih mogućnosti. Hannah Arendt ovdje je uzeta kao autor čiji pojam ‘djelovanje’ predstavlja odličan okvir onoga što bi ljudi u javnom području mogli zaista biti. U svezi toga, važne su njene analize kako se od početaka filozofije politike dogodilo reduciranje političkog odnosa na vladalački odnos. Također, njeno shvaćanje značaja slobode je u opoziciji spram tradicionalnog filozofskog ograničenja slobode na ‘unutrašnjost čovjeka’.Specificity (...) of present time is “the end of political”, where the term ‘democracy’ still represents the main collective term for making an illusion of false possibilities. Hannah Arendt is taken here as the author whose term ‘action’ represents what people in a public field could really be. Regarding that, her analysis about how did reduction of political relationship to the dynasty relationship happened, from the beginnings of philosophy of politics, is very important. Also, her understanding of the relevance of freedom is in opposition with traditional philosophical restriction of freedom to ‘human inside’. (shrink)

In the Statesman, Plato seems to be advocating that in the absence of a true king who will rule independently of laws, the next best thing as far as just rule is concerned is to ad here rigidly to existing laws, whatever they are. The rule of the true king is given as an example of virtuous rule in the sense that virtue politics or jurisprudence holds that laws cannot always deal justly with particular cases. But Plato’s view of what (...) we must do when there are no true kings forthcoming seems to preclude a virtue theoretical understanding of politics and laws. In this paper I will investigate the view that the image of the true king, who relies on written laws for convenience only, provides a model for a more realistic appeal to virtue in jurisprudence, that is, a respect of laws that is compatible with equity, in the sense understood by Aristotle.Čini se da Platon u Državniku zagovara shvaćanje prema kojemu u odsutnosti istinskog kralja koji će vladati neovisno o zakonima druga najbolja stvar, što se tiče pravedne vladavine, jest strogo pridržavanje postojećih zakona, što god oni bili. Uloga istinskog kralja navodi se kao primjer vrle vladavine u tom smislu što politika ili jurisprudencija koje se zasnivaju na vrlini drže da zakoni ne mogu uvijek pravedno izlaziti na kraj s pojedinačnim slučajevima. No čini se da Platonovo shvaćanje toga što moramo činiti kada ne postoje istinski kraljevi sprječava razumijevanje politike i zakonâ koje se zasniva na teoriji vrline. U ovom članku ispitujem shvaćanje prema kojemu slika istinskog kralja, koji se na pisane zakone oslanja samo iz praktičnih razloga, pruža model za realističnije pozivanje na vrlinu u jurisprudenciji, to jest poštivanje zakonâ koje je spojivo s nepristranošću u onom smislu u kojem to razumije Aristotel. (shrink)

In this paper we prove some results about the complexity of proofs. We consider proofs in Hilbert-style formal systems such as in [17]. Thus a proof is a sequence offormulas satisfying certain conditions. We can view the formulas as being strings of symbols; hence the whole proof is a string too. We consider the following measures of complexity of proofs: length , depth and number of steps For a particular formal system and a given formula A we consider the shortest (...) length of a proof of A , the minimal depth of a proof of A and the minimal number of steps in a proof of A . The main results are the following: a bound on the depth in terms of the number of steps: Theorem 2.2, a bound on the depth in terms of the length: Theorem 2.3, a bound on the length in terms of the number of steps for restricted systems: Theorem 3.1. These results are applied to obtain several corollaries. In particular we show: a bound on the number of steps in a cut-free proof, some speed-up results, bounds on the number of steps in proofs of Paris-Harrington sentences. Some papers related to our research are listed in the references. We were especially influenced by Parikh's paper [17] on the famous conjecture of Kreisel . Many important problems in this field remain open. We hope that our paper will contribute to progress in this area. It should be noted that some results of this paper can be equally well obtained using unification theory , by translating a complexity-of-proof problem into a unification problem. A unification algorithm solving the unification problem can then be constructed and the complexity of the unification algorithm analyzed. As pointed out by the referee this method can be used to solve the problem stated in Section 3 for some non-simple schematic systems. (shrink)

Compte-rendu: 'Albert Doja, Bektashism in Albania: political history of a religious movement, Tirana: AIIS] Press (English-Albanian Bilingual Reprint), 2008'.

This thesis explores the party system and political parties in the post-communist Albania. The overarching question of the thesis is what kind of party system has developed and what is the structure and organization of the Albanian political parties. The study analyses the period 1991-2013, that is the period between the first and the last general elections. I argue and test that the Albanian party system is stable and that the Albanian political parties are mass clientelist parties with deep territorial (...) penetration. The members of the parties have ceased to paly their traditional roles of the era of mass party and their attachment tot he party is not ideological but aims to ensure material benefits in return for the support provided to the party in elections times. As parties don't have many tools at hand they use their organizational structure to stabilize electorate, which explains the low level of electoral volatility in Albania and as consequence the stability of the party system. The thesis ahs an institutional embedded and a historically structured framework according to which party strategies are shaped by both the institutional context and the historical setting in which parties are created and operate. Following this line of reasoning, the weak societal roots of parties do not allow for party identification or voter alignment; the early access to public funding reduces the incentives of parties to create strong links with the members and society to collect financial resources and; in line with the features of the patrimonial communism which is characterized by clientelism and nepotism, the Albanian political parties develop the same relationships between the higher echelons of the party and the lower strata of the party structure. On the other hand the lack of media access in the early phase of organization and the need to stabilize the electorate, encourage the Albanian political parties to seek a deep territorial penetration which results in the creation of mass clientelist parties. In order to test the hypothesis I have undertaken three steps: a) the analyses of the Effective Number of Parties and Electoral Volatility; b) the internal distribution of power, the role of the membership and the relationship of the organization with society and; c) the identification of financial resources of the political parties. (shrink)

Prema Foucaultovom razumijevanju posve specifični, ali svakodnevni, kontekst čini da jezik, život i rad određuju bit modernoga čovjeka, a u konsekvencijama uvjeta tako shvaćene ontologije i »znanost o čovjeku«. Habermas će pak, posve se koncentrirajući na komunikativni potencijal jezika, shvatiti antropologiju svakodnevlja posve različito Foucaultovoj poststrukturalističkoj kritici metafizike i tradicionalnom poimanju uzročnosti, identiteta, subjekta i istine. Ovdje bismo otvorili debatu Foucault/Habermas da bismo ispitali u kojem je odnosu praksa svakodnevlja s jezikom. Tvrdimo da je veza jezika, epistemologije i društvenopolitičkoga svakodnevlja (...) temeljna kad je u pitanju teza da čovjek u političkom smislu postoji kao jezično biće. To ćemo pokušati utvrditi na nekim Habermasovim točkama racionalizacije društva i komunikativnosti za koja ćemo ponuditi i tri kritička mjesta: poststrukturalističko i postmoderno, feminističko, i mediološko.According to Foucault’s understanding quite specific but the everyday context makes it possible that language, life and work define the essence of modern man, and in consequences in terms of such understood ontology also the “science of man”. Habermas would, however, completely concentrating himself on the communicative potential of language understand the anthropology of everyday life quite different from Foucault’s poststructuralist critique of metaphysics and traditional notions of causality, identity, subject and truth. We would like to open the Foucault/Habermas debate in order to examine the relation between practice of everyday life and language. We claim that the relationship nature of language, epistemology and sociopolitical everyday life is fundamental when it comes to the thesis that in the political sense human exists as a linguistic being. We will try to determine that thesis with few points of Habermas’ rationalization of society and communication for which we offer three critical places: poststructuralist and postmodern, feminist, and perspective of mediology. (shrink)

Politik und Moral, von A. Rüstow.--Die Staatsverfassung als moralische Anstalt betrachtet, von A. Rüstow.--Macht und Moral, von M. J. Hillenbrand.--Ethik und Aussenpolitik, von F. A. Hermens.

Islam politik sejak peristiwa 11 September 2001 telah menjadi trend dalam wacana Islam kontemporer dan menjadi tema utama dalam ruang-ruang diskusi baik formal maupun informal. Tumpukan wacana Islam politik menyebabkan minimnya pemahaman atas historisitas yang panjang dari islamisme. Padahal dalam historisitas tersebut akan terlihat bahwa banyak pemikir-pemikir Muslim, selain Jamaluddin al-Afghani, Muhammad Abduh, Rasyid Ridha dan seterusnya, yang memikirkan tentang Islam politik. Salah satunya adalah Tan Malaka. Artikel ini mengkaji pemikiran Tan Malaka dalam konteks Islam politik. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode (...) penelitian filsafat dengan teknik studi historis-faktual tokoh yang berfokus pada pemikiran salah seorang filsuf atau tokoh, baik pada topik tertentu dalam karyanya, maupun dalam seluruh karyanya. Di samping itu juga digunakan konsep eksternalisasi sebagai pendekatan analisis. Hasilnya adalah bahwa Tan Malaka memikirkan Islam Politik dalam konteks gerakan Pan-Islamisme. Pan-Islamisme merupakan gerakan mempersatukan umat muslim di seluruh dunia untuk perjuangan kemerdekaan dari kolonialisme. Namun untuk mempersatukan umat Muslim diperlukan penyelesaian terhadap problem mistik dominasi kapitalisme. Tan Malaka mengatakan bahwa jika ingin mempersatukan umat muslim di dunia, maka harus melawan kapital dunia. (shrink)

The paper is an analytic retrospective of the author’s work during the preceding research period, involving the study of role, meaning and place of stereotypes in identity discourses. In order to explain the reasons for and ways of dealing with stereotypes, she reviews the evolution of her own research approach and the alternative approaches to the topic from the perspective of various scholarly disciplines. Seeking to avoid the trap of “interpreting stereotypes stereotypically”, the author chooses not to follow the usual (...) method whereby ethnic stereotypes are “deconstructed” as false and generalizing image of oneself and others, and exposed to social-psychological and political-anthropological critique. Instead, the author looks at stereotypes primarily in terms of their linguistic and social “semiotics” and their theoretical and practical usability. Stressing the necessity of relativizing the binary structure of discourse, the author argues that stereotypes, though indispensable as elements of the “economy” of language and thought, should be socially conceptualized and historicized in analysis. (shrink)

Sights of gothic cathedrals in Zygmunt Krasiński’s letters are proves of his great and deep fascination of medieval times. Following the examples of Goethe, Chateaubriand, and Friedrich he defines beauty of gothics churches. Such conact with a monumental architecture seems to be a pretext to estetic and philosophical reflections. Not only did he touch a matter of light in order to show the organic style of architecture, but also emphazised the importance of this case in creating a special style. View (...) of the church remains have got also some kind of a metaforic meaning fог the times that passed by and a symbol of previous generations. It makes us think about the significance of our life. (shrink)

Die „Politik“ des Aristoteles ist der Gründungstext der politischen Philosophie: die erste systematische Abhandlung über den Staat, seine Verfassung und seine ökonomischen Grundlagen. Nach einer Analyse des Begriffs der Herrschaft entfaltet Aristoteles die These, dass der Mensch von Natur aus ein politisches Lebewesen sei. Die staatliche Gemeinschaft wird als eine autarke Einheit verstanden, die das gute Leben ihrer Bürger ermöglichen soll. In Auseinandersetzung mit anderen theoretischen Entwürfen und der Vielfalt bestehender staatlicher Ordnungen untersucht Aristoteles ein weites Themenspektrum, das von Bürgertugenden (...) und Gesetzen über die Einrichtung, den Wandel und die Erhaltung von Verfassungen bis zum Entwurf eines Idealstaates reicht. Der kooperative Kommentar rekonstruiert in 12 Originalbeiträgen die Argumentation des vielschichtigen Textes, bettet die zentralen Fragen in den historischen und systematischen Zusammenhang ein und fordert dazu heraus, die Aristotelischen Lehrstücke kritisch weiterzudenken. (shrink)

Abstrak Arendt banyak dikenal, baik sebagai seorang ilmuwan politik, maupun seorang filsuf. Para sarjana mendiskusikan ide-idenya, beserta korespondensi ide-ide tersebut dengan situasi politik kontemporer; baik di Indonesia, maupun di tempat lain di dunia. Gagasan Arendt tentang banalitas kejahatan, tentang kekerasan dan tentang asal usul totalitarianisme telah mendorong penelitian dan analisis lebih lanjut tentang masalah fenomena populisme, intoleransi dan polarisasi politik di Indonesia kontemporer, serta di belahan dunia lainnya. Tulisan ini membahas korespondensi antara filsafat politik Arendtian dengan Pancasila dan Undang-Undang Dasar (...) Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945, beserta ragam interpretasi kontemporernya. Makalah ini akan signifikan dalam memperkuat pembentukan karakter bangsa dan persatuan nasional Indonesia, baik secara konseptual maupun praktis. Tulisan ini didasarkan pada penelitian konseptual dengan metode penelitian kualitatif. Tulisan ini diharapkan dapat menjawab permasalahan kebangkitan populisme, retorika politik intoleran dan polarisasi politik yang saat ini terjadi di tanah air. Kata Kunci: Demokrasi Pancasila; Filsafat Politik; Filsafat Politik Arendtian; Hannah Arendt. (shrink)

Alternative Fakten sind in der Politik nicht neu. Verfechter der Staatsräson betrachteten die Lüge seit jeher als legitimes Mittel des Machterhalts. Für ›Tatsachen‹ begannen Wissenschaft und Presse sich erst später – und mit unterschiedlich ausgeprägter Neugier – zu interessieren. Inzwischen kehrt sich gegen beide ein gezielt gesätes Misstrauen. Der Beitrag geht dem Kalkül hinter den Lügen und Wahrheitszweifeln in der aktuellen Politik nach und versucht die Frage zu beantworten, wo darin die Staatsvernunft weiter regiert und wo nicht. Alternative facts are (...) by no means a new phenomenon in politics. Guardians of public policy have always considered lies an appropriate means by which to conserve power. It was only much later that science and the press became interested in ›facts‹ – and they did so with quite different concepts of inquisitiveness. In the meantime both have acquired a mistrust which has been purposefully plantedand carefully cultivated. This article investigates the scheming behind the lies and doubts of truth in the current political landscape and tries to answer the question in which cases alternative facts can still be considered a means of reason of state and in which cases they cannot. (shrink)

Sosyo-politik gelişmişlik; toplumsal, ekonomik ve meka nsal o zellikler açısından; eg itim, sag lık, altyapı, iletişim, ulaşım, konut, çevre gibi temel hizmetlerin sunulma du zeyinin, asgari standartların u stu nde olması olarak tanımlanmaktadır. Sosyo-politik gelişmişlig e ilişkin deg erlendirmeleri o znel ve nesnel olarak iki grupta kategorize edebiliriz. Kişisel deg erlendirmeler temel alınarak gerçekleştirilen yaklaşımlar o znel yaklaşım, bilimsel açıdan o lçu lebilen veriler temel alınarak gerçekleştirilen yaklaşımlar nesnel yaklaşım olarak tanımlanmaktadır. Gelişmişlig in o lçu lmesine yo nelik gerçekleştirilen çalışmalarda (...) farklı sonuçlar elde edilse de o znel go stergelerin de gereklilig inin nesnel go stergelerden daha az olmaması yo nu nde go ru ş birlig i bulunmaktadır. Bu dog rultuda çalışmada uluslararası kuruluşlar, uluslararası şirketler ve ulusal kuruluşların sosyopolitik gelişmişlik o lçu mlerinde kullandıkları endeksler tanıtılmıştır. Endekslerin belirlenmesinde literatu r taraması yo ntemi kullanılmıştır. Sosyo-politik gelişmişlik kavramı altında deg erlendirilen çevre go stergeleri bu tu nleşik sosyal politika kapsamında incelenmiştir. (shrink)

War in der Antike noch der Dreiklang der praktischen Wissenschaften von Ethik, Politik und Ökonomik geläufig, so hat sich in der akademischen Philosophie innerhalb der praktischen Philosophie ein Schwerpunkt auf ethischen Fragestellungen herausgebildet, hinter dem die Politik und Ökonomie weitgehend zurücktreten. Der vorliegende Band stellt die antike Ökonomie und ihre Bezüge zu Politik und Ethik als Topoi der antiken praktischen Philosophie dar. Ein Schwerpunkt liegt dabei auf der ökonomischen Literatur (Oikonomika) antiker Autoren wie Xenophon oder (Pseudo-)Aristoteles. Beispielhafte Fragestellungen sind etwa (...) der Umgang mit Staatseinkünften (Xenophon), die Erwerbskunst (Platon), das Menschenbild (Aristoteles) oder die Frage nach äußerlichem Besitz und natürlicher Freiheit (Aristoteles). Der vorliegende Band dokumentiert die Ergebnisse eines Workshops, der im Rahmen des Arbeitskreises "Praktische Philosophie in der Antike" der GANPH in Basel Philosophen, Historiker und Philologen zusammengebracht hat. (shrink)

Ziel des PVS Sonderheftes ist es, die seit einiger Zeit boomende Konjunktur des Verantwortungsbegriffs zu reflektieren, die Relevanz dieses Begriffes zu analysieren und seinen Wandel angesichts gesellschaftlicher und technischer Veranderungen zu erfassen. Eines der wichtigsten Kriterien zur Beurteilung politischer Entscheidungen ist deren Verantwortlichkeit. Der Begriff der Verantwortung bezieht sich auf einen Rahmen normativer Erwartungen, die je nach Politikfeld starker rechtlich oder moralisch ausgepragt sind. Verantwortung bedeutet insbesondere, einem Akteur die Folgen seines Handels zuschreiben zu konnen. Ein Kernproblem aktueller Verantwortungskonzeptionen besteht (...) in der Diffusion von Verantwortung. Einerseits sind immer mehr Akteure an immer mehr Handlungszusammenhangen beteiligt, aber gleichzeitig sind immer weniger Akteure fur ihre Handlungsfolgen allein verantwortlich. Die Beitrage des Heftes diskutieren die Folgen dieser Dilemmata sowohl in ihren theoretischen Konsequenzen als auch empirisch anhand verschiedener Felder lokaler, nationaler und internationaler Politik. Der Band versammelt Expertinnen und Experten aus unterschiedlichen Disziplinen: von der Politikwissenschaft uber die Rechtswissenschaft bis hin zur Soziologie und Philosophie. (shrink)