The objective of this article is to contribute to an understanding of Hannah Arendt’s special place in present-day political theory by means of a contrast between her Origins of Totalitarianism and four important political science studies of National Socialism and totalitarianism, three written by authors who shared the status of involuntary emigrant with Arendt, that are offered as constituting the original context of her work. A critical appreciation of the seminal works by Ernst Fraenkel, Franz L. Neumann, Sigmund Neumann, and (...) Carl Joachim Friedrich and Zbigniew Brezinski, with special emphasis on questions of method, opens the way to a reconsideration of the distinctly philosophical character of Arendt’s work, and its shocking challenges to the scientific orientations of political science. (shrink)

“You argue like Carl Schmitt!” This charge has long been considered slanderous within German leftist circles and could have resulted in political ostracism. Today things are somewhat different, but not too much. When Ellen Kennedy first insisted on Schmitt's influence on the Frankfurt School a couple of years ago in Ludwigsburg, she may not have been aware of die problem Schmitt poses in Germany, and thus may have been taken aback by the defensive reactions of, among others, Habermas. Be that (...) as it may, Kennedy should by now know better than to reiterate the thesis. Despite many qualifications, her argument remains that Schmitt's authoritarian political philosophy in the Weimar Republic was implicitly or explicitly inherited by the Frankfurt School. (shrink)

In all major Western countries except France and Spain, conservative governments have come to power by proposing policies opposed to the interests of the majority of the people. This reversal challenges democratic legitimation processes since democratic consensus today is used to justify cutting back the welfare state, to reduce real income to strengthen inner and external security forces instead of developing public services. Apparantly, most people accept this reversal — at least insofar as electoral results reveal what people want. The (...) implementation of last decade's neo-conservative ideologies is a reaction to the international economic crisis. Neo-conservative politics attempts to manage an economic crisis which even a retired Realpolitiker like Helmut Schmidt recently compared to the situation of the Thirties. (shrink)