Historians Jules Michelet and Alphonse de Lamartine envisaged compassion and pity as vital forces that could shape history. They interpreted the outpouring of pity following the execution of Louis XVI as having a profound effect on French history in the nineteenth century. They both felt that, by killing the defenseless monarch, the Jacobins had awakened and unleashed tremendous sympathy that purified the monarchy in the public imagination, laying the psychological and moral groundwork for the Restoration. Surprisingly, they attributed (...) the Restoration to Jacobin pitilessness. However, they also traced what was for them the real failure - the moral failure - of the Revolution to the Terror and to the Terror's initial crime and founding act, the regicide. Politically, Jacobin mercilessness served the royalist cause; morally, it destroyed the Revolution and discredited republican ideology for decades to come. But not only was pity central to Michelet's and Lamartine's visions of nineteenth-century history and concepts of revolutionary and political morality, it also extended to their attitudes toward historiography. They envisaged pity as the basis for historiography and as the fundamental moral mission for the historian. (shrink)

Omhandler en række franske filosoffer : Jean Nabert, Gabriel Madinier, Amédée Ponceau, Paul Ricæur, Louis Lavelle, Alain (Émile Chartier), Ferdinand Alquié, Pierre Lachièze-Rey, Eric Weil, Henry Duméry, Nicolas Berdiaeff, Emmanuel Mounier, Maurice Nédoncelle, Emmanuel Levinas, Gabriel Marcel, Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Jean-Paul Sartre, Michel Henry, Jean Wahl, Alphonse de Waelhens, André Lalande, Gaston Bachelard, François Dagognet, Michel Faoucault, Claude Lévi-Strauss, Maurice Pradines, Georges Gurvitch.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Guibert of Tournai's Letter to Lady Isabelle:An Introduction and English TranslationLarry F. Field, Jacques Dalarun, Sean L. Field, and Guibert of TournaiIntroductionGuibert, from the noble family of As-Piès, was born near Tournai around 1200. From his hometown he traveled to Paris for his art degree, and completed the curriculum in theology there before entering the Franciscan Order around 1240. He may have participated in Louis IX's crusade of (...) 1248, but, if so, was surely back in Paris by 1254 at the latest, since he preached a cycle of sermons de dominicis et de sanctis to the university community before summer 1255.1 His regency as Franciscan master of theology at Paris was probably around 1259–1261,2 about the time he [End Page 31] completed his Eruditio regum et principum for Louis IX,3 and began his most substantial work, the Erudimentum doctrinae.4 Other significant treatises include his De pace et animi tranquillitate (ca. 1275)5 written for Marie de Dampierre, and the Collectio de scandalis ecclesiae, prepared for the Second Council of Lyon.6 Guibert died in Tournai on 7 October 1284.7Sometime around 1254, Guibert wrote a long letter of spiritual advice to Isabelle (1225–70), the sister of King Louis IX.8 Isabelle was herself a remarkable figure. She had rejected several proposals of marriage, including that with Conrad, the heir to Emperor Frederick II, in 1243, in spite of pressure from her family and Pope Innocent IV. But following a bout of serious illness at about that time,9 her family accepted her [End Page 32] decision to remain unwed. There is no evidence, however, that Isabelle ever pronounced a formal vow of virginity. Through the 1250s she simply remained at the Capetian court as a virgin princess with an increasing reputation for piety and indeed holiness, praised in lavish terms by Innocent IV in 1253 and Alexander IV in 1256.10 This piety took a distinctly Franciscan turn by 1254, when Pope Innocent IV granted her request for Franciscan confessors,11 which would ultimately result in her foundation of Longchamp, a house of Sorores minores just west of Paris, by 1260.12 Guibert's letter shows no awareness of such a project, indicating that it must have been written before spring 1255, by which time the land for Longchamp was being purchased on Isabelle's behalf.13 Guibert thus wrote at the moment when Isabelle was forming her first ties to the Franciscans, but well before her move to Longchamp, where she lived out the 1260s as resident lay patron (but never a nun).Guibert's Letter is really a short treatise of spiritual and moral advice, tailored to a celibate princess. It is organized around Psalm 44:14–15, All the glory of the king's daughter is within in golden fringes, clothed around with varieties. In a five-part structure, the king's daughter stands for a heavenly inheritance; glory within represents internal purity; gold indicates virginity; the fringes are a sign of humility; and clothed around with varieties points to honest comportment. The resulting "royal garment," however, is rather unequally woven together, with section one on the "heavenly inheritance" and the intertwined sections three and four on virginity and humility receiving by far the most space. In fact, section one forms a sort of treatise-within-a-treatise, organized as a ten-step ascent to the heavenly inheritance awaiting the daughter of the king. [End Page 33]The Letter to Lady Isabelle was first edited by Alphonse de Poorter in 1931, from a manuscript which contained only part of the text.14 The full text was brought into print by Sean Field in 2003,15 and translated into French by Jacques Dalarun in 2014.16 Yet in spite of these advances, the Letter has remained little noticed by scholars. Anne-Hélène Allirot offered several perceptive pages in 2010, stressing the way Guibert's treatment of hereditas implies that female members of the royal family might be particularly able to embody Capetian claims to holiness.17 That same year, in the only recent article dedicated specifically to this Letter, Rina Lahav... (shrink)

Qu’est-ce que l’homme? La question s’impose dans un contexte mondial où les atteintes à la dignité humaine connaissent un regain aussi impressionnant qu’inquiétant. Pourtant, l’homme que nous présente l’Évangile, sous le paradigme du Verbe incarné, le Fils Unique de Dieu, est capable de bien. Bien plus, l’homme est créé comme reflet du Bien par excellence, et élevé, sous le régime de la grâce, à la dignité de fils adoptif de Dieu. Le point d’honneur d’un tel statut est, pour l’homme, de (...) montrer, par une incessante production de paix, la dignité qui est la sienne. Notre article se propose d’examiner ces éléments avancés par Grégoire de Nysse en Beat. 7, à la lumière des récentes dénonciations d’atteintes à la dignité de l’homme. (shrink)

Un ouvrage récent de L. Villemin, Pouvoir d’ordre et pouvoir de juridiction , se penche sur l’histoire théologique de la distinction entre « pouvoir d’ordre » et « pouvoir de juridiction » pour en éprouver la validité théologique actuelle. Au fil des siècles, ce binôme a décrit des réalités très variables. En distinguant pouvoir sur le corps eucharistique et pouvoir sur le corps ecclésial, il a consacré un déplacement de la relation classique entre ecclesia et ministerium vers une relation entre (...) potestas et eucharistia. Cela n’est pas sans conséquences pour la vie ecclésiale, la théologie et le droit canonique. Or, Vatican II a choisi d’utiliser un concept unitaire du pouvoir dans l’Eglise, à savoir celui de potestas sacra. N’y a-t-il donc pas lieu d’abandonner la distinction entre ordo et iurisdictio ? Dans la foulée des conclusions de l’ouvrage, Alphonse Borras dégage des perspectives fécondes pour penser les ministères – leur attribution autant que leur exercice – et l’habilitation qu’ils impliquent à servir l’Eglise qui porte l’Evangile en ce lieu. (shrink)

Michaël Crevoisier : Fraichement retraité, vous avez été Maître de conférences au département de philosophie de l’Université de Franche-Comté. Toute votre carrière, mais en réalité déjà vos études, se sera déroulée ici, à Besançon. Je souhaiterais donc commencer par cette ville, cet ancrage. Est-ce que cela revêt une signification particulière pour vous? Et s’il fallait nous le rappeler en quelques mots, qu’avez-vous fait et vécu à Besançon à travers vos travaux philosophiques? Louis Uccian...

Le récent motu proprio Omnium in mentem a modifié le canon 1008 du Code de droit canonique de 1983 et ajouté un troisième paragraphe au canon 1009. Ces changements concernent le sacrement de l’ordre. Ils sont examinés ici sous l’angle du ministère diaconal. Sur l’arrière-fond de la doctrine de Vatican II et de ses développements ultérieurs, l’auteur présente une exégèse des nouveaux canons dont il regrette la déficience de la conceptualité juridique sans pour autant majorer leur portée théologique. Il se (...) réjouit cependant que le service soit désormais le dénominateur commun du ministère ordonné. Les diacres sont habilités à servir le corps ecclésial du Christ pour qu’il réalise sa mission dans le monde. Le souci de cohérence doctrinale est nécessaire mais pas suffisant, encore faut-il savoir pour quoi concrètement on ordonne des diacres. (shrink)