Kurulduğu günden beri İslam hukukunu uygulayan Osmanlı devleti, süreç içerisinde zamanın gerektirdiği düzenlemeleri yapmaktan geri durmamıştır. Osmanlı’da İslam hukukçularının fıkıh usulünün esasları doğrultusunda şer‘î kaynaklara dayanarak ürettikleri hukuka şer‘î hukuk, devlet başkanlarının fermanlarıyla oluşup kanunnâme adıyla yürürlüğe giren hukuka da örfi hukuk adı verilmiştir. Osmanlı’da yerleşmiş bu kanunnâme geleneğine rağmen Tanzimat dönemine kadar bir hukuk dalının bütününü içine alan bir kanunlaştırma faaliyeti olmamıştır. Tanzimat’tan sonra bir taraftan şer‘î ve örfî hukuktan oluşan milli hukuk tedvin edilirken diğer taraftan bazı batılı kanunlar (...) iktibas edilmiştir. Böylece hukukta bir ikilik meydana gelmiş ve Türk hukuk tarihinde yeni bir dönem başlamıştır. Biz bu makalemizde bu dönemde hazırlanan Kânûn-ı Esâsî’yi kaynak açısından ele alıp inceleyeceğiz. Bu çalışma ile çoğunluk tarafından Türk hukukunda ilk yazılı anayasa olarak kabul edilen Kânûn-ı Esâsî’nin ne derece Milli/İslam hukuku kaynaklı olduğunu ortaya koymayı hedeflemekteyiz. Önce “Kânûn-ı Esâsî’nin Hazırlanması” başlığı altında hazırlık aşamasındaki fikri ve siyasi süreçleri, ilanı sırasındaki gelişmeleri, hukuki mahiyeti ve muhtevasının ne olduğunu ifade edeceğiz. Sonra da “Kânûn-ı Esâsî’nin Milli/İslam Hukuku Kaynaklı Oluşu Meselesi” başlığı altında hazırlık aşamasındaki tartışmaları, tasarılarda ve kabul edilen metinde ulemanın katkısının olup olmadığını ortaya koymaya çalışacağız. Sonuç olarak bu anayasada yeni bazı kural ve kurumlar ilave edilmekle birlikte Osmanlı Devleti’nin başından beri var olan siyasî ve hukukî yapısının temel esaslarıyla korunduğu görülmektedir diyebiliriz. Bu haliyle Kânûn-ı Esâsî’nin, sadece Milli/İslam hukuku kaynaklı olmayıp karma usulle hazırlandığını söyleyebiliriz. (shrink)

Altın, insanlık tarihinde uzun çağlar boyunca para olarak kullanılmıştır. Günümüz piyasalarında ise altının klasik fıkıh kitaplarında yer alan sarf akdine benzer yahut ondan çok daha farklı ve karmaşık mübadele işlemlerine konu olduğu görülmektedir. İşte bu noktada altınla ilgili günümüzdeki işlemlerin İslam hukuku açısından hangi kategoride, nasıl değerlendirileceği sorunu ve bu sorunun çözümü gündeme gelmektedir. Bu yazıda Yusuf Erdem Gezgin’in konuyla ilgili olarak kaleme aldığı “Finansal Piyasalarda Altın Mübadele İşlemleri İslam Hukuku Açısından Bir İnceleme” adlı eserinin tanıtımı yapılacaktır. Yazar, (...) literatüre kazandırdığı bu eserde finansal piyasalardaki altın işlemlerini ele almıştır. (shrink)

Bu çalışma İbn Kayyim’ın ilmi şahsiyetini ortaya koyan “İslam Aile Hukuku Bağlamında İbn Kayyim el-Cevziyye’nin Görüşleri” adlı kitabın incelemesini konu edinmektedir. Fatih Çinar tarafından kaleme alınan bu eser, Kitap Dünyası yayınları tarafından 2024 yılında basılmıştır. Aile hukuku gibi önemli bir alan üzerinden İbn Kayyim’ın görüşlerini ele alan kitap, genelde aile hukukuna katkı sağlarken özelde önemli bir alimin dağınık halde bulunan görüşlerini derli toplu bir şekilde sunmuştur. İbn Kayyim’ın ilmi kişiliğini de bu fıkhi görüşleri çerçevesinden ortaya koyan yazar ilim (...) dünyasına ve fıkıh literatürüne önemli bir katkıda bulunmuştur. (shrink)

Yavuz [Altıntaş], Miyase. İctihadın Modern Müslüman-Çoğunluklu Ülkelerin Aile Hukuku Reformlarındaki Rolü: Fas Örneği. Doktora Tezi, SOAS Londra Üniversitesi, Hukuk ve Sosyal Bilimler Fakültesi Hukuk Anabilim Dalı, İngiltere, 2018. Bu çalışmanın temel amacı ictihadın modern dönemdeki kavramsallaştırma ve hukuki temellendirmelerini analiz ederek İslam hukukunun modern Müslüman-çoğunluklu ülkelerde uygulanmasındaki rolünü araştırmaktır. Bu araştırmada ictihadın hukuk reformlarında neden ve nasıl kullanıldığı meselesinin yanı sıra uygulama esnasında hangi motivasyonlar, teknikler, formlar ve muhakeme usullerinin benimsendiği incelenmektedir. Aynı zamanda ictihadın birincil kaynaklara, yani Kur ’an (...) ve S ünnet ’e d önülerek mi yoksa klasik İslam hukuk bilimi içerisinde var olan hukuki görüşlerden seçmek suretiyle mi yapıldığı analiz edilmektedir. Son olarak klasik İslam hukuk teorisi kuralları ve prensiplerinin ne derece itibar gördüğü ve bunların günümüzde ictihad vasıtasıyla ger çekleştirilen reformlarda ne derece takip edildiği araştırılmaktadır. Tezin ana odak noktasını modern Müslüman-çoğunluklu ülkelerde İslam hukukunun en yaygın uygulanan yönü olması sebebiyle aile hukuku teşkil etmektedir. 2004 Fas Aile Kanunu reformlarıictihada dayanılarak uygulamaya konduğundan dolayı özellikle incelenmiştir. Tezin ana argümanı ictihadkavramının klasik ana akımdaki anlayıştan tanım, kapsam ve ictihadetme yetkisi açısından farklılık gösterse de modern dönemdeki ictihadkavramsallaştırmaları ve uygulamalarının İslam hukuku içerisinde yer alması gerektiğidir. Nitekim kavramsal bir analiz yapıldığında özellikle tarihi bağlamın sosyo-politik değişikliklerinin zemin hazırladığı çeşitli ictihadanlayışlarının ve uygulamalarının İslam hukuk tarihi içerisinde var olduğu görülmektedir. Modern dönem ictihaduygulamalarına bakıldığında çoğunun genel olarak klasik İslam hukuk teorisinin detaylı kural ve prensiplerini sıkı bir şekilde takip etmediği görülmektedir. Bununla birlikte bu uygulamalar hukuki temellendirmelerden mahrum değildir ve bazıları klasik İslam hukuk bilimi içerisinde kaynağını bulabilmektedir. Dahası bu uygulamalar iptidai de olsa meşru bir teorik çerçeve sunmaktadır. (shrink)

Sosyal bir varlık olarak yaratılan insan, toplumda başka insanlarla iletişim ve etkileşim halindedir. Alışveriş ve borç verme gibi ekonomik faaliyetleri de bu iletişimin bir parçasıdır. Tarih boyunca hukuk sistemleri bu faaliyetleri düzenleyen kurallar koymuş, emirler ve yasaklar vaz’etmiştir. Kaynağı vahiy olan ve bağlılarınca hala uygulanan İslam ve Yahudi Hukuk sistemlerinin karşılaştırıldığı çalışmalar dinler tarihi açısından yapılan çalışmalara oranla daha azdır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, bu alandaki çalışmalara bir nebze katkıda bulunmaktır. Her iki hukuk sisteminin karz akdi açısından benzer ve farklı yönleri (...) incelenmiştir. Aralarındaki benzerlikler ve farklılıklara değinilmiştir. İslam hukuku ve Yahudi hukukunun borç verme konusu ile ilgili hükümlerindeki benzerliklerin farklılıklardan daha çok olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Bu iki hukuk sisteminin kaynaklarının aynı olması benzerliğin en doğal sebebidir. Farklılıklar ise Yahudilerin hukuk ve zamanla değişen hayat şartları arasındaki uyumu sağlamak adına dinî kuralları değiştiren yorumlarından dolayıdır. (shrink)

İslam hukuk doktrininde bir fiilin veya sözün hükmünü belirleme noktasında kasıt esas alınır. Kasıt; hukuki işlemlerden elde edilmek istenen neticedir. Bununla birlikte mükellefin söz veya fiillerinin kasıt sonucu meydana gelmesi halinde söz ve fiillerine hüküm bağlanır. Bu takdirde bir akdin esasını onunla elde edilmek istenen hukuki neticeye yöneltilmiş olan tarafların kastı teşkil eder. İslam dini mükelleflerden bir davranışı ortaya koyduğu zaman bunun bilinçli olarak yapılmasını ve o işe kalben yönelmesini istemiştir. Dini emir ve yasakların tamamı bir maksadı gerçekleştirmek için vazedilmiştir. (...) Şari’in emir ve yasaklardaki maksadı da ya kulların maslahatını temin etmek yada onlardan bir mefsedeti gidermektir. Mükelleften istenen de bu maksat doğrultusunda hareket etmesi ve Şari’in maksadından başka bir şeyi kastetmemesidir. Hukuki tasarrufların geçerli olması noktasında bütün mezheplerin kasta önem verdikleri görülmektedir. (shrink)

Fas Ahvâl-i Şahsiyye Kanunu üzerinde 2004 yılında yapılan reformlarla birlikte Fas Aile Kanunu (Müdevveneh), İslam dünyasındaki en eşitlikçi kanunlardan biri olarak kabul edilmektedir. Söz konusu reformlar, Fas'ta onlarca yıldır devam eden uzun soluklu kamuoyu tartışmalarının bir ürünü olarak ortaya çıkmıştır. Ahmed el-Hamlîşî 1980'lerin başından itibaren bu tartışmalara aktif olarak katılmış ve Ahvâl-i Şahsiyye Kanunu'nun yoruma açık insan yapımı bir kanun olduğunu ve revizyonunun ictihad yoluyla yapılması gerektiğini savunmuştur. Kral 6. Muhammed tahta çıktıktan kısa bir süre sonra, 2001 yılında, Fas Ahvâl-i (...) Şahsiyye Kanunu'nda reform yapmak üzere Kraliyet Danışma Komisyonu'nu oluşturdu. Kral 6. Muhammed komisyonu, Şeriat'ın temel hedeflerini (makâsıdü'ş-Şeria) gözeterek ve aynı zamanda ictihad yoluyla zamanın ve toplumun ihtiyaçlarına cevap vererek Ahvâl-i Şahsiyye Kanunu’nda önemli değişiklikler yapmakla görevlendirdi. Bununla birlikte, komisyon üyelerini kamu yararını göz önünde bulundurmaya ve önerilen her türlü değişiklikte uzlaşma ve ılımlılık için çaba göstermeye teşvik etti. Komisyon üyeleri önerilen değişiklikler üzerinde yaklaşık iki buçuk yıl çalıştı ancak birçok konuda uzlaşmaya varamadı. Bu bağlamda, üyelerin komisyon içinde oluşan iki ana gruptan reformist ve gelenekçilerden birine, az ya da çok, meylettiği söylenebilir. Ahmed el-Hamlîşî, Kraliyet Danışma Komisyonu'nun üyelerinden biriydi. Komisyon üyeleri arasında reformist grubun değişiklik tekliflerini destekleyen ama aynı zamanda bunu gelenekçilerin benimsediği dili kullanarak yapan etkili ve önemli bir isim oldu. Nitekim, el-Hamlîşî İslam hukuku çerçevesi içinde kalan eleştirel ama ılımlı görüşleriyle aile hukukunun reformunu talep eden gruplar için bir referans noktası haline geldi. Bu çalışmada, Ahmed el-Hamlîşî’nin fıkhi temellendirme ve delillendirme açısından Fas 2004 aile hukuku reformlarının arkasındaki isim olduğu savunulmaktadır. Veri analizi yönteminin uygulandığı bu çalışmada, öncelikli olarak Hamlîşî'nin eserleri, çeşitli mecralardaki mülakatları ve konuşmaları kullanılmıştır. Hamlîşî’nin anlayışındaki farklılık ve benzerlikleri ortaya çıkarmak için literatüre başvurulmuş ve benzer görüşlerle karşılaştırmalar yapılmıştır. Fas Ahvâl-i Şahsiyye Kanunu’nun reformuna dair kısa bir arka plan açıklamasının ardından bu makale, Hamlîşî'nin metin ve bağlam arasındaki arabulucu rolünü, aile hukuku reformları tartışmasındaki yerini ve dolayısıyla Şeriat-devlet ilişkileri konusundaki duruşunu incelemektedir. Daha sonra, ictihad kapısının kapanması meselesi, müctehid olabilmenin şartları, müctehidin nitelikleri ve Kraliyet Danışma Komisyonu tarafından uygulandığı şekliyle kolektif ictihad türü (cemâʿî ictihad) hakkındaki görüşlerine atıfla Hamlîşî’nin ictihad anlayışına odaklanılmaktadır. Son olarak, Hamlîşî'nin akıl yürütme yöntemi ve ortaya koyduğu gerekçeler aile hukuku ile ilgili meseleler örnekliğinde gösterilmektedir. (shrink)

Çocuk evliliği, tarih boyunca farklı toplumlarda bilinen ve uygulanan sosyal bir olgu olsa da son zamanlarda, modern duyarlılıkları giderek daha fazla rahatsız eden bir hal almıştır. Son iki asır öncesine kadar, Avrupa hukuki düşüncesinde çocuklar yargı önünde farklı bir muamele görmelerine imkan veren istisnai bir statüye sahip değildi. Diğer taraftan, İslam hukukunun çocuklara, özel bir hukuki statü kazandırma konusunda bazı öncü adımlar attığını söyleyebiliriz. Nitekim, en eski İslam hukuku kitaplarının bile, insanın fiziksel ve zihinsel gelişim aşamalarına ve her bir (...) aşamada ortaya çıkan hukuki hükümlere dair son derece teknik ayrıntılarla dolu olduğunu görebiliriz. Ancak çocuk hakları konusundaki bu erken farkındalığa rağmen, çocuk evliliği olgusu hem İslam toplumlarında hem de İslam hukukunda kendini gösterebilmiştir. Çünkü, İslam çocuk hukuku, ilk ortaya çıktığı dönemin kültürel şartlarından ciddi şekilde etkilenmiştir. Üstelik bu kültürel şartlar, İslam dünyası boyunca İslam çocuk hukukunun temel zemini olma işlevini sürdüre gelmiştir. Bu çalışma, alimlerin çocuk evliliğini delillendirmek üzere yapageldikleri bazı aşırı yorumları ortaya koymaya ve konuyla ilgili âyetleri metinsel bağlamıyla daha uyumlu bir şekilde okumaya çalışmaktadır.Özet: Her bağlam için geçerli olabilecek, standart bir çocuk tanımı yapmak göründüğünden daha güçtür. Bu nedenle çocuk araştırmaları sahasında çalışan akademisyenlerin, muhtelif sosyal disiplinler tarafından yapılacak herhangi bir çocuk tarifi konusunda memnuniyetsizlik içinde olması doğaldır. Diğer yandan, İslam hukukunda baştan beri ayrıntılı bir çocuk hukuku teorisi mevcuttur. İslam hukuk düşüncesinde, insanlar doğum ile yetişkinlik arasındaki gelişim döneminde üç aşamadan geçerler: Çocukluk (küçüklük), buluğ ve rüşt. Bütün fıkıh mezhepleri, insanın doğumu ile ergenliği arasındaki dönemde küçük çocuk sayılacağı kanaatindedirler. Bu çocukların mallarının en iyi şekilde idare edilebilmesi için yasal temsilcileri bulunmak zorundadır. Fakîhler çocuğun velisinin, özellikle de baba veya baba tarafından dedenin, velâyeti altındaki küçük çocuklar üzerinde mücbir bir yetkisi olduğu (velâyet-i mücbire) konusunda geniş bir fikir birliğine sahiptirler. Buna göre veliler, velâyetleri altında bulunan çocukları uygun gördükleri kişilerle evlendirme yetkisine de sahiptirler. Fakat zaman zaman beşik kertmesi olarak da anılan bu uygulama bir ön sözleşmeden ibarettir. Yani bu sözleşme doğrudan doğruya fiziksel boyutları da olan müşterek bir evlilik hayatını meşru kılmamaktadır. Çünkü cinsel hayatın ancak buluğdan sonra gerçekleşmesi ön görülmektedir. Modernite öncesi İslam tarihi boyunca, İbn Şubrume (ö. 144/761), Ebû Bekr el-Esamm (ö. 200/816) ve Osman el-Bettî (ö. 143/760) gibi bir kaç fakih dışında küçük çocukların evlenmesine kategorik olarak karşı çıkan kimselere pek rast gelinmemektedir.Hanefi mezhebinde, herhangi bir zihinsel özrü olmaksızın buluğa eren erkek ve kız çocuklar evlilik konusunda mücbir velâyetin kapsamı dışına çıkarlar. Bu, evlilik sözleşmelerini bizzat gerçekleştirebilecekleri anlamına gelmektedir. Fakat veli, uygunsuz bulduğu evliliğe karşı dava açarak bunu yargı yoluyla geçersiz kılma yoluna gidebilir. Diğer üç Sunnî mezhep ise erkek ve kız çocuklar arasında bir ayrım yapar: Buluğa eren erkek kendi evlilik akdini yapabilme hakkını elde ederken aynı durumdaki kız çocuklar velâyet altında kalmaya devam ederler. Şâfiʿî mezhebine göre, velâyeti gerekli kılan illet (bekaret) hâlâ geçerliliğini korumaktadır. Dolayısıyla veli, kızları evlendirme konusundaki icbâri yetkisini elinde tutmaya devam etmektedir. Bu durumda kızın rızasının alınması, akdin geçerliliği için şart olmaktan ziyade sadece nezaket gereğidir. Rüşte ulaşmak veya fizyolojik olgunlaşma sürecini tamamlamak ise İslam hukukunda evlilik için şart görülmemiştir.Modern zamanlara kadar geleneksel İslam hukukunun erken evlilik lehinde gösterdiği bu yaklaşımda herhangi bir değişiklik olmamıştır. 1917 yılında çıkan Hukuk-ı Aile Kararnamesi daha önce benzeri görülmemiş bir dizi düzenleme getirmiştir: İlk olarak, evlilik yaşı erkek için on sekiz kız için ise on yedi olarak belirlenmiştir. On sekiz yaşın altındaki erkeklerin hakimden evlenme izni alması; on yedi yaşından küçük kızların ise hem veli onayı hem de hakim iznine sahip olması zorunlu hale getirilmiştir. On iki yaşın altındaki erkekler ile dokuz yaşından küçük kızların ise asla evlendirilemeyeceği kararlaştırılmıştır.Mantıkî bağlam ve sentaktik yapı elverişli olmamasına rağmen fakihler çocuk evliliğini desteklemek üzere bazı Kur’ân âyetlerine (Nisâ 4/3-6, Nisâ 4/127, Talâk 65/4) referansta bulunmuşlardır. Makale içeriğinde detaylı şekilde açıklandığı üzere zorlama yorumlamalarda bulunmuşlardır. Bu makale, söz konusu âyetlere daha tutarlı bir yorum getirmeye çalışmaktadır. Aynı şekilde, Kur’an’ın çocuk evliliğini kolaylaştırıcı bir tavır içerisinde olmadığını, çocukların evlendirilebilmesi yönündeki yaklaşımların tarihsel ve kültürel şartlara bağlı olarak yapılan bazı zorlama yorumlara dayandığını ileri sürmektedir.Hz. ʿÂişe’nin Hz. Peygamber ile oldukça erken bir yaşta evlendiğine dair nakledilen rivâyet de konuyla ilgili olarak ileri sürülen başka bir argümandır. Bu rivâyetin sahih olduğuna inanılmaktadır. Buna rağmen ilginç bir şekilde bu rivâyet çok az fakih tarafından kullanılmıştır. Bunun sebebi, fakîhlerin Hz. Peygamberin mahremiyetinden bahsetmek istememeleri olabilir. Rivâyetin hücciyeti konusuna kuşkuya kapılmış olmaları da mümkündür. Söz konusu rivâyete daha yakından bakıldığında, ifadedeki menfi üslup hemen dikkat çekmektedir. Çünkü rivâyette Hz. ʿÂişe, Hz. Peygamberle evlendiği günü anlatırken sürekli olarak fizyolojik ve psikolojik açıdan olumsuz koşullardan bahsetmektedir. Nitekim Hz. ʿÂişe birden bire oynamakta olduğu salıncaktan alınmakta ve kendisinin de bilmediği bir yere doğru götürülmektedir. Rivâyet, sadece çocuk evliliğinin cevazını ortaya koymakla yetinmemekte, sanki aynı zamanda çocukların uygunsuz koşullardaki evlilik taleplerine bile itaatkar olmaları gerektiğini salık vermektedir. İçerik yanında teknik olarak bakıldığında bu rivâyet, haber-i vâhiddir. Çünkü rivâyet, sadece Hz. ʿÂişe tarafından bilinebilecek detayları içermektedir. Tarihî açıdan bir öneme sahip olmasına rağmen dinî hükümlere kanıt olma niteliğinden yoksundur. Çünkü bu rivâyette, râvi konuyla ilgili Hz. Peygamber’e ait resmi bir açıklamayı nakletmemekte; sadece kendi zaviyesinden maruz kaldığı bir durumdan bahsetmektedir. (shrink)

The subject of general utterances (al-lafdh al-āmm) being certain or presumptive in their usage as an indication to all their members is controversial amongst the methodists. Ḥanafī methodists suggest that the indication of general utterances to all of their members as certain and unless they are specified with a certain evidence, they can’t be specified with a presumptive evidence. Like the ḥanafī methodists, the ẓāhirī methodists also suggest that the general utterance is certain indicant for all of its members and (...) can be specified only with another evidence in the same rank. The main difference between the two groups focuses on whether al-khabar al-wāhid (single prophetic narration) is a certain or a presumptive evidence in terms of certitude. According to ḥanafīs, al-khabar al-wāhid is a presumptive evidence and unless the general utterances in Qur’ān are specified initially with another certain evidence, they can’t be specified with al-khabar al-wāhid. However, al-khabar al-wāhid is a certain evidence according to ẓāhirīs and it can specify general utterances in Qur’ān. In this study, the comparison of the views of the methodists of two schools regarding the indication of general utterances in Quran and their specification (takhsīs) with al-akhbar al-wāhid is made and their influence on Islamic Law regulations is studied afterwards. In this study, the two sect’s approaches are compared over the provision of reading al-Fatehah during prayer, the number of milk sucking to establish the kinship, the rights of women divorced with bain talaq and the execution of the death penalty in the Harem region.Summary: The purpose of this study is to try to demonstrate that an assertion in the Ph.D. thesis, The History and Doctrine of Ẓāhirī Madhhab, completed by Amr Osman in 2010 is incorrect. It can be summarized that in his study, Amr Osman claims that the affiliation of the schools to ahl-al-hadith and ahl-al-ra’y in conventional classification is wrong. According to him, contrary to what is known, the School of Ẓāhiriyya is closer to School of Ḥanafiyya rather than schools coming out of ahl-al-hadith. In this study, one of the arguments that he relied on to support his claim is studied in order to prove that his claim was inaccurate. Osman claims that ẓāhirīs are closer to ḥanifīs, based on the view that in both schools the general utterances embrace all of their members in their usage and they are a certain indicant to all of their members. At this stage, although the views of both schools are common, the ḥanifīs don’t accept the idea that the general statements of Qur’ān can be established with al-khabar-al-wāhid, those which they acknowledge as presumptive as of certitude. However, according to the ẓāhirīs, the certitude of al-khabar al-wāhid is as precise as the narrated report, so it can specify the general statements of Qur’ān which are in equal power. The related dispute between the schools has been reflected on many Islamic law regulations. Some of them are:1. Ḥanafīs state that the correct Quranic prayer may be performed by reading any or a few verses of the Qur’ān in prayer, which is a practice based on the verse “Read what you can read from the Qur’ān now”. On the other hand, the ẓāhirīs have established the related order based on the report “There is no prayer without reading Umm Al-Quran (Surah al-Fatehah)” and it is obligatory (fardh) to read Surah al-Fatehah in prayers.2. Because that the terms milk-mother and milk sister are in general form in the verse “It is forbidden to you to marry these people...Your milk-mothers who nursed you, your milk-sisters who nursed you” the ḥanafīs clarify that it is sufficient for a child to breastfeed only one time in order to form a milk-kinship. They do not act in accordance with the solitary report (al-khabar-al-wāhids) which indicate that the milk kinship specifying the verse shall only be formed with at least three or five breastfeeding. However, one of the ẓāhirīs, Dāwūd al-Ẓāhirī, has specified the verse with the report indicating that the kinship shall not be formed with less than three breastfeeding by the child, and Ibn Ḥazm has specified it with Salim hadith which indicates that the kinship shall be formed with five breastfeeding.3. According to ḥanafīs, there is an alimony and inhabiting right of the widow woman to be procured by the husband within the period of delay who divorced her either with irreversible divorce (talāq al-bāin) or reversible divorce (talāq al-ric‘ī) according to the generalization of the verse “Give shelter to them (the women you have divorced) in some part of your household within your capacity.” They did not act with the report of Fātima binti Qays, who specified the generalization of the verse. On the other hand, the ẓāhirīs recognize the abovementioned rights only for the women who got divorced with irreversible divorce or the ones who are pregnant, specifying the verse with the report indicating that His Holiness the Prophet does not grant alimony and inhabiting to the woman who was divorced with reversible divorce.4. According to ḥanafīs, the criminal who committed a crime that would require a death penalty and took refuge in the Harem region could not be executed while in Ḥarem, according to the common statement of the verse, “Whoever enters there, will be safe.” Dāwūd al-Ẓāhirī, one of the ẓāhirīs has specified the verse with the report indicating that His Holiness the Prophet has authorized the execution of the sentence to Ibn Khattal in Ḥarem on the day of the conquering of Mecca and he states that the death sentence can be executed wherever the criminal is caught, even if it is inside the Harem. Ibn Ḥazm shares the same view with ḥanafīs regarding the provision of this issue. However, the reason for his opinion stems from the fact that the report about Ibn Khattal was an event specific to that day. As it is seen, even though the ḥanefīs and ẓāhirīs share the same opinion about the general utterances being a certain indicant to all their members, they have disagreements upon the argument about the general utterances of Quran being specified by al-khabar al-wāhid and many Islamic Law regulations have been issued by these schools based on such disagreements. According to us, in the final analysis, Amr Osman’s claim must be met with caution. (shrink)

Yazar bu eserde, Osmanlı Aile Hukuku’nun kaynağını, uygulama örneklerini ve dönüşüm serüvenini, farklı şehirlerdeki mahkeme sicillerinden hareketle ele almaktadır. İslam aile hukukunun, özel de Hanefî mezhebinin Osmanlı imparatorluğundaki pratik uygulamalarının sicillere yansıyan somut tarafının örneklerini aksettirmektedir. Genel itibariyle fıkıh kaynaklarındaki görüşlerle uygulamanın problemsizdir. Ancak, bazı ihtilaflı konularda Hanefî mezhebine ait furû kaynaklardaki görüşler uygulamada sıkıntıya sebep olmuştur. Devlet erki, sıkıntılı durumları bertaraf etmek için Şeyhülislam’ın talebiyle kanunnâme, adâletnâme ve fermanlarla devreye girerek çare aradığı açıklanmıştır. İslam Aile Hukuku’nun uygulamasıyla (...) ilgili olarak bu kayıtların yanında Osmanlı ülkesinde bulunmuş seyyah, elçi ve araştırmacılarında gözlem ve notları aktarılmış. Özellikle çelişki akseden kısımlarına vurgu yapılmıştır. Konu kitapta, Klasik Dönem ve Tanzimat Sonrası Osmanlı Aile Hukuku olarak iki bölüme ayrılarak incelenmiştir. İkinci bölüm içerisinde yer alan Hukûk-ı Aile Kararnamesi’nin hazırlanmasıyla İslam/Osmanlı aile hukukunda dört mezhebin görüşlerine yer verilerek radikal bir değişikliğe gidildiği belirtilmiştir. (shrink)

Hukuk düzeninin kişiye bahşettiği haklar, iktisadi değer taşıması yönünden “malvarlığı hakkı” ve “şahıs varlığı hakkı” şeklinde esaslı bir ayrıma tabi tutularak incelenmektedir. İktisadi değer taşıyor olması yönüyle şahıs varlığı haklarından farklılaşan malvarlığı hakları, herkese karşı ileri sürülebiliyor olması durumunda “mutlak”, yalnızca borçlu namındaki yükümlüye karşı ileri sürülebiliyor olması halinde ise “nisbî” şeklinde nitelenir. Mutlak mamelek hakları somut bir kütleye sahip olan (cismanî) bir konu üzerine kuruluysa aynî hak adını alır. Aynî haklar, nisbî özellik taşıyan ve dolayısıyla belirli bir şahsın edimi (...) sayesinde ve ancak onun aracılığıyla kullanılan alacak haklarıyla birlikte malvarlığının iki önemli bileşenini oluşturur. Tarihsel süreçte bu iki hak türünü birbirine yaklaştırmaya yönelik çeşitli teşebbüslerde bulunulmuşsa da bu haklar gerek mahiyet gerek hüküm itibariyle farklı kabul edilmeye devam etmiştir. Söz konusu farklılık, hakkın konusu üzerindeki hakimiyetin şekli yani doğrudan veya dolaylı olması bakımından, bahse konu hakların eşyanın aidiyetine etkisi açısından, hakkın mutlak veya nisbî olması cihetinden, sürekli olup olmama yönünden ve makalede etraflıca ele alınacağı üzere öncelik/üstünlük itibariyle ortaya çıkmaktadır. Kara Avrupası hukuk sistemine ait olan bu kavramsal kurgu ve terimlerin muadillerine veya benzerlerine İslam hukuk doktrini içerisinde de rastlanmaktadır. Bu kapsamda fıkıh literatüründe malvarlığı haklarının tümüne şamil olacak şekilde “milk” terimi kullanılmış, hakkın konu edindiği varlığın niteliğine göre de “milkü’l-ayn”, “milkü’l-menfaa”, “milkü’d-deyn”, “milkü’l-habs ve’l-yed” gibi terimler geliştirilmiştir. İnsanlar arasındaki hukuki menfaatlerin karşı karşıya geldiği bazı durumlarda bu iki hak türü arasında tercih yapmak gerekebilmektedir. Bu tarz bir tercih durumunda aynî haklara, ihtiva ettiği yetkiler dikkate alınarak şahsî haklar karşısında bir tür öncelik tanınmıştır. Söz konusu önceliğin en belirgin şekilde görüldüğü yerlerden biri de kiraya verilen malın kira akdi devam ettiği sırada üçüncü kişilere devredilmesidir. Bu noktada İslam hukukunda kira akdinin kişiye kazandırdığı yetkiler Kara Avrupası hukuk sistemine göre farklılık arz eder. Makalede kiracının bu hakkının İslam hukukuna göre -Kara Avrupası hukuk sisteminden farklı olarak- aynî nitelikte kabul edildiği savunulmaktadır. Bunu temellendirmek için kiralanan malın kira müddeti içerisinde üçüncü şahıslara satılması, kiralanması veya gasp gibi haksız fiil şeklinde yorumlanabilecek yollarla intikal etmesi halinde fıkıh doktrininde kiracıya tanınan yetkiler incelenmiş İslam hukukunun bu hususlardaki özgün yaklaşımı klasik ve modern fıkıh eserleri dikkate alınarak, Türk hukukuyla da kıyaslamalar yapmak suretiyle ifade edilmiştir. (shrink)

Carrying out analyses performed on the provisions of “Pre-Islamic Divine Laws”, which is described as the religious provisions introduced by the prophets before Prophet Muhammad is one of the questions of debate in Shafiī Sect. The reason laying out of this controversy is based on the question, whether the provisions enunciated via the prophets before the Prophet Muhammad are recognized within the legal aspect, or not. On the other hand, there is no controversy between the procedural, on non-binding for Muslims, (...) about of the previous divine communiqués, which are not mentioned in the Qur’ānor the sunnah, and previous divine messages with evidence that they were abolished despite their presence in these two sources. In the same way, there is no debate about the fact that the provisions of the previous divine religions that were in force for Muslims, such as fasting, also remained in force for Muslims. In this case, with taking part in the Qur’ān or the sunnah, the provisions that there is no evidence about whether they abolished or not, it is debated that they are for Muslims binding or not.In this study, our objective is to carry out analyses and researches on the methodological conceptions of Imam Shafiī and Shafiī lawmen with regards to Pre-Islamic Divine Laws, which have no evidence for being retained in force or being abolished for Muslims despite being mentioned in the Qur’ān or the sunnah, as well as on the level of theoretical conceptions of these scribes being put into practice within the scope of fiqh examples.SummaryIt is a must to identify the scope of Pre-Islamic Divine Laws (Sharia Man Qablanā) [shariah of those before us], which is discussed in terms of being recognized as a shariah evidence by the Shafiī lawmen before analzying the opinions of Shafiī Sect followers. Yet, setting forth the opinions in a healthy manner is based on the identification of the question of debate. Within this context, it is a must to draw up the lines and borders in what the Shafiī lawmen / lawyer and canonists / judiciary mean by the term “Pre-Islamic Divine Laws (Sharia Man Qablanā)” in order to designate the practical results of methodological discussions on Pre-Islamic Divine Laws.Sharia Man Qablanā, of which lexical meaning is “shariah of those before us” is defined in fiqh as follows: “These are the religious provisions acquainted by the prophets before Prophet Muhammad”. In fact, this definition can be categorized as “general” in terms of the evidential value of Sharia Man Qablanā. In that, since it is not possible to carry out an analysis on the reliability of the informational value in the previous divine notices, which cannot be conferred neither in the Holy Qur’ān and the sunnah, each and every lawmen and canonists, including those recognizing Sharia Man Qablanā as hujjat (proof), have come to an agreement that the early divine notices that are not mentioned in the Holy Qur’ān and sunnah will not be recognized in terms of its informational value for Muslims, thus being besides the mark to discuss its validity and bindingness. In this case, the outlines of Sharia Man Qablanā, as controversial in terms of its hujjat value, must be specified. Belonging the earlier divine religions as per the works of lawmen, Sharia Man Qablanā is subjected to a categorization of four part with regard to provisions mentioned in the Holy Qur’ān or the sunnah, whether they are recognized as hujjat by Muslims. 1. The provisions that are not mentioned in the Holy Qur’ān or the sunnah, yet being mentioned only in the earlier monotheistic revelations. The fiqh lawmen have come to an agreement that these provisions are not binding for Muslims, and even that it is not permissible to act in accordance with these provisions. Because, there is no certain information on whether these provisions are reliable.2. The earlier divine notices, which have been proven to be nullified for Muslims, despite being mentioned in the Holy Qur’ān or the sunnah. Since these divine notices have lost their validity, there is a consensus among Muslims that they are not recognized as hujjat. The following hadith is shown as an example as of from the sunnah for this part “Pillage was not halal to those before me, but not it is halal to me” (Muslim, “Masājid”, 56). In that, this hadith indicates that prohibition with regards to the pillage, which was not permissible to the earlier ummahs (nations), is not recognized by Muslims. Thus, rendering pillage as not halal cannot be attributed to Muslims. 3. The provisions of earlier divine religions, which remained in force about Muslims. The canonists exemplify this matter with “fasting”. It can be understood from the verse “O ye who believe! Fasting is prescribed to you as it was prescribed to those before you, that ye may (learn) self-restraint.” (al-Baqara 2/183) that the fasting was a provision as prescribed for the earlier ummahs, which remained in force for Muslims as well. There is no controversy on the matter that fasting is prescribed for Muslims too, as it can be clearly seen from the verse. The hadith of the Prophet Muhammad “It (sacrificing an animal for God) is the sunnah from your Ancestor Ibrahim” (Ibn Majah, “Adāhi”, 3) can be shown as an example that sacrificing an animal for god is applicable to Muslims as well. As a matter of fact, this hadith attests that sacrificing an animal for god is applicable to Muslims, as it is in the religion of the Prophet Ibrahim. 4. The provisions from earlier divine religions, which have no evidence whether they were revoked or remaimed in force for Muslims. The canonists cannot find any evidence for the provisions with regards to the alternative utilization of something between the partners to be recognized as applicable for Muslims within the scope of the following verses: “Here is a she-camel: she has a right of watering, and ye have a right of watering, (severally) on a day appointed” (al-Shu‘ara 26/155) and “And tell them that the water is to be divided between them: Each one's right to drink being brought forward (by suitable turns)” (al-Qamar 54/28). Similarly, there is no evidence that the provisions concerning the retailation, as prescribed in Torah, whether they remained in force or were revoked, as it can be seen in the verse “We ordained therein for them: "Life for life, eye for eye, nose or nose, ear for ear, tooth for tooth, and wounds equal for equal” (al-Ma’ida 5/45). (shrink)

Nasların sınırlı, olayların ise sınırsız olması nedeniyle gün geçtikçe fıkıhla ilgili birçok meselede İslam hukuk felsefesi ve mantığı gündeme gelmektedir. Burada tanıtımı yapılacak çalışma da bu konuyu ele almaktadır. İslam hukuk felsefesi ve mantığı başlığı altında mevcut hükümlerin geçmişteki sosyal çevre ve düşünce biçimlerinin ürünü olduğuna dikkat çekilen bu çalışmada Arap toplumunun vahiyle ilişkisi incelenmektedir. Bu çerçevede çalışmanın amacı, İslam hukukundaki hükümlerin oluşumunda beşerî unsurun etkisini tespit ederek vahyin özüyle ilişkili hükümlerin ve beşerî faktörün etkin olduğu hususların birbirinden ayrılması gerekliliğine (...) dikkat çekilmesidir. Böylelikle fıkhın yeniden inşasında vahyin özüyle ilişkili bir temel oluşturma iddiası çalışmanın temel tezini oluşturmaktadır. (shrink)

Basic characteristic of Islamic heritage law, principally it has accepted the two-to-one ratio between the male and the female children/siblings in division of heritage. In Islamic inheritance law, the main/basic reason why the share of the male is twice the share of the female is no “value” judgments given to female/women in creation and gender in Islam, on the contrary, are real realities related with the roles and financial obligations that man and woman have undertaken, in other words, related with (...) “socio-economic structure/fact” in the family and society structure foreseen by Islam. As a matter of fact, “need principle” is based on in division and succession of heritageand a fair arrangement has been made in accordance with the rights and responsibilities of the husband and wife in Islamic Law. In some classical tafsīr books, the concept of “degree” in the verse “... Men have a degree (right) over women” (Al-Baqara 2/228) mentioning the mutual rights and responsibilities of women and men; and the expression of “lil al-dhakari mithlu haẓẓ al-unthayain” in the verse –the inheritance of man is the share of two women– (Al-Nisā 4/11) mentioning the inheritance shares of boys and girls is interpreted against the woman by disregarding the intended purpose and socio-economic contexts of these verses. As a result of this interpretation, the share of men in inheritance is twice the share of women in Islamic law is ontologically (existential/creation) based on a justification that “man is superior to woman”. In this article/study, an analyticallook atthe interpretations in some classical tafsīr books on the axis of “daraja/degree” and “lil al-dhakari mithlu haẓẓ al-unthayain” that today sheds light on the sociological-historical background of depriving the daughter from the heritage will be made. Summary: Just as there is no way to determine a person’s sex, it is not either possible by reason to have such an opportunity. - With the possibility of medical intervention nowadays - sex is determined by the discretion of the Supreme Creator rather than will. Indeed, it is mentioned in the Qur’ān: To Allah belongs the dominion of the heavens and the earth; He creates what he wills. He gives to whom He wills female [children], and He gives to whom He wills males (Al-Shūrā 42/49.)In addition to human biological sex, there is also social gender. Indeed, the term “sex” refers to being biologically female or male, while the term "gender" refers to the social and cultural identity of a woman or man, or the social roles that occur in the historical process.Accordingly, while it is not possible to determine biological sex (in normal circumstances in advance), determining gender is shaped by the cultural will of individuals and societies. As a matter of fact, gender is shaped according to the religions, customs and cultures of the societies and it shows differences according to time, culture and family structure. In this context, in the pre-Islamic Arab society, the gender of the girl or the woman was shaped by the custom of the ritual and customs. Indeed, it is a known fact that during the period of Jahiliyyah, in terms of social gender, the girl/woman has been deprived of many social and economic rights, especially heritage. The Qur’ān has brought the girls who, in the period of Jahiliyyah, were oppressed in terms of gender, deprived of many social and economical rights, treated as second class human, embarrassed of themselves and buried alive, to the same position as man. In this context, as it is in every field in the direction of social structure and social conditions of that day, also in the field of inheritance law, a number of regulations were made in the Qur’ān and the Sunnah being the main sources of Islam. The divisions of the inheritance were connected with religious and legal rules and the shares of the inheritance of the sons and daughters were determined by naṣṣ (verses and hadiths).However, in Islamic inheritance law, as a requirement of the structure of family and society accepted by Islam, in principle, “two-to-one” measures have been adopted between male and female children. As a matter of fact, in this aspect, it is mentioned in the Qur’ān: Allah instructs you concerning your children: for the male, what is equal to the share of two females (Al-Nisā 4/11.)On one hand, the principle that Islamic law brings between boys and girls; Seems to be an inequality in terms of the arrangement in which "the inheritance share of the male child is twice the share of the female child", while on the other hand, within the border of in the family foreseen by Islam, this regulation has not been seen as an injustice and inequity by Muslim societies, because in Islamic family law, a man is obliged to ensure the livelihood of the family after marriage. He is also obliged to give his wife her mahr when marrying.In Islamic inheritance law, “necessity principle” is taken as the basis of responsibility that women and man have undertaken in family and society. Therefore, even though giving nothing at all to those who are not in need and giving less to those who are in less need, giving too much to those who are in much need might seem contrary to the principle of equality, it is a necessity of the principle of justice and fairness. As a matter of fact, while "law equality, necessity in sharing" principle, law is arranged according to people's qualifications, goods and wealth sharing is divided according to the needs of people. In this context, there has been a fair division in Islamic heritage law based on the necessity, (distributive) justice and fairness principle. Indeed, the French philosopher Roger Garaudy (1913-2012), who chose /converted to Islam, evaluates the following about the proportion of male child in the Qur'an to that of female child: “When we consider that in the Arab society all the obligations of the family and of the care of the parents and of all the things that we call ‘social security’ today are put on the shoulders of the husband, the hereditary male child's share must be twice as high as the female child’s is”.As Garaudy argues, the difference in the inheritance of women and men in Islamic inheritance law is not a legal discrimination/inequality, but a form of divisiveness stemming from a need based on the role and responsibility that women and men have undertaken in the family and society. Therefore, giving nothing to those who need nothing, giving little to those who need little, and giving a lot to those who need a lot,even though may seem contradictious to the principle of equality, it becomes a necessity of equity and (distributive) justice principle. In this case, in Islamic inheritance law, the basic reason why the share of the male child is twice the share of the female child, is social and economic reasons and it is possible to rank them as follows:1) According to Islamic law, women are not obliged to make their own economic livelihoods. The woman’s economic responsibility belongs to her father or brothers before marriage, and then to her husband after marriage. 2) When a woman is married she is not responsible for herself or other family members’ livelihood. The male is obliged to make a living for himself, his wife and his children.3) While married, the male is obliged to give the wife mahr. The woman has no such responsibility.As it is understood from the above explanations, in Islamic inheritance law, the basic reason why the share of the male child is twice the share of the female child is not about the ontologically “value” based on creation and sex given to the woman (girl child) in Islam. On the contrary, it is the real facts concerning the family and society structure that Islam predicts, the roles and financial obligations that man and woman have undertaken, namely “socio-economic structure/fact”.In some commentaries in classical commentary books, the rights and responsibilities of women and men are referred to, like: the word “degree” mentioned in: …but the men have a degree over them [in responsibility and authority (Al-Baqara 2/228), and the talk about the inheritance shares of boys and girls in: for the male, what is equal to the share of two females (Al-Nisā 4/11). Eventually, the concepts “lil al-dhakari mithlu haẓẓ al-unthayain” have been associated with the gender of the woman/girl child ontologically (based on social fact) by ignoring the referent purpose and socio-economic contexts of these verses. As a result of these interpretations, it was desired that the Islamic law principle of inheritance share of male child being twice the share of female child, ontologically, should be based on a justification that “man is superior to woman”.In this study, some of the era’s dominant culture classical interpretations grounding women's inheritances share on her gender and based on the axis of the concepts of "degree" and “lil al-dhakari mithlu haẓẓ al-unthayain” in the related verses of the Qur'ān will be elaborated. (shrink)

Polygyny, the marriage of a man with more than one woman at the same time is a well-known practiced in human history. Islamic law accepts the institution of polygyny as a substitute provision if it fulfills the certain conditions and reasons, -and limited the maximum number of wives to four. Although polygyny is mubah (permissible) in Islamic law, it is not an absolute right that every man can use arbitrarily. Thus in Islamic law, the legitimacy of polygyny has been attributed (...) to the presence of two basic conditions: the observance of justice among co-wives and providing maintnance. However, the observance of these conditions that is left to the mercy of men leads to the exploitation of the right for practicing to polygyny and victimization of the first spouse. Therefore, inserting some restrictions for using this right has come to the agenda from time to time in Islamic legal history. The first legal arrangements concerning the restriction of the polygyny (taaddud al-zawjāt) in the history of Islamic law were indirectly made with the Family Law Decree of 1917 which was prepared in the last periods of the Ottoman Empire. Among the late Islamic jurists, the issue of the limitation of polygyny by public authority in Islamic law continues to be discussed. The civil laws of contemporary Muslim countries contain different regulations on the issue. In this article, the restriction of polygyny by the public authority in Islamic family law will be focused on.Summary: Polygyny, the marriage of a man with more than one woman at the same time is a well-known practiced in human history. Islamic law accepts the institution of polygyny as a substitute provision if it fulfills the certain conditions and reasons, and limited the maximum number of wives to four. Thus, relevant verses in the Qur’an (al-Nisa 4/3, 129) and the Prophet’s own practice (al-Ahzab 33/50, 51, 59 al-Tahrim 66 / 3-5) show that it is legitimate for a man to marry more than one woman (up to four) at the same time in Islamic law. Although polygyny is legally permissible (mubah) in Islamic law it is not an absolute right that every man can arbitrarily use. Thus in Islamic law, the legitimacy of polygyny has been attributed to the presence of two basic conditions: the observance of justice among co-wives and providing maintenance. On the other hand, there may be some exceptional circumstances permitting polygyny in Islamic law. For example, when female population is much more than male in the society and when a, woman is can not fulfill her family duties due to her cureless illness, polygyny is permitted in Islamic law.As it can be understood from the explanations above, polygyny in Islamic law is not a general and mandatory provision that should be applied by every man who has legal capacity to marry. On the contrary, it is an exceptional provision that is justified if there are certain conditions and justifications. According to this; polygyny is a moral and legal institution that is made up of mutual consent based on individual and social conditions and needs in Islamic law. Therefore, men do not have to marry a second woman on their current wives, as well as women have the right to say “no” to marry a married man as a second wife.When the conditions and rationales indicated in the relevant verses and doctrine are evaluated together, it can be said that in order to be able to legitimize the polygyny in Islamic law, there must be three basic conditions:(1) Observing justice among spouses, (2) Having sufficient financial power to provide maintenance for spouses, (3) Existence of individual or social need or necessity.Therefore, in order to prevent the exploitation of polygyny, which is justified under certain conditions and justifications in Islamic law, the above-mentioned conditions must be fulfilled. Otherwise, polygyny can cause some problems, unrest and injustice for individual, family and society. Hence, in the presence of certain conditions and justifications, polygyny accepted in Islamic law as a moral and legal institution aiming the elimination of individual and social arbitration.Although the legitimacy of polygyny in Islamic law depends on the existence of certain conditions and special circumstances, it is a known fact that they are not always observed in practice. It can be said that the right of polygyny is a subject of abuse in practice. Therefore, the limitation of polygyny by the public authority has come to the fore in Islamic legal history. Today, control of the public authority and inserting some restrictions of polygyny continue to be discussed among the Islamic jurists. In the past, it is possible to say that the control of the exercising of this right has been done relatively by society (social environment). However, nowadays, since the society cannot perform the control mechanism, it is brought up by the state (public authority) on behalf of the society.Among the contemporary Islamic jurists regarding the supervision or limitation of polygyny by the public authority; there are two approaches: “those who accept” and “those who do not accept” such restrictions.Islamic jurists, who accept that public authority is allowed to intervene in polygyny, grounded their views on two perspectives: The first is that the polygyny is legally permissible and the public authority has the authority to limit the permissible (mubah) in Islamic law. The second is that polygyny is restricted with the conditions in the Qur’anic verses such as “husband’s observation supervision of justice among his wives” and “having the power for ensuring the livelihood (nafaqa) of his wives” and it is more appropriate for the benefit of society and the purpose of the legislator (Shari’) to be subject to the control of the public authority whether these conditions are present or not. Islamic jurists, who do not agree that the public authority has the right to intervene in polygyny grounded their views on two perspectives as well: First, polygyny is a legitimate right mentioned in the verses in Islamic law and there is no definite proof that this can be prohibited or restricted by the public authority. Secondly, it is contrary to the verses to prohibit or limit the right that the Qur’an makes legitimate (free).Thus, it is possible to say that the opinion which accepts that the public authority has to limit polygyny is more accurate in terms today’s social conditions. Namely, polygyny is linked to two basic conditions: ”husband’s observance of justice among his wives and having the power to provide maintenance for his wives. Therefore, supervision of the public authority on checking the existence of these conditions is more appropriate for the purpose of the legislator (Shari legitimizing polygyny and social benefit.In fact, the Ottoman Family Law Decree of 1917 indirectly limited the right of the husband to marry more than one woman, giving the woman right to stipulate a condition in her marriage contract that her husband not to marry a second woman. In the 1924 Draft of Family Law Decree, which was prepared after the repeal of the Family Law Decree of 1917, but not enacted, it was proposed that the application of polygyny should be presented to the approval judge.In today’-s Muslim countries, there are three different practices: namely “completely prohibiting polygyny”, ”releasing polygyny” and “giving the court the right to monitor the existence of necessary conditions “. In countries such as Morocco, Algeria, Iraq, Syria, Indonesia, Malaysia (and Pakistan), the validity of polygyny depends on the permission and supervision of the judiciary. Some of these countries which have accepted judicial review have given the judicial control for the requirement of justice, some of them the conditions of justice and maintenance some of them for the conditions of justice, maintenance and a legitimate justification.In sum, in accordance with the provisions of the relevant verses, polygyny in Islamic law is legitimately permissible (mubah). However, the public authority has the right and authority to limit the mubah in Islamic law in the case of the elimination of damage and the necessity of the public interest. On the other hand, the public authority has the right and authority to enact the law in Islamic law by preferring one of the existing ijtihads that meet the needs of the society and conforms to the conditions of the age.According to this, when the public authority made a statutory regulation that links the use of right of polygyny to the permission of the judge, this regulation is binding on society.Therefore, in the event of such a legal arrangement, it is possible for the public authority to allow the men who comply with the conditions and not to allow the ones who are not to comply with the conditions after conducting the necessary investigation. As a matter of fact, now Family Laws of many Muslim countries now include such legal arrangements. It is also worth mentioning here that there may be a necessity for a man to marry more than one woman (up to four) at the same time in terms of social benefits, when the population of male and female in a society is excessively disproportionate. In such circumstances, it is also possible that the public authority encourages, or even mandates, the marriage of men who have fulfilled the conditions to more than one woman. (shrink)

The judgeship is one of the oldest professions in history. In the Hebrews, which is a divinely based legal system, judgeship arised and practiced both by the Torah and later by the contributions of jurists. In the Torah, which is the main source of Hebrew law, it is mentioned that the other prophets and Moses were authorized both as rulers and judges. Moreover, judges are ordered to make fair judgments on the basis of protecting the weak and prohibited of bribery. (...) We see that there are similar or even the same provisions in Islamic law. In Islamic law, it is seen that both the previous prophets and the last prophet Muhammad have the powers as prophet, ruler and judge. Moreover, in the Qur'an, judges are ordered to make judgments fairly, avoid bribery and without favoring any litigants. In this study, the rules of ancient Hebrew law and the Islamic law will be compared. Since the subject is limited to judges and courts, first the status and appointment of judges will be explained, then the courts and the trial procedure will be compared, and afterwards the responsibilities of judges and the qualifications required to be appointed as a judge will be discussed. In this respect, the rules in Hebrew law will be compared with Islamic law only in the light of the information given, and the more detailed rules in Islamic law will not be cited because they don’t have equivalents in Hebrew law. (shrink)

İnsanların günlük hayatlarında en çok kullandıkları muamelelerden biri olan alış veriş, toplumların örflerine göre çeşitlilik göstermiştir. Bu sebeple klasik füru fıkıh eserlerinde akitlerin çok bilinenlerine yer verilmiş, diğerleri için de genel şartları sağlaması kaydıyla caiz olabileceği kanaatine varılmıştır. Bununla beraber mezheplerin nasları anlama yöntemleri ve örfi uygulamaları değerlendirme biçimleri, akitlerin sıhhatini değerlendirmelerinde de ektili olmuştur. Mahiyeti itibariyle değişik formları bulunmasıyla birlikte kısaca, ürünün peyderpey alınıp ücretin ürünün tüketilmesinden sonra ödenmesinin taahhüt edilmesi şeklinde tarif edilen isticrâr akdi, İslam hukuk ekolleri tarafından (...) tartışılmıştır. Bu tartışmalar genellikle akdin sıhhat ve kuruluş unsurlarını taşıyıp taşımaması etrafında gerçekleşirken Hanefi fukahası, isticrâr yoluyla yapılan alışveriş işlemlerinin insanlar tarafından sıkça yapıldığını göz önünde bulundurarak bu akdin istihsan yoluyla caiz görülmesi gerektiği kanaatine varmışlardır. Diğer mezheplerde de bu akde benzer gerekçelerle olumlu yaklaşımların bulunduğunu görmekteyiz. Bu çalışmamızda günümüz kırsal kesimde uygulanan ve özellikle finans dünyasında uygulanmaya başlanan ve aynı isimle literatüre girer isticrâr akdini, mezheplerin görüşleri bağlamında değerlendirmeye çalışacağız. (shrink)

Cinsiyet gelişim bozukluklarını/CGB (hermafroditizm/interseksüalite/hünsâlık) İslamî biyoetiğe göre inceleyen bu makale, merkeze İslam hukukunu konumlandırarak CGB’li bireyler için dü-zenlenen dinî normların ardında yatan etik değerleri yansıtmaktadır. Makale, İslam hukukunda erken dönemlerden itibaren cinsiyet gelişim bozukluklarıyla ilgili normlar düzenlenirken etik değerlerin de dikkate alındığını iddia eder. Bu bağlamda makalenin kategorizasyonunda tarihsel ayrım tercih edilerek klasik dönemlerden çağdaş dönemlere İslam hukukçularının cinsiyet gelişim bozuklukları konusunda dikkate aldıkları etik değerler vurgulanmıştır. Sonuç olarak klasik İslam hukukunda cinsiyet gelişim bozukluklarına etik yaklaşımın daha çok insan onurunun (...) gözetilmesi ve mahremiyetin korunması amacıyla olası psikolojik komplikasyonların engellenmesi bağlamında şekillendiği saptanmıştır. Zamanla yaşanan tıbbî gelişmeler, CGB’li bireylerin bedenlerinden karşı cinse ait dokuları uzaklaştırma imkanı tanıyınca İslamî etik değerlerde bir kırılma yaşanmıştır. Klasik dönemlerde, olası psikolojik komplikasyonların engellenmesi şeklinde gelişen etik yaklaşım, cinsiyet düzeltme operasyonlarının hükmü, helal olması halinde delilleri, dinî meşruiyet parametreleri ve aydınlatılmış onam doktrini gibi daha çok CGB için tıbbî bakım standartları geliştirmeye evrilmiştir. (shrink)

İslâm hukuku, gelişmiş bir hukuk teorisine sahiptir. Edille-i erbaa’nın yanında yorum ve akıl yürütmeye dayalı birçok hüküm elde etme teorisi türetilmiştir. Bunların mahiyeti ve nasıl kullanılacağı İslâm hukukçuları tarafından süreç içerisinde geliştirilmiştir. İslâm hukukçuları, hüküm elde etme yöntemlerinin gerek yanlış kullanımı gerekse bu yöntemlerin kapsamının genişletilmesiyle ortaya çıkan problemli sonuçların düzeltilmesinde bazı ilimlerden ve tekniklerinden yararlanmışlardır. Disiplinler arası bu çalışmalarla özellikle kıyas işlemine ve illete yöneltilen eleştirilerin doğru bir şekilde tespit edilmesi amaçlanmıştır. Bu eleştiri ve itirazların (...) haklı bir nedene ve delile dayanıp dayanmadığını ortaya koyma noktasında istifade edilen ilimlerden biri de münâzaradır. İslâm ilim geleneğinde fıkıh ve kelamla birlikte müstakil bir ilim haline gelen münâzara, mezheplerin teşekkül ettiği dönemlerde oluşmaya başlamıştır. Daha çok fıkıhta kendisine pratik alan bulan münâzara, özellikle usûl-i fıkhın önemli bir bölümü oluşturan kıyasın yorumlanmasına etki etmiş ve hatta istidlâl yöntemleri arasına olduğu varsayılmıştır. Usûl-i fıkıhta pek çok münâzara yönteminden istifade edilmiştir. Bunlardan biri de fesâdü’l-vaz‘dır. En çok kullanılan tanımıyla fesâdü’l-vaz‘, bir illete o illetin gerektirdiği şeyin zıddı olan bir hükmün bağlanması şeklinde tarif edilmektedir. Bu ise illeti bütünüyle geçersiz kılan bir durumdur. Fesâdü’l-vaz‘da, mu‘teriz istidlâlde bulunana, bu yönteme mahsus itirazları yönelterek kıyasın hatalı olduğunu ispat etmeye çalışmaktadır. Fesâdü’l-vaz‘, kıyas kurgusunun temeline yöneltilen bir itiraz türü olduğundan usûlcüler tarafından illete yöneltilen kuvvetli itiraz türlerinden biri olarak kabul edilmiştir. Bununla birlikte bu itiraz türünün hangi illete yöneltilebileceği hususu İslâm hukukçuları arasında tartışılmıştır. Hanefîler fesâdü’l-vaz‘ı sahih bir itiraz yöntemi olarak kabul ederler ancak bununla müessir illete itirazda bulunulamayacağını düşünürler. Zira Hanefîler’e göre müessir vasfın doğruluğu Kitap, sünnet ve icmâ ile ortaya konulmuştur. Bu delillerin fasit vasıf üreteceği düşünülemez. Şâfiîler’e göre ise fesâdü’l-vaz‘ ile her türlü illete ve hükme itiraz edilebilir. Hatta bazı Şâfiî hukukçuları, bu yöntemin kıyasa mahsus olmayan genel bir itiraz türü olduğunu düşünmektedirler. Mezheplerin hem kıyasın şartlarına hem de fesâdü’l-vaz’ın mahiyetine yükledikleri bu farklı yorumlardan dolayı fürû meselelerde farklı sonuçlar ortaya çıkabilmektedir. Bu çalışmada İslâm hukuk usûlünde kıyas işlemine yöneltilen bir itiraz türü olarak fesâdü’l-vaz‘ incelenmiş ve mukayeseli fürû örnekler tespit edilerek fesâdü’l-vaz‘ın mahiyeti ortaya çıkarılmaya çalışılmıştır. Böylelikle, İslâm’da hukuk mantığında önemli bir yere sahip olan ve kıyas adı altında toplanması mümkün olan hukukî akıl yürütme yöntemlerinin çeşitliliğinin tespit ve tahlil edilmesi hedeflenmiştir. (shrink)

Almost every state has its own legal system and there is a legal system in accordance with the social norms of the state. However, although states have autonomy with their own legal systems, the legal system of each state unites under larger legal systems. From this point of view, three major legal systems can be accepted; Anglo-Saxon Legal System (English Legal System, Common Law), Continental European Legal System (Legal system of European states based on Roman law), Social Legal System on (...) which Russian Federation is based. Apart from these systems, there is also an Islamic legal system with its unique structure. The reason why the Islamic legal system is unique is that it is based on both religious and rational sources. In general, the case-based method is used in the Anglo-Saxon Legal System, and the rule-based method is used in the Continental European Legal System. Which one of these two method used by Islamic law which takes its source from Qur’an and hadith well? Or is it use both methods? Our aim in this study, in addition to analysing the operation of these two methods in Islamic law from a logical point of view, is to analyse the integration of the rule-based method into the case-based method and the case-based method with the rule-based method. With this research it is to provide a logical proposal to extend the intended use of analogy in Islamic law. As a matter of fact, we think that different branches of science should come together in order to produce new suggestions in this field. (shrink)

In society, people need some properties themselves (the same) or for their own benefits. According to Islamic law, while people acquire the same properties they need through a bay' (sale) contract, they gain access to the benefits of the properties as a means of contracts such as idjâra (rent) or âriyya (lending). Muslims must conclude all kinds of contracts in accordance with the principles and conditions determined within the framework of the Quran and Sunnah. Otherwise, the contracts will be invalid (...) or void. In terms of Islamic law, in a sales contract, the location which subjects to the contract must be existing, and possible to deliver. Since the sale of something that does not exist is prohibited, such a sales contract is void. However, some types of contracts, including the idjâra contract, are exempt from this rule based on some special evidence. Because the idjâra contract, which has been implemented since the time of legislation, is a mandatory need in human life, and also occupies an important place. For this reason, according to some jurists, the idjâra contract was not considered within the scope of the sale of the non-existent through istihsân, contrary to the general rule, and was accepted as legitimate on the grounds of istihsân. The fact that the İdjâra contract is established in a way that is contrary to analogy does not make it possible to compare other contracts with this contract. Since the contract of idjâra is one of the most frequently referred contracts after the contract of sale, it has been discussed in all its aspects by Islamic jurists and examined under separate headings. In this context, the impact of natural disasters on the idjâra contract has not been disregarded. In principle, a rent contract duly established with its provisions and conditions, as well as a sales contract, is binding on both parties. However, in unforeseen circumstances, especially during unexpected disasters, legal problems such as continuation of the rent contract, benefiting from the benefit of the rented property and refund of the paid fee arise. In our study, first of all, after briefly presenting what natural disasters mean in Islamic law literature, the nature of the idjâra contract will be focused on, and then only the consequences of natural disasters on the rent contract will be detailed. As a result, in such disasters cause partial or total loss to the rented property, the possibility of continuation of the contract and the responsibilities of the parties will be revealed. (shrink)

As a fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) term, the concept of “ignorance” ex-presses uncertainties in legal transactions and, in Islamic law, is accepted as a situation that negatively impacts the legitimacy of contracts. If the sale is deferred, clarification of the delivery time of the price to be paid for the goods sold, the number of installments, etc. during the contract is considered essential for the validity of the transactions in order not to damage the principle of mutual consent in purchase and (...) sale transactions and to avoid conflicts between the parties. However, not every uncertainty is considered an obstacle to the validity of the contract, and minor uncertainties that do not lead to disputes are tolerated. The fiqh sources of four Islamic sects contain many examples of these uncertainties. This study firstly examines the effect of ignorance on the validity of purchasing contracts in Islamic law using the issues in classical fiqh sources and then analyses the housing sales contract of TOKI’s (housing development administration of Turkey) “my first house social housing project” in this context from a fiqh perspective. In addition, the study addresses the related housing sales contract in terms of the juristic preference method by considering the aspect of meeting an important need of society and realizing the purpose of this project. Then, while evaluating the issue from a juris-prudential point of view, the study discusses that the absolute and strict interpretation of the rule of “ignorance renders the contract void,” which is adopted by ignoring the public interest, does not produce favorable results. (shrink)

The focus of this study is to explore the impact of transformation from living as a community and perceiving cooperation as a responsibility to meet each other’s needs to individualized society of the modern life due to the capitalist market system on religious obligations with economic implications through emerging institution in the modern period. This study will first analyze how the proxy-embeddedness has led to a transformation in the society from the perspective of Islamic economics under four categories: (1) the (...) weakening of Muslims’ relations with their relatives and neighbours; (2) Equalization of worship for different purposes on a common denominator; (3) Lack of social awareness due to deprivation of the experience of performing worship personally; and (4) the prioritization of those capable of being productive over unproductive people in terms of being beneficiaries of zakat or other types of benefits. Worships such as zakāt and sacrifice are among the acts of worshipping that enable wealthy Muslims to help those in need financially. Although the transfer of material resources to the needy people through modern institutions ensures the fulfilment of worship, through which principles and objectives this transfer is carried out are also important. Significant transformations are observed in the way these worships are performed compared to the pre-modern period, as institutions that carry out zakāt and sacrificial meat collection and distribution activities in line with capitalist principles such as low transaction costs and efficiency. First, it is expected from a Muslim to be aware of the social environment he/she is in, be aware of the needy, and maintain social relations within this awareness. All kinds of charity and financial aid at the level of individual relations, especially zakāt and sacrifice, ensure the continuation of this awareness. If Muslims perform these worships and charity activities through institutions, the awareness of one’s environment will weaken. A second transformation is to make these worships indistinguishable from each other by equating them to the common denominator of paying money. This situation leads to the equalization of worship at the material level and causes the differences to be invisible for Muslims who perform the worship. A third transformation is that the realization of worship by institutions through the proxy system causes Muslims to be deprived of the experience of performing worship individually. While these prayers are performed through institutions in an efficient and low-cost way, the only thing expected from Muslims is to make the necessary payment through the bank. In this case, the spiritual contributions expected to be realized during the fulfilment of the worship decrease. Finally, we see that some institutions utilize capitalist principles and goals to decide who should receive financial aid. For this reason, people who can become a productive factor due to the help they receive are prioritized over others. There is a rational choice behind this decision mechanism: It is aimed to reduce the number of needy people in society by transforming zakat recipients into zakāt payers. On the other hand, Islamic sources do not consider such a priority among those who deserve to receive zakāt. Moreover, this situation will lead to the permanent postponement of people who are not included as a productive factor in the capitalist system but in need. In the second part of the study, an analysis of the agency (vekalet) system, which allows individuals to transfer some of their responsibilities to private institutions to spend time more efficiently, is conducted through the example of nursing houses. Another example of the fulfilment of zakat and sacrifice through the proxies given to institutions is that Muslims fulfil their responsibilities towards their relatives through institutions such as nursing houses. The reason for such a need arises from the fact that people, who take place as human capital in the capitalist system, are required to spend their time to improve themselves, get new education and gain more experience, instead of spending their time taking care of their relatives so that the production process can continue to grow. Although this type of service contract is formally valid in terms of Islamic law when evaluated in terms of the bond that Islamic morality envisages to be established between Muslims and their relatives and the protection of this bond, institutions such as nursing houses can lead to the commodification of family ties due to the transfer of responsibilities to relatives in return for a service fee. (shrink)

Futures contracts in agricultural commodities are an agreement to buy or sell a predetermined amount of agricultural commodities (such as wheat, corn, cotton, soybeans, live pork, live cattle, cocoa, etc.) at a specific price depending on the price on a specific date in the future. Futures contracts in agricultural commodities are carried out under “commodity futures contracts” on the futures exchange. These contracts are executed in two ways in terms of the delivery of the contract subject; physical delivery and cash (...) settlement. In the physical delivery, the underlying asset is physically received at the end of maturity. In our country, physical delivery method is used in futures contracts made on commodities. In the second contract method that results in cash settlement, there is no physical delivery of the underlying asset at the end of maturity. The transaction takes place over the settlement price at the end of maturity. Futures contracts in agricultural commodities can be analyzed in two categories in terms of Islamic law. First, within the scope of sales where both the goods and the price are on credit; the second is a combined contract that includes a promise to sell and a contract of sale when due. It is more convenient to analyze in the former because the agricultural commodities in the warehouse are kept ready to be delivered when due and the commodities price is also delivered on time. In this category, it resembles the sale of a credit on credit, which is prohibited in Islamic law. We can see that there are five parties within the exchange organization regarding the futures contracts in agricultural commodities; futures and options exchange, clearing house, brokerage houses, market participants, supervisory institutions. When the transactions of the related parties are examined in terms of legal capacity and power of representation; it is observed that brokerage houses transacting on behalf of sellers and customers operate by proxy. On the other hand, the Exchange, the Clearinghouse (Takasbank) and the custody warehouse within the scope of the exchange system; carries out transactions on behalf of the parties both as a proxy and a guarantor. Therefore, this futures transaction has the nature of containing more than one contract. When analyzed in terms of the establishment of the contract; if there are agricultural commodities that are considered as legitimate property of the Islamic law (mütekavvim), there is no objection regarding the parties and the offer-acceptance. In addition the delivery time of the commodity subject to the contract must be equal to the amount sold and the amount in the warehouse, which is guaranteed to be in the warehouse. In terms of invalid condition, one-sided benefit causing conflict for the parties contains something prohibited by the legal order. It is seen that it does not contain conditions contrary to the content of the contract and established practices. However, except for the condition that the collateral is retained with interest income in direct proportion to the period of stay in the Clearinghouse (Takasbank), in order to obtain the highest return. In terms of enforcement conditions, after the approval of the buyer and seller, transactions are carried out within the exchange system without asking for the right and approval of another person. Therefore, this contract can be considered as a running contract. In terms of the bindingness of this contract; at first glance, it can be seen as a mutual promise and non-obligatory promise based on the fact that the commodity and its price are not cash. But when the subject is examined in depth, it turns out to be a different situation. Because both parties are under mutual obligation by paying the guarantee stipulated by the Exchange, one party is obliged to deliver the commodity on time and the other party to deliver the price. In addition, the contract does not allow the parties to imagine the right. So, this contract can be considered as an obligatory contract. However, based on the current functioning futures contracts in agricultural commodities as a whole, it is considered unappropriate to Islamic law. In this study, first, the nature of futures contracts in agricultural commodities that are not deemed suitable for Islamic law in its current form are determined. Then, an analysis from the point of view of Islamic law was made and some offers were made for a model that was reconfigurated according to Islamic law. (shrink)

Women are more visible in economic and public life than before. This visibility has led to a change in the social perspective towards women in recent centuries. Some provisions regarding women, which are generally accepted in classical fiqh teachings, have started to be discussed again. It has also started to be seen that the existence of different perspectives has emerged within these discussions. The issue of the amount of the victim's diya, which is included in the field of Islamic criminal (...) law, is one of the issues that has been discussed on a different ground recently in this context. The view that the diya penalty of a woman is half of that of a man has been generally accepted and practiced since the early periods of Islam. However, the issue, which has come to the agenda again with the conferences and articles written recently, has formed the basis of heated disputes. Considering the importance of the legal aspect of the subject, it is aimed to deal with the issue in detail in this study. Then, the evidences of the critical view that "the diya of a woman is the same as that of a man" will be explained. Finally, the points of disagreement on the subject will be determined, and a result will be tried to be reached by considering the opinions and evidences mentioned in the general framework. (shrink)

The Build-Operate-Transfer (BOT) model is a financing model used especially in the financing of infrastructure projects in developing countries. It is one of the most common methods used by the countries to provide non-budgetary financing. The fact that becoming popular in the world as of the 20th Century, this model started to be implemented in the Islamic countries created the need for examining the model in terms of Islamic law. No substantive studies have been conducted on this matter in Turkey. (...) In the Arab world, the first significant development in this regard was the 23rd Term meeting of Al Baraka Group organized in Mecca in November 2002. Next, the Islamic Fiqh Community, which operates under the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, organized a meeting about the BOT model in 2009. At this meeting, ten experts from different countries presented papers on the BOT model, and a final declaration was announced at the end of the meeting. After this meeting, some independent studies were carried out on the BOT model. However, it was observed that these efforts did not reach a sufficient level, and generally remained within the framework of the papers presented at the meeting. The BOT model is a model that takes place in the form of the transfer of the facility to the relevant public institution or organization free of charge at the end of the period after the depreciation and profit of the invested capital are realized. All expenses are covered by the private enterprise. The public service or activity is operated for a certain period of time by the private enterprise. It was observed that the studies on the BOT model in Turkey mainly dated back to the last quarter of the Twentieth Century. In this context, the Law No. 3996 about the BOT model was enacted on 08 June 1994 in Turkey. Today, the BOT model is actively used in many areas, and the delivery of the service begins after the projects are completed. The BOT model has three main successive stages. In the first stage, the project is completed with the financing of OGS. In the second stage, the operating right of this project would be awarded to the investor in accordance with the contract. In the third stage, the ownership of the facility would be transferred to the relevant public institution. The BOT model was discussed in terms of Islamic law, firstly in general and then in terms of the interests and convictions. The BOT model contains many interests in terms of both the state and the society. In addition, it has certain disadvantages. There are many reasons and aims in selecting the BOT model. The most important of these reasons is the continuation of the projects and the required work without imposing a burden on the public budget. Islamic law has a structure that prioritizes public interest. In this context, the state must observe the public interest in its operations. In the BOT model, the existence of public interest is particularly notable with the projects implemented in the fields of hospitals, roads, bridges, airports and etc. Islamic jurists have different opinions regarding the contracts administered in the BOT model. Some of them consider this model as a new contract that does not exist in the tradition, while others compare it to a traditional contract. The analogies of the traditional contract have been compared to leasing, payment, foundation, fief, corporate (with partnership) and exception contracts. Others, on the other hand, considered the BOT model as an atramentous contract combining several different contracts. It seems difficult to argue that the BOT model is completely similar to any of the classical fiqh contracts. However, as a result of the BOT model, it is considered an agreement with a company to conclude a contract; therefore there is a more prominent similarity to an exception contract. Nonetheless, it is not possible to say that the BOT model fully complies with the traditional exception contract. As a matter of fact, while there is no time determination in the exception contract, the time is determined in the BOT model. In the exception contract, while the material must be completely covered by the private sector, in the BOT model, issues such as the right to land and building construction are covered by the employer. In addition, the classical exception contract does not contain many contracts as in the BOT model; and it is an agreement in which the fee is presented and terminated after the order is placed. Nonetheless, the BOT contract includes three basic contracts (construction-operation-transfer) as well as many contracts related to these contracts. Finally, considering that the BOT model was a contract, the issues in the context of the basic elements that should be included in a contract were discussed in this study. In addition, situations such as ignorance, gharar and interest in terms of affecting the validity of the contract were discussed and dealt with in terms of the BOT contract. (shrink)

Sunnah is the second main source for Islamic law following the Qur’ān. Sunnah in the books on the Methodology of Islamic Law (Usūl al-fiqh) is examined in two main parts, one of which is as the source for religious commands and the other is being as religious/taklīfī commands. Sunnah is divided into three categories in terms of being the source for Islamic commands: qawlī (verbal), fi‘ilī (behavioral) and taqrīrī (approval). In the Islamic literature, when the word “sunnah” is mentioned, first (...) of all, it is understood as a verbal appeal, which is qawlī sunnah (hadith). Verbal sunnah has a rhetoric/wording that includes demand (amr/order-nahy/prohibition) or freedom (mubāḥ). And ultimately to the wording of this verbal address, some religious commands, such as farḍ/wājib, sunnah/mandūb, and permissible/mubāḥ are attributed. The behavioral sunnah (the acts of the Prophet Muḥammad), on the other hand, does not have a rhetoric that includes demand (amr/order-nahy/prohibition) or freedom (mubāḥ). The command/judgment is based on rhetoric. In other words, if there is an address, there is a command; if there is no address, there is no command/judgment. Therefore, it is problematic that the acts of the Prophet are decreed in the form of farḍ/ wājib, sun-nah/mandūb and mubāḥ. For this reason, the acts of the Prophet in the books on the Method-ology of Islamic Law (Usūl al-fiqh) have been particularly examined under the title of Afʿāl al-Rasūl. While some of the acts of the Prophet Muḥammad have a religious character, some of them are the acts that he performed completely in accordance with the customs and traditions in the society he lived in. Therefore, not all of the Prophet’s deeds/acts (behavioral sunnah) are at the same level in terms of obligation. Therefore, while some of the acts/deeds of the Prophet express wucūb, some other mandūb (sunnah-mustaḥab) and still some other ibāhā/mubāḥ. On the other hand, the acts of the Prophet Muḥammad, in terms of being the source of religious commands, are divided into two categories: the tashrīī (religiously) qualified and non tashrīī (religiously) qualified. What is meant by a religious act is the actions of the Prophet, which he performed as being a prophet, for the purpose of worshiping and that he wanted his followers act accordingly. What is meant by a non-religious act is the behavior of the Prophet as a human being or as a requirement of the society he lived in. Sunnah, in terms of being a religious com-mand, refers to commands other than fard and wājib. Ḥanafī scholars are of the opinion that sunnah as a religious decree is divided into two parts as sunnah-i hudā and sunnah-i zawāid. The acts of the Prophet, in accordance with his being a human or the custom of the society he lived in, are included in the scope of sunnah zawāid. In other words, sunnah zawāid generally means the actions of the Prophet that he did not do with the intention of worship. In this con-text, the acts of the Prophet Muḥammad are important. Because, the acts of the Prophet are not the same in terms of qualification (command), nor are they the same in terms of their nature (being religious or humanly natural). The acts of the Prophet Muḥammad with a religious nature are divided into two as known qualities and unknown qualifications. In principle, the religious acts of the Prophet, whose qualities are known, are also obligation for the ummah (Muslims). Therefore, when it is known for what purpose the Prophet Muḥammad made a deed/behavior, that act is accordingly is binding for the ummah (Muslims). Accordingly, if the attribute of a deed/behavior made by the Prophet is wājib/farḍ, it is also wājib for the ummah and permissible (ibāḥā) for the ummah if it is permissible. On the other hand, the acts of the Prophet in the Qur’ān as a mujmal (ambiguous nass /verse) are also subject to the command of mujmal. There is a dispute regarding the verdict of the Prophet’s acts of religious nature whose qualifications are unknown. According to the majority of Hanafī scholars, what is essential in the actions of the Prophet whose qualifications are unknown and that contain the characteris-tics of worship, is that it is mustahab/mandūb. According to Kerkhī (d. 340/952), what is es-sential in such deeds/behaviors is that it is permissible. Jassās (d.370 / 980) expresses the same opinion with Kerkhī. Opinions on this issue are conveyed from Imām Mālik and Imām Shafiī that he declared permissibility. The preferred opinion in Hanbalis is to declare permissibility. Non-religious acts of the Prophet Muḥammad as a human being or as per the custom of the society he lives in are not obligation for the ummah. Therefore, what is essential in such deeds/behaviors is that it is permissible. (shrink)

The primary source of income in the Ottoman Empire, like in other pre-vious and contemporary states, was land. For this reason, the private ownership of land, especially those used for grain production, was avoided, and efforts were made to keep them as state-owned or public lands known as "mirî" or "memleket arazisi". This situation brings up the issue of cultivating the land and generating income from it. The Ottoman Empire further developed the timar system, which was also implemented by the (...) previous states, and allocated land to families based on its productivity by dividing it into certain sizes. These families were required to pay a tax known as "çift resmi", "raiyyet resmi", or "kulluk akçası." The system was based on the cultivation of the land by the peasants, thus ensuring both the production of crops without venturing food security and providing the state with the necessary tax revenue. Thus, it was necessary for the peasants not to abandon their land. One of the precautions taken to ensure this was "cebrî ikamet" (compulsory residency), and the other was "çift bozan resmi" (a tax imposed on those who leave their land uncultivated). Regulations regarding these measures have been included in the Kanunnames (legal codes) since the time of Fatih Sultan Mehmet, and they remained in effect until the 1858 Land Code. Since the nişancıs who prepared the Kanunnames had a good command in Islamic fiqh and the laws were at least theoretically approved by the sheikh al-islam until the mid-17th century, no one among the Ottoman scholars was known to oppose these regulations. Due to the serious disruption of the timar system and the increasing oppression of the peasants, criticisms of the "çift bozan" and "cebrî ikamet" measures began among the scholars in the Damascus region, led by Hayreddin Remlî, in the second half of the 17th century. This criticism intensified over time. In fact, two separate treatises were written on this issue. The scholars in Istanbul were also partly affected by this criticism. In this article, the "çift bozan" tax and its status in Islamic law will be primarily examined. All views in favor or against this issue will be put forth as much as possible, and an evaluation will be made while trying to come up with a different perspective. (shrink)

One of the most significant economic challenges faced by people with disabilities in Turkey and globally is employment. Unfortunately, even in developed countries, the desired level of employment of the disabled individuals has not yet been measured up. The fundamental rights and freedoms of employment and labor have gained a basis of legitimacy through certain principles within the legal system throughout human history. As a matter of fact, in the main references of Islamic law, the principles of justice, rights, equality (...) of opportunity, merit, anti-discrimination, and social responsibility for all people in general and disabled people in particular have been a reference in the development of employment policies. In this regard, the main objective of Islamic economic policies has been determined as ensuring the happiness of the individual in this world and the hereafter since the early period. The study first includes active and passive employment models developed in modern legal systems. It can be stated in this framework that from the early period, both in the practices of the Prophet Muhammad and the Companions and in the later Islamic societies, institutionalization was provided according to the characteristics of the period in which disabled individuals were actively and passively employed, and it can be stated that the developments regarding the employment of disabled individuals in Islamic societies started much earlier than expected. However, we must admit that legal regulations in the modern sense were introduced later compared to the West. The study focuses on the phenomenon of disability, the problems and needs of the disabled, and the studies on employment in Islamic societies from the past to the present. It is determined that many disabled people in Islamic society are actively employed in state positions ranging from imam to judge, from commander to governor according to their abilities, and the disabled people who cannot be employed are compensated for their disadvantages through passive employment methods such as health, care, housing, salary binding, and tax reduction. Determining the principles of employment of disabled according to Islamic law is the main subject of the study, and it has been established that maslahah, custom, siyasa shar’iyya, merit, and sedd-i zerâi constitute the jurisprudential basis of the employment of the disabled in Islamic law. In this framework, it has been stated that the principle of maslahah plays a key role in the development of social responsibility policies, in resolving issues that are not included in verses and hadiths and furû fiqh acquis, in gaining the economic independence of disabled and ensuring the minimum standard of living. Maslahah is also beneficial for the individual, family, society and the state, too. It has been pointed out that the employment of disabled people has become one of the most significant matters of both national and international legal regulations today, and it has been determined that the employment of disabled people has transformed into customary practices in accordance with the criteria of being a source of Islamic law. In Islamic administrative law, active and passive employment policies, legal regulations, and institutional structures related to disabled are carried out by the authority delegated to public administrators under the siyasa shar'iyya. It has been emphasized that administrative and public service appointments in Islamic law are ordered to be made on the basis of merit, that nepotism and favoritism are prohibited, and that disability is not an obstacle to employment. In conclusion, the insufficiency of studies on employment of people with disabilities in Islamic law has been pointed out and it has been suggested that further studies should be carried out on these subjects and exploitation of disability according to Islamic law should be studied. (shrink)

The jurists, taking as reference the texts and the experiential studies of the period, preached various provisions regarding the issues such as fetal development, full birth or birth and death in this process. The majority made evaluations on the basis of the hadith about the fetal development process -mentioned in three separate periods of forty days-, but it was observed that this did not overlap with some medical guidance. Because the development period expressed by the jurists could not be prolonged, (...) it was determined that this process was completed before according to modern medicine. Jurists stated that he did not have any law regarding the fetus born before this period, since it was based on this period, and evaluated and evaluated whether those born later were alive or not. It has been presented in different jurisprudence in terms of various branches in fiqh, which is called “frequency” of the previous abortion effect after/during the full birth, and which is considered to be soul-blowing at the end of four months. These conflicts affected sons' abilities such as bathing, shrouding, burial and burial of the miscarriage. The mother also created many provisions such as her legal status such as nifas, talaq and ummu'l-veled, punishment lessons such as abortion and gurra, financial concepts such as heir and inheritance, and its effects on conditional contracts. In our study, in the event that the fetus dies due to the cell in the womb where the study medical information is located, the protections against it and the judgment it gives birth to in relation to it are discussed. (shrink)

The foundation (waqf), which is a charity institution that was able to find an application area since the emergence of Islam, has developed over time in Islamic societies and has become a common institution. In the Ottoman Empire, these institutions had incorporated different services into its structure. This expansion has also led to the establishment of many different types and purposes of foundations such as charities; family, animal care, hospice, foodbank and educational institutions and mosques. Types of foundations in which (...) the incomes of the foundation were shared in different ways were also developed in this period. Family foundations are one of the types of foundations established for the purpose to share of income. Family foundations, which are characterized by many different names such as “zürri” (familial), “ehli” (domestic) and “evlatlık” (filial), have been criticized legally for various reasons in the last period of the Ottoman Empire and the Republic period, and their legitimacy has been questioned. This questioning of legitimacy, which started especially with orientalist studies, was also written among Turkish historians and lawyers, and attempts were made to base the claims that family foundations are illegitimate. In time, these criticisms came out of the family foundations and became legally questioning the entire Islamic foundation system. Investigating the justification of these criticisms, which have been popular since the end of the 19th century, is of particular importance for the development of today's foundation system. Because as a result of these criticisms, the foundations, which are one of the most effective institutions that provide social cohesion and that Islam has created and developed, have lost their importance over time and there has been a noticeable decrease in established foundations. Previously established foundations were somehow transferred to individual ownership on legal grounds. Based on these reasons, the study aims to determine the truth of these claims and to offer a critical approach to the debates on the legitimacy of family foundations in Islamic law, thus revealing the legal basis of the foundation system in Islam. In terms of nature, family foundations are a type of foundation for the purpose of the foundation. Although its name is described as family, it indicates a foundation that is broader than the concept of family. In this sense, it refers to foundations established first for private individuals and then for one of the general charity classes. Specially designated persons do not have to be among family members. It is referred to by this name as these foundations are mostly established for family members. When the evidence regarding the legitimacy of these foundations is examined, examples from the practices of the Prophet himself can be seen, as well as general verses from the Qur'an that will be included in the scope of these foundations. On the other hand, there are examples of family waqfs in foundations established by almost all of the Companions. The legitimacy of family foundations is challenged within the framework of four main reasons such as violation of the provisions of legacy, avoiding to be confiscated, preventing the fragmentation of property by the heirs and causing the feudal system and it is claimed to be illegitimate. However, the fact that these foundations have existed in Islamic societies since the golden age, including the Ottoman Empire raises a question about the authenticity of the criticisms. When examining the details of the criticisms, it can be easily seen that there is no question of legitimacy in the real sense, only a misinterpretation arising from misunderstanding. As a result, it will be seen that it is not possible to say that the practices of Muslims throughout history are illegitimate. Family waqfs have taken place in history as an institution that does not contradict the general provisions of Islam, on the contrary, by increasing Islamic foundation culture and social solidarity. It is extremely important for these foundations to find a field of application in social and economic terms now. (shrink)

Sosyal varlıklar olan insanlar, tarih boyunca birbirleri ile alışveriş yapma ihtiyacı hissetmişlerdir. Bu alışverişler, genellikle satış akdi yoluyla gerçekleştirilmiştir. Satış akitlerinin kurulmasında en yaygın görülen yöntem ise pazarlık usulü ile gerçekleştirilen müsâveme yöntemidir. İnsanlar satış akdini kurarken, akdin unsurları üzerinde pazarlık yaparak bir anlaşmaya varmışlardır. İslâm hukuku bu yöntemin sınırlarını belirlemiştir. İnsanların birbirlerinin haklarını ihlal etmeden pazarlık yapabilmelerini sağlayacak düzenlemeler getirmiştir. Ayrıntıları başta örf olmak üzere farklı delillerle düzenlense de, insanların satış akdini kurarken bu sınırlara dikkat etmesi gerektiği, (...) doğrudan doğruya naslar ile emredilmiştir. Bu durum hem şahsi zararların hem de toplumsal zararların önüne geçilmesi açısından büyük önem arz etmiştir. Bu kapsamda getirilen bazı sınırlamalar şu şekildedir: Satılmış olan bir malın devredilmeden bir başkasına satılmaması, fiyat yükseltmek amacıyla üçüncü kişinin pazarlığına dahil olunmaması gerektiği ve tarafların pazarlık aşamasının sonu geldiği, anlaşma meyillerinin oluştuğu durumda üçüncü kişinin pazarlığa dahil olmaması gerektiği belirtilmiştir. Bu sınırlamalardan, tarafların anlaşma meyillerinin ortaya çıkmış olduğu durumda üçüncü kişinin taraflardan birinin aleyhine pazarlığa dahil olması konusu çalışmamızda ele alınmıştır. Bu husus İslâm hukuk literatüründe sevm ale’s-sevm olarak nitelendirilmiştir. Türkçe literatürde genellikle pazarlık üzerine pazarlık olarak çevrilmiştir. Çalışmada sevm ale’s-sevm kavramına genellikle yer verilmiş olmakla birlikte, Türkçe olarak ifade edilmesi gerektiğinde pazarlık üzerine pazarlık kavramı kullanılmıştır. Taraflar pazarlığa yönelik ifadelerini akdin kurucu unsuru olan irade beyanı ile birbirlerine iletmektedirler. Dolayısıyla bu çalışmada öncelikle irade beyanına yönelik açıklamalar yapılmıştır. Pazarlığa yönelik bu irade beyanlarının icâb niteliğinde mi yoksa icâba davet niteliğinde mi olduğu hususunda açıklamalara yer verilmiştir. Bu açıklamaların ardından müsâveme yöntemi tanımlanmış ve genel olarak bu yönteme ilişkin bilgi verilmiştir. Müsâveme yöntemi ile oluşturulan akitler ile bu yönteme benzer yöntemlerin farkları hususunda açıklamalar yapılmıştır. Pazarlık yapılırken dikkat edilmesi gereken hususlara değinilmiş ve pazarlık üzerine pazarlık yapmanın yasak olduğu ifade edilmiştir. Akit kurulurken hangi aşamada pazarlığa dahil olmanın bu yasak kapsamında sayılacağı ve hangi aşamadaki müdahalenin yasak kapsamına dahil olmayacağı belirtilmiştir. Bu yasağın neden gerekli olduğu konusunda yapılmış olan açıklamalara yer verilmiştir. Sevm ale’s-sevmin söz konusu olduğu akitlerin genel olarak diyaneten haram kabul edildiği bununla birlikte kazaen bu akitlerin geçerli olduğu ifade edilmiştir. Bu yasağın kapsamına sadece müslümanların değil aynı zamanda müslüman olmayan vatandaşların ve müste’menlerin de dahil olduğu ifade edilmiştir. Buna göre müslüman olmayan bir vatandaş veya müste’men aleyhine böyle bir pazarlığa dahil olmanın hukuka uygun kabul edilmeyeceği açıklanmıştır. Sevm ale’s-sevmin yalnızca satış akdi açısından değil, aynı zamanda kıyas yoluyla diğer akitler bakımından da geçerli olacağı belirtilmiştir. Bu açıklamalarda Hanefî mezhebinin görüşü esas alınmış olmakla birlikte diğer mezheplerin görüşlerine de yer verilmiştir. Makale genel itibariyle Hanefî mezhebi odağında diğer mezheplerin görüşlerine de yer verilen bir yöntemle oluşturulmuştur. Tüm bu görüşlerin ardından mer’î hukukta bu yasağın uygulanıp uygulanmadığı hususunda açıklamalar yapılmıştır. (shrink)

İslam hukuku tarihine baktığımızda fıkıh usûlünün bir süreç içerisinde geliştiğini söylemek mümkündür. Bu süreç içerisinde, mezhep imamları de-diğimiz müçtehitler başta olmak üzere birçok âlimin, fıkıh usûlü ilminin yapısını oluşturan katkılarından bahsedilebilir. Örneğin İmam Ebû Hanîfe’nin istihsana başvurması, İmam Mâlik’in amel-i ehli Medine ile amel etmesi ve İmam Şafiî’nin hem Ehl-i rey hem de Ehl-i hadisin fıkhını mezcederek elde ettiği formasyonla “er-Risâle” adlı eserinde bir usûl ortaya koyması fıkıh usûlü ilminin yapısını oluşturan katkıların başında gelmektedir. Bu katkıların yanında özellikle mezheplerin (...) kurumsallaştığı dönem ve sonrasında Gazalî, İbn Teymiyye, öğrencisi İbn Kayyım ve Şâtıbî gibi âlimlerin, fıkıh usulüne dinamizm kazandırmak adına söz konusu ilme yönelik birtakım yenileme çabaları ortaya koydukları bilinmektedir. Modern dönemde ise fıkıh usûlünü yenileme çabalarının klasik döneme göre daha net ve yaygın olduğu görülmektedir. Bu dönemde fıkıh usulüne yönelik yenileme çabalarını iki merhalede değerlendirmek mümkündür. Bu merhalelerin birincisi, fıkıh usûlünü yenilemeye çağrı merhalesi, ikincisi ise fıkıh usûlünü yenilemenin amelî merhalesidir. İkinci merhalede âlimlerin dinî, siyasî, sosyal ve felsefî eğilimlerine bağlı olarak kendi içinde de farklı tezler içeren “fıkhî ve usûlî yaklaşım” ve “fikrî ve felsefî yaklaşım” olmak üzere iki temel yaklaşımdan bahsedilebilir. Bu çalışmada kendi içinde de farklı eğilimlere sahip fikrî ve felsefî yaklaşımın fıkıh usûlünü yenilemeye dair görüşlerini, Fazlurrahman,, Hasan Turabî ve Muhammed Müctehid Şebusterî örnekliğinde sunmaya çalıştık. (shrink)

Son yıllarda İslam hukukunun kökeni ve gelişimi üzerine önemli çalışmalar yapılmaktadır. Bununla birlikte, hicrî birinci yüzyıl ile ilgili temel kaynakların olmayışı veya eksikliği dolayısıyla, bu dönemde rivayet edilen bilgilerin doğruluğu hakkında bazı şüpheler dile getirilmiştir. Bu nedenle, Risâletü’l-Ferâ’iḍ olarak adlandırılan yeni ve güvenilir eseri incelemenin önemli bir boşluğu dolduracağı kanaatindeyiz. Bu eserin, ilk olarak Zeyd b. Sâbit tarafından kaleme alındığı ve daha sonra hem birinci hem de ikinci yüzyıllarda yaşayan Ebu’z-Zinâd tarafından tefsir edildiği kabul edilir. Bu çalışmada, Muvaṭṭa’ ile Risâletü’l-Ferâiḍ’ (...) arasındaki otuz beşe yakın paragraftaki benzerlikten hareketle Risâlatü’l-Ferâiḍ’in, Muvaṭṭa’ın yazımı sürecinde bir kaynak olarak hizmet ettiği ve ayrıca Medine ehlinin ameli hakkında önemli bilgiler içerdiği tespit edilecektir. Son olarak, bu risalenin analizi ile temel hadis koleksiyonlarının sadece şifâhî rivâyetlere değil, bununla beraber yazılı belgelere de dayandığına dair iddianın daha isabetli olduğu ortaya çıkacaktır. (shrink)

The intra-school controversies in Hanafī school are remarkable. These controversies pose a risk for legal safety and stability and creates difficulties for muqallīd Hanafī judges and muftīs. In the historical process, different types of literature such as mukhtaṣar and fatwa (legal opinion) books, and applications such as aṣṣaḥ-ı aqvāl and maʻrūdhāt, emerged to solve this problem. One of the last example of these applications is the codification movement. The subject of this study is the relationship between the Majalla al-Aḥkām al-ʿAdliyyah, (...) which is the first product of codification based on fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence), and the intra-school preference. In order to describe this relationship, it is briefly emphasized that one of the aims of codification of Majalla is to satisfy the need for intra-school preference. The function and content of Majallaʼs necessary reasons, (asbāb al-mūjiba) was analyzed in terms of intra-school preference. The interventions on the preferences of the Majalla Commission are also emphasized. The Majalla is a text of the intra-school preference. The analysis of its content in relation to intra-school preference is very important. Therefore, in order to reveal what kind of method is used in intra-school preferences and to determine different aspects of intra-school preference in the Majalla, the chapter about ‘sale’ (Kitāb al-Buyūʿ) of the Majalla are examined.Summary: The intra-school controversies in Hanafī School, which is quite important in terms of freedom of ijtihād (independent legal judgment) and legal wealth, possible to threaten legal safety and stability. These controversies also make difficult for judges to reach a judgment or fatwa in controversial affairs. For this reason, determination of the rājiḥ (preferred opinion) in controversial issues in the school, is a need that must be eliminated.The intra-school preference can be described as "to determine the superior, preponderant of different opinion or narrations about a specific issue in the school". In the historical process different types of literature such as mukhtaṣar and fatwa books, and different applications such as asaḥḥ-ı aqvāl and maʻrūzāt, emerged to meet this need. One of the applications aimed to meet this need is the codifications in the last period of the Ottoman State.The relationship between the Majalla al-Ahkam al-Adliyyah, which is the first example of codification based on fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence), and the intra-school preference; and in this context, while preparing the Majalla how a method was followed in the intra-school preference; at what rate be obeyed the rājiḥ (preferred) opinion; articles contrary to the rājiḥ (preferred) opinion in Majalla and their reasons; whether legal arrangements have been made in all controversial issues; at what rate be met the need of determination of rājiḥ (preferred) opinion are the issues that need to be examined.One of the main reasons for the need for a law text such as Majalla al-Ahkam al-Adliyyah is the multitude of the intra-school controversies in Hanafī School. Therefore, the goal of Majalla is to prepare a code that contains rājiḥ opinion.When Majallaʼs necessary reasons, i.e. asbāb al-mūjiba, are examined in terms of the intra-school preference, it is seen that there are two basic functions of necessary reasons. The first of them is, emphasizing that the code is prepared substantially in accordance with the râjih opinion in the school. In fact, that this issue in the asbāb al-mūjiba of the first ten books of Majalla is expressly stated. The other function of the asbāb al-mūjiba is to justify that why rājiḥ opinion are not be confirmed in some article. In the necessary reasons it is stated that twelve articles are prepared in the direction of unrâcih (unpreferable) opinion. Considering that Majalla is formed of 1851 article, it will be better understood that how the rājiḥ opinions are effective in Majalla's content. Essentially, the conditions of the period also make it necessary. The preference of the non-preferred opinion of Züfer (d. 158/775) in 692nd article of Kitāb al-Ḥavala, caused the reaction of some circles mainly Şeyhülislam Hasan Fehmi Efendi (d.1298/1881) and for this reason Ahmet Cevdet Pasa (d.1895) was dismissed from the ministry of Divan al-Ahkâm al-Adliyyah and the chairman of the Majalla Commission.When the asbāb al-mūjibas of contrary articles to rājiḥ opinions are examined, it is seen that maṣlaḥa and customs are determinative in these preferences. It is also seen that the preferences of some jurists are also mentioned as a reason of preference. The most widespread preference’s reason in Hanafī sources is in congruity with the texts. On the contrary, it is noteworthy that, besides the interdiction of extravagant (safih), it is not operated as a preference’s reason in Majalla.Some preferences of the Majalla Commission were intervened by other institutions. The chapters prepared by the commission were examined both by Majlis-i Wukalā and Mashihat, and these chapters were subject to some revisions at this time. Here, two articles prepared on the basis of the non-preferred opinion were intervened by Majlis-i Wukalā. The first of these is 216th article that written in the direction of opinion of Mashāyikh Balkh, which argues that it is permissible to sell separately ḥaqq al-murūr (the right of passage) and ḥaqq al-shirb (water right), the second is the 611th article which regulates the liability to damage of ajīr al-mushtarak (joint salaried employee).When the content of Kitāb al-Buyū, the first and the most voluminous book of Majalla, is examined in terms of the intra-school preference, it is seen that the rājiḥ opinions in the school are generally taken as basis. It is stated that in the asbāb al-mūjiba of the Kitāb al-Buyūʿ the four issues are prepared basing on the non-preferred opinion and these preferences are justified with custom and maṣlaḥa. However, the contrary articles to the rājiḥ opinion in the Kitāb al-Buyūʿ are not limited to these. According to our research, in addition to these, three articles were prepared with the preference of non-preferred opinion. These are the 118th article regarding that the bayʻ bi-l-wafā is permissible in chattels, 165th article on the definition of al-ghabn al-faḥiş (lesion), and the 309th article concerning the provision of the khiyār al-sharṭ (right of cancellation). These three articles show that the regulations contrary to the rājiḥ opinion in Majalla are not just those explained in the asbāb al-mūjiba and this situation is contrary to the method that is followed when preparing the Majalla.In some controversial issues in the Hanafi School, authorized jurists to preference (asḥāb al-tarjīh) disagreed over which opinion is rājiḥ. It wasn’t explained that how a method would be followed in Majalla when the legal arrangements were made in these matters. When these issues are examined, it can be said that the preferences of the majority, the providing of convenience and the preference by some jurists are effective.Preferences in Majalla have not been occurred only among the sharʻī (related to Islamic Law) provisions. In addition, the definitions and the inscription in the definitions are also the subject of preference. In this context, the preferences related to the definition of the sales contract, the suspended contract (al-ʻaqd al-maqqūf) and the al-ghabn al-faḥiş in Kitāb al-Buyūʿ can be mentioned as an example.Some controversial issues in the Hanafi School are not regulated in Majalla. When considering the multiplicity of controversial issues and therefore the difficulty of making legal arrangements to cover all of them, this situation is natural. Moreover, some of these issues may not have been regulated in Majalla because they are not frequent and necessary. However, it is not possible to explain all the controversial issues that have not been regulated for these reasons. Because some of the controversial issues that have not been legislated are basic, relatively important issues and they are included in the mukhtaṣars. This indicates that when preparing the Majalla, instead of making preference on some controversial issues, the method of non-regulation of these matters is adopted. It can be said that this method is applied as a way of creating law text which is clear of controversy. Thus, the determining of the rājiḥ opinion in these matters has been left to the judges. This situation is not suitable to meet the need of determining the rājiḥ opinion, which is the goal of Majalla. But it is the result of the difficulty of making a law that encompasses all legal issues. (shrink)

According to Islamic Law, it is possible to authorize more than one attorney for a job to perform a task. However, there are various situations and opinions about acts of attorneys independent of each other. When those attorneys are appointed with separate contracts, they can act separately to perform the task of the power of attorney subject. Attorneys assigned under the same contract must act together as a rule. The client can grant the attorneys permission to act independently. According to (...) the Ḥanafīs, attorneys can act separately in situations where both attorneys’ views are not needed. Views of both attorneys are needed in cases such as divorce without in exchange for payment, contract of mandate, delivery of a grant of which itself and grantee is specific, usurped goods, return of the sold goods in void contracts and payments of client’s debts. Joint-performance of such incidents is necessary in order not to effect the result or to secure the client. Regarding attorneydom, it is performed by one attorney to avoid confusion on trial even if it is one of the situations in which views of all attorneys are required. General principles related to the subject are stated as per above in Islamic Law sources. Yet, all possibilities about separate or joint performance of power of attorneys appointed together in the same contract are not mentioned. In this article, views of Islamic schools of law will be presented on appointment of more than one attorney for a disposition and related principles within the Islamic Law are tried to be determined. (shrink)

The supreme counsel of the religion of Islam insistently emphasizes and promotes social solidarity and solidarity at every stage of life. Among the encouraged advices; the Qur'an and the hadith how meticulously focused on orphans and promised conditions and provisions for a virtuous life. The aim of the protection of orphans, shelter, representation, surety, evaluation of his property for bestowal, approaching with compassion and mercy. The prophet of Islam, who was born as orphan, Muhammad (pbuh.), by addressing the conscience of (...) humanity in order to protect the rights and law of orphan, brought preventive, encouraging orders and prohibitions. When it comes to dealing with orphans and protecting their rights and laws, it is not a correct approach to understand only in the form of protecting and meeting their material needs. On the contrary, it has been emphasized to meet his spiritual and psychological needs, not to insult his personality, and to contribute to his growing up as a beneficial individual for the society. This issue is stated as follows in the verse: “So don't crush the orphan” (Duhâ, 93/9). This order and the person of the Messenger of Allah also, draw the attention of mankind to respect for the material and spiritual rights of the orphan. The main target of the related things is not to leave the orphans alone, but to protect them, to provide an atmosphere of love. Otherwise, orphans deprived of the environment of love may pose problems for themselves and society while struggling with some psychological problems. The main purpose of our study is to draw attention to the compliance of the orphans' rights-law in the axis of the Qur'an and hadith according to the rapidly developing and changing life conditions in our age. (shrink)

The law of responsibility (compensation), which was formed around the concept of the ḍamān and was developed by the scholars within the system of furû‘ al-fiqh (substantive law) over time, constitutes one of the important parts of Islamic law. Although compensation law (ḍamān) was not addressed as a private subject in the first period fiqh literature, it is seen that the literature on this specific area started to emerge after the early period. It is the Hanafi jurists who first brought (...) together these issues that are scattered in the classical books of fiqh that are related to the law of responsibility. Compensation law took its classical form in the texts of the early periods and was shaped around the views of the founding imams of the Ḥanafī school (madhab). It has later been expanded with the fatwā and interpretations of the Sheikhs (mesāikh) of Hanafi in the type of waqi'at works. These works were a product of the need for the law to adapt to the new conditions. These issues, which are related to the compensation law in the Hanafi school have been covered as a special section (chapter) in the studies that are classified as waqi'at, such as Usrūshanī’s al-Fuṣūl fī al-muʿāmalat (Fuṣūl al-Usrūshanī), ʿImād al-Dīn al-Marginānī’s Fuṣūl al-iḥkām fī uṣūl al-aḥkām and Shaykh Badr al-Dīn’s Jāmiʿal-Fuṣūlāyn. Later, the topics discussed in these works were developed and continued, and ultimately separate works related to this field have been copyrighted. In this study, the kinds of development and expansion which are in the literature and related subjects will be discussed by examining the above-mentioned works. Therefore; first of all, the first examples of Hanafi jurists related the compensation will be analysed comparatively. Afterwards, the place of ad-Ḍamānāt fī al-furūʻ al-Ḥanafīyyah of Fuḍayl Chalābī (d. 991/1583), one of the Zenbillizade’s, will be addressed.Summary: The core idea of the law of responsibility, which constitutes one of the important parts of Islamic law, was stated in the Qur'an and Hadith, and then have accumulated by the contributions of the jurists (fuqaha), as they developed the idea of the law of responsibility within the furû‘ al-fiqh in relation to the systematic of the legal school (madhab) that they belonged to.These issues, which constitute one of the important parts of the law, were addressed by sprinkling among the topics in almost every part of classical fiqh books. In other words, the subject of ḍamān (responsibility) was not considered as a separate subject in the fiqh works of the first period. In this way, it is seen that the literature on compensation law started to emerge in the following periods, and at first several independent sections on this subject, and then separate works specific to this field, albeit limited in number, were written.It is the Ḥanafī jurists who first brought together these issues that are scattered in the classical fiqh books related to the law of responsibility. Compensation law, which took its classical form in the texts from early periods, shaped around the views of the pioneering imams of the Ḥanafī school, has been expanded with the fatwā and interpretations of the Sheikhs (mesāikh) of Ḥanafī in the waqi'at works, which is a product of the need for the law to adapt to new conditions. Firstly, one of the Ḥanafī jurists, Majd al-Dīn al-Usrūshanī (d. 637/1240) dealt with the responsibilities arising from the contract and unfair acts in the 29th section of his book named al-Fuṣūl fī al-muʿāmalat under the title “Types of Compensation Required to be Paid and Their Situation”. The method and system that Usrūshanī started in this work, the Ḥanafī jurisits ʿImād al-Dīn al-Marginānī in the Fuṣūl al-iḥkām fī uṣūl al-aḥkām and Shaykh Badr al-Dīn Ibn Qāḍī Samāwnā in the Jāmiʿ al-Fuṣūlāyn continued to develop the compensation section in their books. Afterwards Fuḍayl Chalābī (d. 991/1583), one of the members of Zenbillizade’s family, enriched these issues and made it an individual work, named ad-Ḍamānāt fī al-furūʻ al-Ḥanafīyyah. Marginānī titled the issues that Usrūshanī had handled in the compensation section and systemised it even more by gathering the fatwās on the related issues under one heading. It is noteworthy to mention that when the compensation sections of both works are compared, the way the subjects handled are exactly the same. But unlike Usrūshanī, Marginānī added the compensation for damages to the fetus in the womb and the responsibility of the person who brought back the fleeing slave at the end of the chapter. On the other hand, unlike them, Shaykh Badr al-Dīn added only the responsibility of the person who found the lost item. Considering that almost all of the topics in the compensation section of Sheikh Badr al-Dīn existed exactly in the compensation section of Marginānī, and that most of them were stated in Usrūshanī’s al-Fuṣūl, it is necessary to say that all of these discussions are based on Usrūshanī as the main backbone of this particular subject and that his work has a unique place in the Islamic legal literature. Chalābī’s ad-Ḍamānāt, is the first work that was written as a separate book in the field of compensation law. Even though in some modern works claim that the work Ghānim al-Baghdādī’s (d. 1030/1620) book named Majma‘ al-ḍamānāt fī madhhab al-Imām al-A'zam Abī Ḥanīfa al-Nu'mān was the first written book in this field; it is known that Chalābī's ad-Ḍamānāt had been written before Baghdādī’s Majma‘ al-ḍamānāt. As a matter of fact, the work of Chalābī had been completed in 984 Hijra, and the Baghdādī’s Majma‘ al-ḍamānāt was completed in 1027 Hijra. Although the subject sequence in Baghdādī’s work is different; this work is regarded as a continuation of the same tradition.An examination of the systematic and the content of the work reveals that Chalabi’s ad-Ḍamānāt is the continuation of the type of writing that Usrūshanī started and developed by Marginānī and Shaykh Badr al-Dīn. When compared with the compensation sections of these works before him, Chalābī has added new compensation issues to his book that are not addressed in these three works; such as partnership, mudaraba, suretyship (kafāla) transfer (ḥawāla), peace, legal disability (hajr), freedom of trade (idhn) and testament. Among the works mentioned above, works out of Shaykh Badr al-Dīn’s Jāmiʿ al-Fuṣūlāyn and Baghdādī’s Majma‘ al-ḍamānāt are available as manuscripts in the libraries. Therefore, these works have not been used much in modern studies on compensation. In addition, the Chalābī's ad-Ḍamānāt is almost unknown. Although there is little information about this work in some bibliographic studies, it is noteworthy to state that this work is not used as a source in contemporary studies written in Arabic on compensation law. The fact that this work is available as manuscripts in Istanbul libraries is probably the reason for this outcome. It is also very difficult to say that this work is known and used sufficiently in studies written in Turkish.Usrūshanī’s al-Fuṣūl fī al-muʿāmalat and Marginānī’s Fuṣūl al-iḥkām are currently in the form of manuscripts, so there is no comprehensive study on the whole work and the compensation section. It is possible to see the compensation issues discussed in the work, since Shaykh Badr al-Dīn’s Jāmiʿ al-Fuṣūlāyn, which has been published as printed, was translated into Turkish by an editorial group under the presidency of H. Yunus Apaydın. In addition, Kemal Yıldız, who translated the compensation section in this translation, published this section in Jāmiʿal-Fuṣūlāyn as a separate book with the name of “Sources of the Jāmiʿ al-Fuṣūlāyn and Compensation in the Practice of Ḥanafī School”. Yıldız, first introduced the sources of the Jāmiʿ al-Fuṣūlāyn in the first part of this work and then translated the compensation section from beginning to end by adding his own explanations and evaluations around the subject during the second part. Even though some introductory information about the books of Usrūshanī and Marginānī is presented in Yıldız’s study, the absence of information on the contents of the compensation sections of these books does not allow the opportunity for the researchers to evaluate on the subject wholly. (shrink)

Nowadays, some of the things that are ḥarāmto be consumed, such as lard, its derivatives and alcohol are used as additives or additional nutrients in products, namely food and cosmetics that people use widely in daily life. The provision of these products, which are accepted as najis(impure), stands in front of us as one of the actual fiqh problems. In order to produce an accurate solution in this regard, the reaction condition and the level of dissolution in the product must (...) be determined. In this article, the level of mutanajjis (contamination) of the products that najisthings transforms through istihlāk(physical change) and the provision (hukm) of benefits from such things are examined. The research covers the discussions in the classical period regarding the provision of things, which included najāsah(impurity) and underwent physical change as well as the evaluations of contemporary Islamic jurists. The aim of this study is to contribute to the researches, which will be carried out to determine the provision of products containing ḥarāmelements. As the production is carried out on an industrial scale, such studies are important today in terms of the establishment of “ḥalāl” sensitivity and meeting the needs of people who have this sensitivity to learn the provision of such products.SummaryNowadays, in various sectors, especially food, feed, cosmetics, health and clothing industries, for the purposes of reducing the cost of the product, extending the shelf life, making the product more attractive in terms of color, consistency and aroma, many substances are added to the main material. The fact that some of the substances added are ḥarām(forbidden) such as blood, lard, pest, and ethyl alcohol require the subject to be considered in terms of fiqh. It is important to clarify two issues in order to reach a healthy result in the studies aiming to determine the provision (ḥukm) of the products that are mixed with najis(impure) substance. One of them is the determination of the level of istihlāk(physical change) in the mutanajjis(contamination) things. The second is the determination of the basic principles to be used in determining the provision of the things which najāsahhas undergone the physical change in. In this study conducted within the scope of this purpose and method, the hadīthsrelated to two different issues that are directly related to the subject have been evaluated as the basic textual basis. These are narrations about the cleanliness and pollution status of the contaminated water, and about the availability of fats and oils, which the dead mouse is seen in. It is stated in the narrations about the condition of the water that najāsah involved in, the water will not be najisunless its smell, taste or color changes because of the falling najāsahin it. According to this hadith, which shows the change of description as a measure, the fuqahāʾ(jurists) came to a consensus on the fact that water, which one of its characteristics changed because of najāsahwould be considered mutanajjis. When thishadithis evaluated together with the narrations that indicate the small amount of water is contaminated because of najāsah, in fact, it is seen that while the water is considered to be clean-najis, the situation of the water being affected from najāsahis taken as the basis and aimed to protect human health against the dirty water. At the time when there were not any one of today's microbiological analysis laboratories, the way to understand the pollution status of water was to see if the smell, color and taste of the water changed while taking the amount of the water into account. Since the rate of foreign matter in the water, the level of pollution and the health status of the water can be determined correctly in the laboratory today, operating the modern techniques as well as the measure of qualification change will be appropriate for the purpose of the hadīthsmentioned.In the narrations about the state of the fat, which the dead mouse is found in, it is seen that different operations are requested depending on the fat being solid or liquid. If the fat is liquid, different instructions have been made such as its being poured or used in lighting. Mālikīs, Shāfiʿīs, and Ḥanbalīfaqīhs (jurists) of the first period have ruled that liquids such as vinegar, milk and honey are mutanajjis, whether they are in little quantity or not, and whether their descriptions are changed or not, claiming that the amount of oil and the degree of impact on the dirt is not declared in the hadīths. The Ḥanafīs adopted the provision in the narrations mentioned pointing to a small amount of liquid oil and considered the measure of description change for a large amount of liquid valid. Ẓāhirīs, Ibn Taymiyyah and some of the faqīhsargued that the liquids which one cannot feel the color, taste or smell of the najāsahin are clean, regardless of the amount.These three approaches are open to criticism because the first is limited only to the literal meaning in the narrations and neglects the aims, and the second ignored the non-water fluids’ ability to hide the descriptions of the substance added to them, and the third evaluates the mustahlak substance (that has undergone a physical change) as if it had been istiḥālah(chemically changed). When the narrations related to the subject are examined, it is understood that while the usage of the liquid fat which the dead mouse was seen in as the food was prohibited, in fact, it was based on the foresight that all of the fat is affected by the mouse. It appears to have been ruled out that only the part polluted is the part affected by thenajāsahfor the fact that after the removal of the mouse and the environment from the solid oil exposed to the same contamination, the rest is allowed to be eaten. According to this, it is possible to say that the measure of mutanajjisin the things that affected by najāsahis in the degree of spreading of najāsah.Nowadays it is possible to determine the presence of najisthings in the main material, which is used as additive or addition, by the level of effect of these substances in the product, as well as by the assays. If the najissubstances used for purposes such as brightness, taste, consistency and extending shelf life, perform the expected functions, it means that they protect their presence in the product effectively. In fact, it should be acknowledged that these substances continue to exist effectively in the product, if they perform the targeted function without any chemical change, even the ratio in the product is low or the color, taste and odor are eliminated during the mixture.The faqīhswhile differed in opinion about the mutanajjisof things that the najāsahhad undergone physical changes in, they, in concert, considered the substances, which were not cleaned or could not be cleansed from which that they accept as mutanajjisby their own measurements, khabīs(disgusting), and have accepted the people’s eating of them as ḥarām. Likewise, they did not allow such things to be used in any way touching the body, clothing and containers. They have evaluated the narrations, which requires the spilth the fat that the dead mouse was seen in, as the main basis in this issue. On the other hand, about the use of the mutanajjisthings outside the human consumption area and in such a way that the clothes and body would not be contaminated; the majority of thefaqīhs preferred the mubāḥ provision. They have put forth the narrations as the basis that recommends the usage of the liquid oil in which the mouse was fallen in lighting. These approaches of the fuqahāʾabout the effect of the istihlākon the provision of making use of the things that affected by najāsahare of worth as the basic principles on the subject. It is possible to say that it is not permissible to consume food products containing lard or pork gelatin, and the chicken that has been torn apart while being left in hot water in order to pluck its feathers, and the egg which becomes mutanajjisfor it is boiled up with thenajāsahon, and the using of cosmetic products containing lard when today’s industrial products are evaluated in accordance with these principles. If taken the general opinion that defends that the ethyl alcohol is najis as the basis, the carbonated soft drinks, which are added to alcohol, can also be evaluated in this context. (shrink)

Yusuf el-Karadâvî’nin alanında en kapsamlı çalışma olan Fıkhü’z-Zekât isimli eseri bağlamında “fî sebîlillâh” kavramının ne anlama geldiğini ele aldık. Dünya Müslümanlarından büyük kitlelerin takip ettiği Karadâvî, verdiği fetvalarda günümüz şartlarını göz önünde bulundurmuştur. Konuları ele alırken kendi tercih ettiği görüşünü söylemekten çekinmemiştir. “Fî sebîlillâh” kavramını bütün mezhepler cihad ve Allah yolunda cihad eden gaziler olarak anlamıştır. Böyle anlaşılması İslam’ın yayılış dönemindeki sosyopolitik şartlarla yakından ilgilidir. Karadâvî “fî sebîlillâh” kavramının cihad anlamına geldiğini kabul etmiştir. Cihadın anlaşılmasının kuvvetli delillerinin olduğunu belirtmiştir. Ancak (...) cihadın da askeri savaş olarak anlaşılmasının sınırlı bir anlam olduğunu, cihad kavramının kapsamının geniş olduğunu ifade etmiştir. (shrink)

The subject “rule”, which is one of the most fundamental issues of the Islamic legal theory (usūl al-fiqh), has been in the center of methodological debates. There is one important term in this regard, which should be studied very carefully: Khiṭāb(speech) of the God. It is because that, especially since the first period of Islam, it has been taken with some significant terms in the field of Kalāmsuch as Husn (pretty; good), Qubh (ugly; evil), and the quality of God’s talk. (...) Yet, adopting this term in the description of the “rule” shows that Fiqh is based on divine inspiration, and it also emphasizes that even though there are some differences in details, wisdom of human being is not ignored when adjudicating. Moreover, it suggests that the validity or methodological accuracy of the “rule” which is adjudicated with ruling case is related to the connection through the term speech or divine inspiration. In this regard, Kalāmdimension of the term and its affect to legal theoretical discussions are very important in terms of historical process of the definition of the “rule” in Islamic law. In this study, I tried to examine whether or not the term “khiṭābof the God” which is used in the definition of the “rule” formed a limitation for consideration of legal evidence in Islamic law and if there is any limitation for the legal evidence regarding being only in the Qur’ān and the Sunnah due to this definition.SummaryThe “hukm (rule, arbritation, judgment, God’s will)”-as the backbone notion in usūl al-fiqhis one of the significant key notions discussed in the legal theory. Specifically, the term “khitabullah” mentioned in the definition of hukmis noteworthy to investigate. Since the early formation period of Islamic law, the term khitabullahhas been embraced along with the theological subjects: “husnand qubuh(the good and evil) and kalām(the attribute of speech to Allah)”. The term “khitabullah” in the definition of hukmemphasizes that indeed the source of fiqhis the revelation (wahy) and also emphasizes that the function of reason (‘aql) is not ignored in the process of adjudication- even if there are some nuances in details.Additionally, it presents that the validity or methodological accuracy of the “rule” which is adjudicated with ruling a case is connected to the term speech (khitāb), or in other words to revelation (wahy).On the whole, in the legal theory, the rule of Sharī‘ah is defined as God’s khitab(the communication of God), which means the demand of God relating to the acts of those who are subject of law or the effect of the khitābon the acts of those persons. Although, in the early formative period various explanations were made about what the rule is, it can be understood that the present definition of hukmbegan to evolve towards the end of the 5thcentury (A. H.). It is clear that al-Ghazālī had an impact on the formation of this definition. It is because al-Ghazālī defined the rule of Sharī‘ahas “the communication from God relating to an act of the person who is the subject of law”. After al-Ghazālī, al-Rādī and al-Baydāwī added to al-Ghazālī’s definition the words “iqtidā and takhyīr” and Ibn Hājib added “wad‘an”. Whereas in the Mutakallimun(theologians) tradition, Ibn Hacib's definition was preferred, Fuqaha(jurists) tradition chose two definitions-resembling each other: “Those coming to exist with the khitāb” and “the effect of God’s khitāb”.Along with al-Ghazālī’s definition, the concept of khitābcarved out a niche for itself in it and became the main element of the definition. It is understood that some discussions in the field of theology, such as husn-qubhand God’s attribute of speech have been effective on the interpretation of the concept of khitāb. The Ash‘arilegal theorists argue that the good and evil are not attributes of the self / the acts, whereas the Maturidi legal theorists argue that the exploration and determination of these attributes is rational and thus, the verdict reached via this rationale is lawful. The Maturidi legal theorists initiated the concept of being subject of law with the concept Sharī‘ah and in the line with this opinion; they defined hukmon the basis of khitāb. On the other hand, the Mutazilites’ claiming the attribute of good and evil are inherent feature of the act, did not define hukmon the basis of the khitābaccording to their theological understanding. The word of khitābassessed with God’s eternal speech (al-kalām al-azalī) has been approached from various aspects: for instance, whether the presence of the addressee is mandatory. The early Asharites scholars (mutaqaddimun), in particular Imam Asharī, did not entitle the eternal speech as khitāb. They consider that the presence of the interlocutor is necessary in the conversion of Kalāminto khitāb. The mutaakhirunAsharites (successors of the early Asharites scholars) did not consider the presence of the interlocutor necessary, thus they viewed the eternal speech as khitāb. The former identification of the hukmwith khitābby the early Ashari legal theorists caused to the problem of whether hukmis adventitious or not. Therefore, this approach was criticised by the Mutazilites. On the other hand, the Maturidi and Mutezilite legal theorists accept that hukmis adventitious; hence they do not consider as a problem naming the eternal speech of God as khitāb.When the historical course is examined, it can be said that one of the important aspects of the development of hukm’s definition is the use of khitāb. Khitābin some cases is used without possessive construction, in other cases it is used with possessive construction with God, or in possessive construction with shar’ or Shāri’. The most important one within these possessive constructions is the notion “khitaballah”. Therefore, it is necessary for khitaballahto be approached from the angle of the legal theory. In comparison to other terms, this notion narrowed the scope of the rule down. In the meanwhile, it raised the question: how the rule deduced via legal evidences can be incorporated in khitāb? As a consequence of this question, some legal theorists, such as Tūfī, proposed another definition by adducing this question.Although it is commonly accepted that the rules deduced via other evidences are within the context of the khitāb, there are also different descriptions about the concept of khitaballah. The rule is not limited to khitaballahin the conception of traditional interpretation accepting the khitābas eternal speech or literal speech (al-kalām al-lafzī). Because either all evidences are within the context of the khitāb,which is the eternal speech or other evidences are within the context of the khitāb,which is the literal speech. Thus, each result coming to exist with the other evidences is part of the Islamic law. But not all of these rules are considered equal to each other. Because each rule which is deduced from indisputable origin (qatii al-thubut) and is deduced from completely explicit sources (qatii al-dalala) are accepted as the word of God or the Prophet. On the other hand, other rules deduced via jurisprudence- in other words by jurist’s own value of judgment is viewed as the virtual rule (al-hukm al-zāhir). Such rules do not express absolute certainty. It is unacceptable for these rules to be described as the word of God or the Prophet. In this way, it is clearly understood that the concept of khitaballahmentioned in the description do not introduce restriction to the evidences ofSharī‘ah.We do not see a contradiction when the indefinite rules of Islamic law included in the context of khitāb. Because ijtihāddoes not aim to produce a new rule, on the contrary it functions in order to find out the already existing rules. The legitimacy of the rule obtained through ijtihādemerges from the way that this rule is deduced from the khitāb,which directly or indirectly represents the divine will. In addition, according to us, this legitimacy is not merely limited to versification and conception of the khitāb, but it also includes the function of the reason in (reasonable of the) khitāb. As a matter of fact, trying to solve unlimited cases with limited texts is difficult- in fact this is impossible. The majority of the legal theorists also share this opinion. Then, there is no obstacle in accepting that each rule obtained by authentic source and methodology can be considered part of Islamic law by implicating the rule in the context of khitāb(which represents the divine will) - although it may contain error and presumption. (shrink)

Unlike Hanafī jurists, most of the jurists maintain that qiyās is permissible (jāʿiz) for the origins (aṣl) in which the qiyās rule is invalid, including ruhsat (permission); kaffarah (expiation) and ḥadd (penalties). Shāfiʿī jurists, Imam al-Shāfiʿī and his followers like al-Juwaynī, argue that Hanafī jurists are contradictory since they apply qiyās in many cases despite their judgment that qiyās is invalid, and on the contrary they defend that these are derived from the literal interpretation techniques out of qiyās format. Nevertheless, (...) Shāfiʿī jurists persist that they rule on the qiyās applications through Islamic jurisprudence inference methods (istinbāt) such as Islamic juristic preference (istiḥsān), even beyond qiyās. In his sense of search effective cause: ʿilla (taʿlil), al-Juwaynī focuses on the proper meaning/suitability (munāsaba). He runs the mechanism of taʿlil even in the presence of the deepest proper meaning. He customizes the formulation of the suitability (munāsaba)/proper meaning for the origins in which the qiyās’ rule is invalid. Kaffarah and ḥadd consequently expand the validity area and minimize the restricted area for qiyās. Al-Juwaynī’s approach agrees to his rational personality as well as the value that he appreciates for qiyās. In this paper, the aim of study is to identify the borders and limitations of qiyās in al-Juwaynī’s thought with discussions about the disagreements between the jurists in the specified areas.Summary: As a general principle, devoting (taʿabbud) is the foundation for jurisprudence for al-Imām al-Shāfiʿī and reasoning (taʿaqqul/taʿlīl) for Abu Hanīfa. Despite this, Abu Hanīfa and Hanafī jurists consider non-qiyās foundations (ma’dul bih ‘anil-qiyās) including the quantified ordinances (muqaddarāt/taqdīrat) and ruhsat (permission) as well as kaffarah (expiation) and ḥadd (penalty) as the banned areas for the analogy (qiyās) and profess that qiyās cannot be applied in these areas. It may be contradictory that they state in one hand that the foundation of rulings is taʿaqqul, and on the other hand, bars the above-mentioned areas for qiyās. On the contrary to their general approach, Shāfiʿī jurists, in particular, argue that it is untrue to absolutely exclude use of analogy in those areas, which are rather open to qiyās. Al-Imām al-Shāfiʿī and one of his followers, al-Juwaynī, describe that Hanafī jurists’ applications do not jibe with their principles so that they do refer the inference methods (istinbāt) (e.g. juristic preference: istiḥsān), furthering qiyās although they take qiyās as illicit in kaffarah and ḥadd. However, Hanafī jurists defend that they are not in a contradiction, and indeed they do not apply qiyās in kaffarah and ḥadd and derive their illations mostly from textual implications (dalālah) that are mostly out of qiyās format such as tanqīh al-maʿnā (isolating ʿilla), istidlāl, and dalālah al-naṣṣ (inferred meaning). As understood from the relevant arguments, applying qiyās in these areas is directly associated with the issue of potentiality for “the analogy in reason.” The type of qiyās that Hanafī jurists consider illicit in kaffarah and ḥadd is the analogical actions made for the reasons. One of the most rationalist representatives of Shāfiʿī uṣūl, al-Juwaynī pronounces that the method to determine ʿilla (cause) is fundamentally the suitability (munāsaba) that can be defined as “rational compatibility.” In his opinion, the ratiocination (taʿlīl) is based on this suitability. According to him, the indications of qiyās will be clear or it becomes practicable even in the presence of low-level, implicit suitability. Al-Juwaynī considers that it is licit to apply the analogy for the kaffarah and ḥadd as well as the non-qiyās foundations, including ruhsat and muqaddarāt or taqdīrat, whether direct or explicit (i.e. the meaning of analogy: qiyās al-maʿnā) or indirect or implicit (i.e. the commonality of analogy: qiyās al-shabah). In this context, one of Juwayni’s concern is “the matter of inherence in textual sources such as naṣṣ or the Qur’ān and the Sunna),” corresponding to the area where the judgment is based on a specific reason by naṣṣ. For him, a number of reasonable meanings can be inferred in these areas when it is critiqued independent of the uttered words. But the inherence mentioned in the texts of naṣṣ, indicates to avoid the use of analogy for making a judgment. Al-Juwaynī asserts that some fractional elaborate or detailed meanings cannot be obtained for physical prayers and only a set of universal meanings can be imagined. He defines that it is permissible to compare the reasons of physical worshipping with each other when any suitable meaning is present. He considers that for the permissibility of qiyās in ruhsat, it is adequate to find a meaning suitable for the judgment, and besides, the commonality of analogy (qiyās al-shabah) is applicable in the area of muqaddarāt or taqdīrat. Nevertheless, a patient’s condition is similar to that of a traveller in terms of ruhsat for not fasting (ṣavm). In al-Juwaynī’s way of thinking, patients should act like travellers for ruhsat to shorten (qaṣr) the prayers (ṣalāh) due to “requiring” as a proper meaning. However, as mentioned by al-Juwaynī, there is a consensus (ʿijmā or ittifāq) on the fact that a patient cannot shorten his or her prayers. Due to this impediment, it is understood that the rule of shortening their prayers (ṣalāh) is permissible for travellers but not for patients (manʿ al-ʿijmā’).In criminal cases, the right of oath before the court is belonging to the defendant, whereas to the claimant in kasāme, an oath method in unidentified murders. Taking an oath from the claimant is merely inherent to the kasāme application. Al-Juwaynī states that this inherence is known by the principle of being inherent to each circumstance (iḥtisās bi-l hāl), and with this aspect, kasāme is a closed area for qiyās. According to al-Juwaynī, contracts are suitable for qiyās because they have conditions such as offers and agreements explicitly stating the quality and quantity, and mutual assent. He describes that these are the reasons unavailable for qiyās with respect to their characteristics. With this, the contracts are among the reasonable sources in one respect and the unreasonable in another respect. Consequently, al-Juwaynī suggests that the analogy loses its functionality or validity in a limited number of the closed areas for qiyās, which are the static devotional judgments (taʿabbud) having no proper meaning, direct or indirect, or explicit or implicit; the areas where the judgment is made inherent to a specific reason by the naṣṣ (ihtisās bi-l-nass) (as in the example that sacrificing a female goat at the age of less than one year is a specific judgment for Burde b. Niyār). The point leads to the judgment is made inherent to a specific reason by the principle of ihtisās bi-hāl; and banned ʿijmā issues (as in the example of ʿijmā that it is agreed on the fact that patients cannot shorten (qaṣr) their prayers (ṣalāh), unlike travellers. Al-Juwaynī sees the application of qiyās as licit based on the availability of suitable meaning in all areas except for the above-mentioned issues. That he minimizes the closed areas for qiyās and widely expands the functionality of analogy is the reflections of the value that he gives to qiyās. (shrink)

Among the Muslims the most common sect is Ḥanafī. It is mentioned in the Ḥanafī sect that there are a line of students who transfer the principles of the sect from generation to generation. In order for the Islamic conquests that started simultaneously in the Eastern and Western lands to be permanent, people were sent to teach Islamic morality, worship and fiqh that encompass daily life. From the 2nd century (A.H.) the sectarianization process that started in the centers such as (...) Kufa, Medina and Damascus has naturally spread to the geography of the West. Many jurists who were educated in the madrasas in the East transferred this education to the newly conquered lands in the West, thus contributing to the fact that sectarianization began in the East and West at the same time. During this period, the views of many mujtahids, including Abū Ḥanīfa and his students, began to enter this geography again through his students. In this article, the most important person who introduced the Ḥanafī sect in the Andalusian region and transferred Abu Ḥanifa's ijtihads, ʿAbdallāh Ibn Farrūkh's life, his scientific personality, his contributions to the spread of the sect and the reasons for the Ḥanafī sect to find supporters in the region will be followed by a short course and the history of the sect will be tried to uncover in the history of Andalusia.Summary: Among the Muslims the most common sect is Ḥanafī. It is not a coincidence that the Ḥanafī sect spread more than other sects and found supporters. Abū Ḥanīfa (d. 150/767) is the most senior among the imams of four leading sects. He experienced about commercial and everyday life, had loyal students. This is because he discussed with his students before deciding on a ruling.Islamic conquests in the east and west started at the same time. Experts teaching Islamic morality were sent to conquered places. In this way, both morality and Islamic law, which encompasses worship and daily life, were also taught. Since the implementation of justice was considered as the main duty of the state, legal affairs were dynamic and systematically organized. For this purpose, both in the Medina and the newly conquered lands, various issues such as, management, use, distribution, non-muslim marriage, trade and so on emerged. These issues were carried out with the "kadi" establishment, which is like today's ministry of justice.In the Hijri 2nd century, Fiqh schools produced practical solutions to matters of process and worship in centers such as, Iraq, Medina and Damascus. These schools completed the sectarianization process after a century. Many Islamic jurists who took madrasah education in the east taught these training in the west. They pioneered the development of this sectarianization process both in the east and the west at the same time.The Islamic jurisprudence solved the problems that emerged with the conquest process that began in Andalusia, primarily through the independent jurisprudence, kadi and muftis in the region. After 710 A.C., the Ḥanafī sect reached Andalusia. After the death of Abū Ḥanīfa, Abu Yusuf became the chief justice. Later, the views of Abū Ḥanīfa gained importance. Abu Yusuf appointed the judges who knew the Ḥanafī sect. Abū Ḥanīfa's students, like a gold mine, embraced the views of their teachers. These jurisprudences were adopted by the supporters. Imam Muhammad was the first to write the case law of Abū Ḥanīfa. The views and thoughts of Abū Ḥanīfa, which were published by Imam Muhammad, spread throughout Iraq, Damascus, Iran and Khorasan. Later these thoughts reached North Africa that was under the control of Aghlabid (A.C. 800-909).In the same era, ʿAbdallāh b. Farrūkh passed to the way 6500 km to learn western sciences. The purpose of Farrūkh is to write the views of his teacher, Abū Ḥanīfa. In this way, he returned to Andalusia by writing ten thousand subjects. Beginning from 767 A.C., Ḥanafī sect gradually began to form in this region. He served as a judge voluntarily, although he did not serve as the official judge. Therefore, it contributed greatly to the spread of this sect in the west. The Mālikī sect, which due to from the animosity of Umayyad (A.C. 661-750) and Abbasids (A.C. 750-1258), came to the forefront. Abdullah b. Ferrûh was not as famous as the other disciples of Abū Ḥanīfa.Although Ḥanafīism spread in the west, it was in the foreground in the eastern geographies. Scholars such as Qadi Ayyad (d. 544/1149), Ibn Farḥūn (d. 799/1397), Muhammad Abū Zahra (d. 1974) and Hintātī state that this sect was effective for a short time in the west. On the other hand, Maqdisī (d. 380/999) states that Ḥanafī existed in Andalusia until the second half of the third century A.C. and was at least as widespread as Mālikīism. Orientalist Lévi Provençal (d. 1956) says that Ḥanafī sect did not reach to Andalusia. However, it can be understood from the above statements that this view is not real. In addition, according to the student hierarchy described in the article, it is understood that the Ḥanafī sect maintained its existence in this region for a while. In Andalusia, the views of the sect from the 8th to the 13th centuries known, recognized and followed by experts and the public. Because this sect was not official, its books were not in demand. For this reason, the basic works belonging to the sect were not reproduced.It is not true that the Ḥanafī sect never came to Andalusia or did not stay for a long time. ʿAbdallāh b. Farrūkh, who studied at Abū Ḥanīfa for 5 years, introduced Ḥanafī sect in Andalusia. Then his students continued this teaching. In this study, the life, mastery and students of ʿAbdallāh b. Farrūkh, who made important contributions for the first time in teaching Ḥanafīsm's to Andalusia, have been brought together. This information is summarized in terms of Ḥanafīsm's entry into Andalusia, the reasons for acceptance in social life and the duration of the sect in the region. (shrink)

The Ottoman State contains many different ethnic elements which constituted a legal perspective. In this regard, the necessary precautions were taken to ensure that Muslims and non-Muslims live together peacefully in Vidin, a border city that was very important for the Western military expeditions of the Ottoman State known as “dār al-jihad wa-l-mujāhidīn” during the 18th century which set a historical example. The economic and social dimensions of the relations between the Muslim and non-Muslim population comprising the society in Vidin (...) who have shared the same city, neighborhood and public space during 1700-1750 were examined in this study and the conflicting subjects with regard to the ongoing relations between these two communities were tried to be determined. A total of 15 shari‘aregistries kept by the qāḍī (Muslim Judge) court for the related period located at the Oriental Department of National Library of Bulgaria constitute the main resources of the study. The shari‘aregistries that are the main resources of urban historical studies are full of countless examples that provide information on the relations between Muslims and non- Muslims in Vidin. The examination of these examples is of significant importance for putting forth the methods with which the nation system is applied by the Ottoman Empire as well as their opinions towards the non-Muslims they rule.SummaryVidin, located today in northwest Bulgaria was founded during the 1stcentury BC to the right of the River Danube by the Romans and named as Bononia. This settlement which was named as V’dinby the Muslims throughout the Middle Ages was transformed into a castle about 800 years after its foundation. The city that continuously changed hands due to its location at the border fell under the Ottoman rule after Battle of Nicopolis dated 1396. Vidin became one of the important border cities of the Ottoman against Serbia, Walachia and Hungary until the beginning of the 16thcentury. This importance of Vidin gradually decreased after the Ottoman Empire conquered Belgrade, Budin and Timişoara. Vidin retrieved its status as a border city against the Hungarians and the Wallachians after the Habsburgs dominated the region following the Great Turkish Wars that took place during 1683-1699, and thus regained its past importance. Even though the pressure influenced Vidin as a result disappeared with the 1739 Treaty of Belgrade, the conflicts between Austria and the Ottoman Empire did not end completely and continued throughout the 18thcentury. Vidin preserved its status as a first-degree border city for the Ottomans during the period of time, as examined in this study, which was also known as “dār al-jihad wa-l-mujāhidīn” starting from the beginning of the new century. Majority of the settled public were comprised of military classes in Vidin due to its geographical location where the Muslims and non-Muslims lived together. While the Muslim population was higher during the period of time following the establishment of the Ottoman rule, the non-Muslim population continued to increase throughout the 17thcentury reaching 23.961 taxpayer non-Muslim men in the 18thcentury. The Ottoman Empire based its ruling in Vidin, where almost the same number of Muslim and non-Muslims lived, on the principles of Islamic Law rules for non-Muslims. Since this legal system takes into consideration religious differences, non-Muslims were not held responsible from the prayers of Muslims and the actions that were not prohibited in their religion did not pose any contradictions with regard to Islamic law. The Ottoman Empire did not apply the Islamic Law on its non-Muslim citizens living in Vidin and allowed them to continue their social and religious lives based on their own religious principles in a special legal stance. Thanks to the system applied, the Muslim and non-Muslim community in Vidin were able to continue their daily lives without serious conflicts.The main purpose of this study is to explain how the Muslim and non-Muslim population related with each other in the city of Vidin during the second half of the 18thcentury and the dynamics with which they continued these relationships. Following this purpose, the cases between Muslims and non-Muslims in court records kept by the Vidin sharia court during 1700-1750 are examined. The relations between Muslims and non-Muslims are subject to two different classifications as economic and social issues, and each topic is supported and explained as sub-titles using different case examples. Majority of the relations between Muslims and non-Muslims in the city are economic according to Vidin court records. In this regard, it seems that there is no religious discrimination between the artisan groups in the city. In addition, many home, land, store and vineyard sales took place between the Muslims and non-Muslims which were resolved in the court mostly for registration purposes. It can also be understood from the court records that there were commercial relations between the Muslims and non-Muslims, that they had partnerships and that they lent money to each other which can be seen as an example of interpersonal support. Various social relationships were also established between the Muslim and non-Muslim population in Vidin during the period examined in this study. Even though non-Muslims had the right to carry out marriages and resolve their issues at their own community courts, it was observed that they frequently applied to the sharia courts for these purposes. They have developed witnessing relationships in such cases with the Muslims. The non-Muslim community did not experience any issues in finding Muslim witnesses for their cases with the Muslims; many Muslims acted as witness against their fellow Muslims without any hesitation. Two cases of injuries and few robbery issues were reflected in the courts of Vidin between the Muslims and non-Muslims during the fifty-year period examined in the study and no incident ending with death took place. Various singular cases took place between the two groups which were resolved at the sharia courts without escalating into severe conflicts. When all court records are taken into consideration, it can be understood that the Muslim judge of Vidin did not make any distinctions between the non-Muslims and Muslims and that he did not compromise from the principle of fairness. Both the Muslims and non-Muslims managed to live comfortably by acting carefully so as to not cross their own lines in both their economic and social relations in Vidin. When the faith-related conflicts that are taking place in our day in many regions of the world despite the level of education and culture are taken into consideration, it is very meaningful that people living in Vidin during the first half of the 18thcentury managed to live in peace. (shrink)

This article aims at examining the limits of change in the field of worship through a study on the origins of the ḥukm[religious ruling] of Shawwāl fasting that is widely practiced in the different parts of Muslim world. The study, firstly, deals with the evolution of the ḥukm of Shawwāl fasting chronologically among four sunnī schools of law, then analyzes the solitary reports on the topic. It concludes that in Mālikīand Ḥanefīschools, the ḥukm of this specific worship changed within the (...) limits of karāha [reprehensibility], ibāha [permissibility], and nadb [recommendation]. This ḥukm was constructed based on solitary reports which later became a paradigmatic source of religious legitimacy in the Ḥanbalīschool beginning with the eponymous Imām and in the Shāfiʿīlong after the founding authorities. It also claims that it is strongly probable that the solitary reports on the topic go back to a deduced opinion in the age of companions, but then reached to a form of prophetic solitary report in the corpus of hadīth reports. Ultimately, this specific worship that has restricted number of fasting was established with the paradigmatic effect of the approach to solitary reports as the only authentic way of transmitting the sunna, even though it is at odds with the fact that this worship had not been implemented in the first two centuries after hijra, i.e. contrary to the established practice [ʿamal]. Summary: The issue of change of rulings in Islamic law comes up frequently on various occasions, and an increasing number of academic studies are trying to determine the characteristics and limits of this change in numerous books, articles and papers. These studies mostly seem to focus on bringing together the arguments that can be compiled under the title of ‘the flexibility of Islamic law in response to the challenges of modernity’. Although the change of rulings in Islamic law is an undeniable fact, reading it only from the lens of the change in Islamic law depending on the requirements of time is an inadequate reading. The change of rulings in Islamic law has different motives; and the change of time, more precisely the change of custom, is only one of them.On the other hand, another issue that comes up in relation to the change of rulings is the claim that this change can only take place in terms of the rulings regulating the interpersonal relations, i.e. muʿāmalāt. In fact, this claim relies on the abovementioned approach that limits the change in Islamic law with the change of custom. Hence, because other two main areas of Islamic law, worships (ʿibādāt) and punishments (ʿuqūbāt) are not open to change through custom, their rulings will not change at all. This article will try to reveal that the change in rulings might reside in a sort of another change emerged in relation to the sources of these rulings, which is a neglected point. Thus, by exposing that the field of worships which is mostly considered as a closed area for change in rulings is actually open to it, this article will examine the limits of this change.For this analysis, the article deals with the fasting of six days in the month of Shawwāl as an example, which is widely practiced in various parts of the Islamic world. The main evidence on which this fasting is based on is a report transmitted in the considerably authentic hadith sources of Ahl al-Sunnah, which reads as follows “Whoever fasts the Ramaḍān and adds six days from Shawwāl, will get reward of the entire year”. This fasting, which is the subject of a great agreement on its ruling as recommended (mustaḥāb) practice today, was actually regarded as reprehensible (makrūh) by the two great eponymous jurists of the first two schools of law in the second Hijrī century, namely Mālik b. Anas and Abū Ḥanīfa. In his al-Muwaṭṭaʾ,Mālik clearly expresses that he did not recognize any scholar who keeps this fast, and that no [authentic] report has reached him on this. The fact that both Mālik b. Anas and Abū Ḥanīfa declared an opinion on the subject shows that this practice started to appear in the first half of the second ḥijrī century as a practice or as a solitary report (khabar al-wāḥid). However, both imāms have stated that such a specific worship would be makrūh. In spite of these very sharp expressions, the schools of law, which were founded by the followers of these two eponymous scholars, abandoned their views and widely accepted Shawwāl fasting as mustaḥāb. This article examines why this sharp change occurred in a worship in the schools of law and in which way it took place.Accordingly, the fundamental motive in this change is a paradigmatic transformation in understanding and identifying the sunna as a source of normativity. Although an agreement was formed on the validity of solitary reports as a source of knowledge in the second ḥijrī century, it was not yet accepted that these narrations are identical to sunna as a source of normativity. For that reason, both Abū Ḥanīfa and Mālik did not hesitate to reject any solitary report that contradicted a stronger evidence. However, as a result of the extraordinary efforts of Ahl al-Ḥadīth, the epistemic value of solitary reports has reached to an authority equating them to the sunna with a very rapid acceleration as of the end of the second century and throughout the third century. This situation led later scholars of schools to abandon the views of the eponymous scholars of these schools on certain topics in favor of certain solitary reports. This was also the process for the change in Shawwāl fasting.This thesis will be put under two headings, a section that tries to determine the periods and processes for the Sunnī schools of law in considering this fasting as mustaḥāb; and another section that provides an evaluation of transmitted reports in relation to the Shawwāl fasting. Accordingly, in the Mālikī and Ḥanafī schools, due to the effect of the reports, the ruling of Shawwāl fasting has been transformed from makrūh into the mustaḥāb as a result of the interpretational activities that started in the fourth ḥijrī century. Shawwāl fasting was accepted as mustaḥāb in the Shāfiʿī school, although there was no transmitted opinion on the subject from the founding imāms, in the fifth ḥijrī century; and in the Ḥanbalī school directly by the founding imām Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal, whose main aim was to follow a concept of religion that puts the transmitted reports at the center. When the reports on the subject are examined, it demonstrates that the mustaḥāb ruling is mainly rooted in a report by Saʿd b. Saʿīd transmitted in the famous hadīth compilations including Muslim’s Ṣaḥīḥ.Yet, this report was criticized in its both chain and text. Combining the facts that the same report with the same chain was also transmitted as the words of the companion in some sources and the verse that declares good deed will be rewarded ten times higher than what it deserves will make the following explanation a valid one: As Mālik put it such a fasting practice was commonly unknown to the Muslim society in the first two centuries after the ḥijra. Sometime after the death of the Prophet, an inference was made probably by a companion(s) as that it would be a good deed if someone who fasted an entire month already and got used to the fasting to fast six more days in order to get a reward of fasting for the entire year according to the verse that rewards good deeds with ten times higher. Since it is a recommended practice in essence, i.e. fasting for the sake of Allah, this inference transformed into a report and easily passed through the filters of hadīth scholars who are linked to a sort of piety promoting worships among people. After the solitary reports gained an authority to the extent that they can rarely be challenged, the followers of later schools of law preferred to get in a process of re-interpreting the opinions of their imāms in order either to reconcile them with the content of report, or at least to show why these imāms actually spoke against this fasting. Eventually, the later scholars of madhhab decided for the standard opinion of the madhhab depending on the reports in favor of the Shawwāl fasting rather than following their eponymous imāms. (shrink)

Al-Qāḍī Ḥusayn al-Marwarrūdhī is one of the important representatives of Khurāsān Shāfi‘ī School. Al-Ta‘līḳa is his famous work, which is one of the first commentaries of al-Muzanī’s Mukḫtaṣar. One of the important features of this work is the introduction to some of the subjects of ijtihād (process of juristic legal reasoning), taqlīd (acting upon the word of another without asking for specific proof), ijmā‘ (consensus of jurists) and view’s of the companions of the Prophet. The first systematic, complete and detailed (...) works of uṣūl al-fiqh (Islamic legal theory) that belonged to the Khurāsān Shāfi‘ī School have reached to the present day belong to the second half of the V./XI. century. Making research on the studies which were done about uṣūl al-fiqh and formed the basis of this period is essential to follow the development of uṣūl al-fiqh of the Khurāsān Shāfi‘ī School. Transfer of the uṣūl al-fiqh in al-Qāḍī Ḥusayn al-Marwarrūdhī’s al-Ta‘līḳa make it possible to determine the literatüre, which was formed in Khurāsān region in the period from the death of Shāfi‘ī to the first half of the V./XI. century until the first half of the Khurāsān region, which allows the determination of the uṣūl al-fiqh. In this study, on the basis of ijmā‘, al-Qāḍî Ḥusayn al-Marwarrūdhī’s method in al-Ta‘līḳa will be examined.Summary: Al-Qāḍī Ḥusayn al-Marwarrūdhī is considered to be one of the most important representatives of the Khurāsān Shāfi‘ī School. In addition to receiving fiqh education from al-Qaffāl al-Marwazī, who is accepted as the founder of the Khurāsān Shāfi‘ī School in Shāfiʿī fiqh circles. Al-Qāḍī Ḥusayn, one of the most distinguished students of al-Qaffāl al-Marwazī, has become one of the important bearers of the fiqh heritage of Khurāsān Shāfi‘ī School. The fact that the epithet “el-kāḍî” is used in the works of Khurāsān Shāfi‘ī School to absolutely refer to al-Qāḍî Ḥusayn, is another issue that shows his being authority on fiqh. Al-Qāḍī Ḥusayn al-Marwarrūdhī has accomplished many works in the field of fiqh. The most famous and most important work of al-Qāḍī Ḥusayn is the al-Ta‘lîḳa, written according to the Mukḫtaṣar arrangement style of al-Muzanī. He is often cited as the author of the well-known work al-Ta‘lîḳa in the sect. Al-Ta‘lîḳa, commonly cited in fiqh studies to refer to the views of al-Qāḍī Ḥusayn, is one of the first commentary on Mukḫtaṣar by Muzanī. With these characteristics, al-Ta‘lîḳa is one of the outstanding manuscripts for exploring the fiqh legacy of the Khurāsān Shāfi‘ī School. Another important feature of this text is that uṣūl al-fiqh issues such as ijtihād, taqlīd, ijmā‘ and view’s of the companions of the Prophet (qawl al-ṣaḥābah) have been covered in the introduction of the work. Al-Qāḍī Ḥusayn discusses the issues of evidentiality and types of ijmā‘ and ijmā‘ of ṣaḥābah in the chapter on ijmā‘ in al-Ta‘lîḳa. Al-Qāḍī Ḥusayn also handles the debates on view’s of the companions of the Prophet in the section on ijmā‘ of ṣaḥābah. It is also seen that the proofs proposed for evidentiality of ijmā since Shāfiʿī’s period became more versatile and differed. The fact that the arguments al-Qāḍī Ḥusayn cites in the chapter of the evidences of ijmā‘ were also mentioned by his contemporary, al-Māwardī, an Iraqi Shāfiʿī jurist, points out the accumulation of knowledge in terms of proofs of ijmā. Al-Qāḍī Ḥusayn makes two related distinctions that are fundamentally related to the types of ijmā. The first is the division between ijmā supporters, those who argue for knowability of ijmā, and their opponents. According to this, ijmā is divided into two parts as ‘āmm (general public) ijmā‘ and khāṣṣ (scholars) ijmā‘. Opposition to ‘āmm ijmā‘, such as fardhs (obligations) in prayer, rawātib sunnah (the practice that the Prophet regularly performed) and feast prayer requires kufr (blasphemy). Al-Qāḍî Ḥusayn, who considers issues such as ‘awl (a sharing method in Islamic inheritance law), mut‘a marriage (a type of temporary marriage) and riba’l-faḍl (interest in exchange or sale transactions) which are seen as controversial ijmā‘ issues in literature, as khāṣṣ ijmā‘ and evaluates opposition to this type of ijmā‘ as fisq (impiety). The second division al-Qāḍī Ḥusayn makes is between ijmā‘ based on the text and apparent comparison, and the ijmā‘ based on hidden comparison. Al-Qāḍī Ḥusayn thinks that the opposition to ijmā‘ that is based on ijtihād or the text in terms of sanad (chain of narrators), requires blasphemy. In a sense, this is to accept ijmā‘ as a provision on an equal basis and to reduce the distinctions of ijmā‘ to literary level. Al-Qāḍī Ḥusayn also discusses evidentiality of qawl al-ṣaḥābah in connection with the issues of ijmā‘. Al-Qāḍī Ḥusayn opposes the thesis that ijmā‘ is only limited to companions’ era and argues that it can be realized in any century after the Prophet. Al-Qāḍī Ḥusayn, who discusses ṣaḥābah’s ijmā‘ under two categories: the views of ṣaḥābah that have gained prevalence among other ṣaḥābahs and those that have not gained prevalence among other companions, argues for evidentiality of qawl al-ṣaḥābah, which have gained prevalence and known not to be opposed. He provides significant information on ijmā‘ discussion in Shāfi‘ī fiqh methods with regard to the evidentiality of this type of qawl al-ṣaḥābah, which is referred ijmā‘ al-suqūtī (consensus based on lack of opposition-silence). The knowledge al-Qāḍī Ḥusayn cites with regard to the evidentiality of qawl al-ṣaḥābah which have not gained prevalence among other ṣaḥābahs differs from Māwardī, one of his contemporary, and his predecessors. The fact that he cites Shāfi‘ī’s previous and latest views with regard to the state of such qawl al-ṣaḥābah in the face of qiyās (legal analogy) enables him to make comparison using uṣūl material available in his era. Al-Qāḍī Ḥusayn, who mentions debatable issues among ṣaḥābah, makes controversial narrations. While al-Qāḍī Ḥusayn reports that there is not any conflict on the argument that it is legitimate to express a third view with regard to issues on which ṣaḥābah is divided in two groups and fall into conflict, his contemporary al-Māwardī and other Shāfi‘ī jurists report that it is not legitimate to propose a third view on such an issue as there is ijmā‘ on these issues. (shrink)

One of the most important rights of the child organized by Islamic law is the right of custody, and th performance of this right is shared between the spouses in the event of marriage. But if the marriage ends and the family contact is dissolved, the first to take custody of the child is his mother, unless there is an emergency that her right to so is waived. If the custody period ends, the rivalry between the parents intensifies, both of (...) which want to take the child to his side. Then who decides the fate of the child in this period and does his choice have a role in resolving the dispute. And what if he chooses him together or the child chooses someone else or refrain from the child's choice to keep the child with him. This research comes to answer these and other questions? by speaking briefly about the legality of custody and it's general principles. And then the scholar sayings that the child has the right to choose between his parents at the end of custody period, to give their evidence, to discuss them, to weigh these statements, and to make a statement that is applicable in most famous personal status laws in the Arab countries. (shrink)

للنقود دور هام في حياة الناس والمجتمعات البشرية ، كما أن لها دورا أساسيا ومحوريا في النظام الاقتصادي. ويتعرض الاقتصاد إلى العديد من المشكلات والنكسات التي تترك الأثر البليغ في استقراره وأحواله ، وبالتالي ينعكس ذلك على الوضع الاقتصادي المتقلب على الأوضاع المعيشية ، والتجارية لأفراد المجتمع. وتبرز مشكلة انخفاض قيمة النقود كإحدى هذه المشكلات التي تصيب الاقتصاد ، وهو ما يُطلق عليه " التضخم " حيث تنخفض قيمة النقود مقابل ارتفاع سعر السلع والمواد. يؤثر هذا الانخفاض لقيمة النقود على (...) معاملات الناس وبيعهم بالأجل ، أو الديون التي لهم في ذمم الآخرين فيأتي موعد القرض أو البيع بالأجل وقد تبدلت قيمة النقود من حيث قوتها وقيمتها الحقيقية ، فيكون المدفوع عند حلول الأجل غير مساوٍ أو مكافئ للمدفوع في أول العقد وبداية التعامل. فيقع الغُبنُ الكبير على أحد طرفي العقد دون تقصير أو سبب منه. فهل هناك اعتبار لتبدل قيمة النقود ارتفاعا أو انخفاضا في سداد الديون أو الحقوق المترتبة في الذمة أم لا ؟ تعددت أقوال العلماء في هذه المسألة : فمنهم من قالوا: بوجوب ارجاع المثل ، والبعض الآخر قالوا : برد القيمة ، ومنهم من فرّق بين الاختلاف اليسير والكبير في قيمة النقود ، ومنهم من جعل الخسارة مناصفة بين طرفي العقد. Para, insanların ve insan toplumlarının yaşamlarında önemli bir role sahiptir. Aynı zamanda ekonomik sisteminde temel ve çok önemli bir rolü de mevcuttur. Ekonomi, istikrarı ve koşulları üzerinde finansal bir etki bırakan pek çok sorun ve aksaklıkla karşı karşıyadır ve bu durum, yaşam koşullarındaki dalgalı ekonomik duruma ve toplumdaki bireylerin ticaretine yansımaktadır. Paranın değerinin düşmesi sorunu, ekonomiyi etkileyen bu sorunlardan biri olarak karşımıza çıkıyor. Paranın değerinin düşmesi sorunu, malların ve malzemelerin fiyatındaki artış karşılığında paranın değerinin düştüğü "enflasyon" olarak adlandırılan ekonomiyi etkileyen bu sorunlardan biri olarak ortaya çıkıyor. Paranın değerindeki bu düşüş, insanların işlemlerini ve krediyle satmalarını veya başkalarının borçlarında sahip oldukları borçları etkilediğinden, kredi veya satış zamanı zamanında gelir ve paranın değeri mukavemet ve gerçek değer, böylece sözleşmenin başında ve anlaşmanın başında ödenen zamandaki ödeme eşit veya eşdeğer değildir. Sözleşmenin taraflarından birine temerrüt veya sebep olmaksızın önemli adaletsizlik düşer. Borcun ödenmesinde veya borçtan doğan haklarda paranın değerinin artması veya azalması gibi bir husus var mıdır? Âlimlerin bu konuda çeşitli açıklamaları vardır. Birçok alim aynısı zorunludur derken başka alimler küçük ve büyük farklılıklar arasında farklılık gösterilir görüşü belirtmişlerdir. Ayrıca, paranın değer kaybı akdin iki tarafın arasında bölünmeli gibi görüşler mevcuttur. (shrink)