In 1749, Linnaeus presided over the dissertation "Oeconomia Naturae," which argued that each creature plays an important and particular role in nature 's economy. This phrase should be familiar to readers of Darwin, for he claims in the Origin that "all organic beings are striving, it may be said, to seize on each place in the economy of nature." Many scholars have discussed the influence of political economy on Darwin's ideas. In this paper, I take a different tack, showing that (...) Darwin's idea of an economy of nature stemmed from the views of earlier naturalists like Linnaeus and Lyell. I argue, in the first section of the paper, that Linnaeus' idea of oeconomia naturae is derived from the idea of the animal economy, and that his idea of politia naturae is an extension of the idea of a politia civitatis. In the second part, I explore the use of the concept of stations in the work of De Candolle and Lyell – the precursor to Darwin's concept of places. I show in the third part of the paper that the idea of places in an economy of nature is employed by Darwin at many key points in his thinking: his discussion of the Galapagos birds, his reading of Malthus, etc. Finally, in the last section, I demonstrate that the idea of a place in nature 's economy is essential to Darwin's account of divergence. To tell his famous story of divergence and adaptation, Darwin needed the economy of nature. (shrink)

Dans la Théorie élémentaire de la botanique, dont la première édition date de 1813, Augustin-Pyramus de Candolle se propose d’expliquer et de fonder rationnellement la méthode naturelle de classification des plantes. Pour cela, il est amené à comparer les différentes méthodes existantes. Par ailleurs, dans l’introduction, il propose une classification générale des sciences. Dans les deux cas, on retrouve un même souci de justifier le statut scientifique de la botanique.

ABSTRACT During the first half of the nineteenth century, while Georges Cuvier ruled over natural history and the Muséum d’Histoire Naturelle (MHN) was at its institutional acme, a French banker and industrialist with a Swiss family background, Benjamin Delessert, was developing an important botanical museum in Paris. His private collection included both a rich botanical library and a massive herbarium: the close integration of these two dimensions, together with the magnanimity of Delessert’s patronage, contributed to making this private institution a (...) worthy rival to the powerful and state-funded MHN. Delessert’s museum had the favor of both professional and amateur naturalists. Knowledgeable and dedicated assistants (Antoine Guillemin and Antoine Lasègue) curated the collections. Moreover, Delessert was an intimate friend of the Genevan botanist Augustin-Pyramus de Candolle. Although Delessert’s herbarium followed the Linnaean order, the Delessert Botanical Museum (DBM) contributed to the development of Candolle’s natural system, especially through the publication of costly volumes of engravings, the Icones selectae plantarum rariorum. This essay draws together the main steps in the evolution of Delessert’s collections, stressing the interdependency between books and dried plants. It focuses on the DBM as a case of cooperation between institutional and amateur expertise, private and public collections, and field collectors and cabinet naturalists. (shrink)

This essay builds on recent scholarship on Linnaeus to revise our understanding of how and why he became influential in France in the 1790s. It looks in particular at the nontaxonomic writings of Linnaeus (such as the Amoenitates Academicae) and the young men associated with two voluntary societies that emerged in Paris early in the Revolutionary decade—the Société d’Histoire Naturelle and the Société Philomatique—drawing on their minutes as well as the correspondence and other writings of their members. The essay focuses (...) on Alexandre Brongniart (1770–1847), who was an active member of both societies, and the younger men he mentored, including Ernest Coquebert de Montbret (1780–1801) and Augustin Pyramus de Candolle (1778–1841). It concludes that to be Linnaean in Revolutionary France was not simply to embrace Linnaean taxonomy and nomenclature; rather, it was to practice natural history as a form of citizenship validated by patriotic arguments for its utility to the nation that were based on Linnaeus’s theory of natural and political economy grounded in the land. (shrink)

This paper focuses on the contributions to natural history, particularly in methods of plant classification of the Portuguese botanist, man of letters, diplomat, and Freemason Abbé José Correia da Serra (1751-1823), placing them in their national and international political and social contexts. Correia da Serra adopted the natural method of classification championed by the Frenchman Antoine-Laurent de Jussieu, and introduced refinements of his own that owe much to parallel developments in zoology. He endorsed the view that the classification of plants (...) should be based on the establishment of affinities rather than of differences. The emphasis on affinities went hand in hand with the development of the concept of symmetry. This idea was introduced by Correia da Serra in systematics and was adopted and further developed by his friend, Augustin-Pyramus de Candolle. Correia da Serra also argued that Cryptogamia reproduce sexually, advocated extension of methods of comparative anatomy from zoology to botany, and applied them to the study of fruits. Correia da Serra was one among many of the estrangeirados, Portuguese "Europeanized" intellectuals who traveled extensively abroad in most cases to escape political or religious persecution at home. The estrangeirados were important contributors to 18th and 19th century European thinking. Most of the estrangeirados were pivotal in the introduction, dissemination and propagation of the new sciences in Portugal, but unlike most of his fellow estrangeirados, Correia da Serra was also an innovative man of science in his own right. (shrink)

I have attempted to clarify some of the pathways in the development of Darwin's thinking. The foregoing examples of influence by no means include all that can be found by comparing Darwin's writings with Humboldt's. However, the above examples seem adequate to show the nature and extent of this influence. It now seems clear that Humboldt not only, as had been previously known, inspired Darwin to make a voyage of exploration, but also provided him with his basic orientation concerning how (...) and what to observe and how to write about it. An important part of what Darwin assimilated from Humboldt was an appreciation of population analysis as a tool for assessing the state of societies and of the benefits and hardships which these societies can expect to receive from the living world around them.Darwin exhibited in his Journal of Researches a casual interest in the economic and political conditions of the countries he visited, but these considerations were much less important to him than to Humboldt. Instead, Darwin, with the assistance of Lyell's Principles of Geology, shifted from Humboldt's largely economic framework to a biological one built around the species question. This shift led Darwin away from a consideration of how the population biology of animals was related to man's economy to focus instead upon how population biology fitted into the economy of nature.Humboldt's Personal Narrative served very well as a model for Darwin's Journal of Researches, thereby helping Darwin gain scientific eminence. The Journal of Researches, like virtually all of Humboldt's writings, was a contribution to scientific orthodoxy. But Darwin had, along the way, acquired an urge to do more than just add his building blocks to the orthodox scientific edifice. He decided to rearrange those blocks of knowledge into a different structure, and for that task neither Humboldt's Personal Narrative nor any other of his works could serve as a model. Humboldt had lacked the confidence which Darwin needed that biogeography and the origin of species could be understood. Humboldt had not explored very far the possible connections between biology and geology. Nor had he provided a general synthetic account of population biology. Had he done so, he might have been more explicit about the extent of his endorsement of Malthus. But even if he had, Humboldt's strong orientation toward cooperation would probably have inhibited his recognition of the importance of competition in nature.Lyell, who had also benefited from reading Humboldt, gave Darwin insights that were lacking in Humboldt's Personal Narrative. Lyell admirably demonstrated how stratigraphy, paleontology, biogeography, and population biology could be interrelated, and his reasons for doing so were essentially the same as Darwin's. Lyell's understanding of biogeography and ecology came from the writings of Augustin-Pyramus de Candolle as much as from Humboldt's, and from the former Lyell derived an appreciation for the importance of competition and also a confidence that the mysteries of biogeography could be explained.117 Furthermore, Lyell's discussion of all these subjects and also of evolution in his Principles of Geology is a good synthetic argument that was the ideal model for Darwin's greatest book.Darwin, having become convinced that species change through time, was able to synthesize in his mind the contributions which he had derived from the writings of Humboldt and Lyell as they applied to the species question. When Darwin wrote his Journal of Researches there were two large gaps in his thinking about evolution that bothered him—the mechanism of evolution and the causes of extinction. It was only after reading Malthus in 1838 that he realized, as Lyell had more or less pointed out, how important was competition in nature. He now had the general outlines for his theory, and in the 1845 abridged edition of his Journal, now retitled The Voyage of the Beagle, he inserted a fuller discussion of competition in nature which showed his awareness of its importance as an ecological factor.118. (shrink)

This addition—hence the title Mantissa—to the rich vein of information about Constantine Samuel Rafinesque is in fact a supplement to Charles Boewe's own revised and enlarged edition of Thomas J. Fitzpatrick's book Rafinesque .The details of the peripatetic life of Rafinesque, one of America's most original yet undisciplined naturalists, are too well known to bear repeating here. Suffice it to say that because of the vicissitudes of his life—his perpetual wandering between and within Europe and frontier America, his impecunious circumstances (...) that forced him to find different ways of making a living—finding and identifying his publications is a bibliographer's nightmare. Even now, more than 160 years after his death and with the benefit of serious studies by Fitzpatrick and Boewe, as well as by Richard E. Call and Elmer D. Merrill, among others, we can only approximate the number of his publications, including both original titles and republications. Probably we will never have a complete list of Rafinesque's publications because he published regularly in newspapers, broadsides, sales catalogues, privately printed journals, and other ephemera that are infrequently archived. Even his own references to “published” works cannot be trusted as, to him, this term included papers that he sent to journals but were never published. On the other hand, Rafinesque complained to one correspondent that he never knew whether some of these manuscripts were ever published or he learned only years later that they had been. The total number has been estimated at about a thousand, but, as Boewe points out, this number is based on Fitzpatrick's faulty numbering system in which each version of a paper or volume of a multivolume work was given a number. Thus Fitzpatrick's system, continued by Boewe, represents serial numbers, not individual titles. Rafinesque's own estimate was 220, a number Boewe now thinks is a reasonable guess.The Mantissa is an important addition to Rafinesquiana. It lists twenty hitherto‐unrecorded publications by Rafinesque, thirty‐three new translations or reprints, and more than two hundred newly listed secondary references. For the first time we have a list of every manuscript letter written by Rafinesque that is known to exist, and Boewe provides a documented discussion of Rafinesque publications still remaining to be discovered. Several titles known to me, however, are missing from Mantissa, but Boewe's book represents a learned guide for the next scholar willing to take up the challenge and carry on the search. The newly listed manuscript letters will doubtless be particularly helpful in providing leads to undiscovered publications and other facets of Rafinesque's still not completely understood life. Among his correspondents were fellow naturalists such as John James Audubon, Joseph Banks, Benjamin Barton, Charles Bonaparte, Alexandre Brongniart, Augustin de Candolle, Georges Cuvier, Amos Eaton, Asa Gray, William Jackson Hooker, Muhlenberg, Ord, Paolo Savi, James Edward Smith, William Swainson, and John Torrey, as well as prominent leaders of the day, including John Adams, De Witt Clinton, Eleuthère Irénée du Pont, George IV, Thomas Jefferson, and Joel Roberts Poinsett. A total of 346 letters are listed.More important, Boewe has given us the benefit of his many years of scholarly searching and thinking about Rafinesque in his discussions entitled “Hints about Unlisted Titles,” “Letters as a Source of Leads,” and “Hints in Publications.” We learn, for example, that Rafinesque signed some of his papers simply as “Constantine” or “Linneus.” The Mantissa makes it abundantly clear why arriving at a complete account of Rafinesque's writings is an elusive goal, but Boewe shows us that the attempt still offers an exciting trail to follow. (shrink)

I first became interested in De dialectica in 1966, while I was doing re search on Augustine's knowledge of logic. At the time I made a transla tion of the Maurist text and included it as an appendix to my doctoral dissertation (Yale, 1967). In 1971 I thoroughly revised the translation on the basis of the critical text of Wilhelm Crecelius (1857) and I have re cently revised it again to conform to Professor Jan Pinborg's new edition. The only previously (...) published translation of the whole of De dialectica. is N. H. Barreau's French translation in the Oeuvres completes de Saint Augustin (1873). Thomas Stanley translated parts of Chapters Six and Nine into English as part of the account of Stoic logic in his History of Philosophy (Pt. VIII, 1656). I offer De dialectica in English in the hope that it will be of some interest to historians of logic and of the liberal arts tradition and to students of the thought of Augustine. In translating I have for the most part been as literal as is consistent with English usage. Although inclusion of the Latin text might have justified a freer translation, for example, the use of modern technical terms, it seemed better to stay close to the Latin. One of the. values in studying a work such as De dialectica is to see familiar topics discussed in a terminology not so familiar. In the translation I follow these conventions. (shrink)

We performed a critical review of the historiographical studies on biogeography. We began with the pioneering works of Augustin and Alphonse de Candolle. Then, we analyzed the historical accounts of biogeography developed by (1) Martin Fichman and his history on the extensionism-permanentism debate; (2) Gareth Nelson and his critique of the Neo-Darwinian historiography of biogeography; (3) Ernst Mayr, with his dispersalist viewpoint; (4) Alan Richardson, who wrote a microhistory on the biogeographic model constructed by Darwin; (5) Michael Paul (...) Kinch and the ideas discussed in the 19th century about the geographical distribution of living beings; (6) Janet Browne, who highlighted the importance of the pre-Darwinian naturalists; (7) Peter Bowler, who focused mainly on the influence of paleontology on biogeography; (8) James Larson, who looked into the practices of the naturalists of Northern Europe in the late 18th century; and (9) Malte Ebach, who like Larson, was more interested in analysing the practices rather than the ideas of naturalists who studied the geographical distribution of organisms. Finally, these works are compared with each other. There has not been a dominant paradigm in the construction of historical narratives of biogeography; however, they provide a useful context for understanding problems of biogeography that continue to be debated to this day. (shrink)

Non pas Pourquoi la fiction?, ni A quoi pense la fiction?, ni même Que fait la fiction?, mais : Comment fait la fiction? Comment la fiction fait-elle pour défendre ou illustrer une morale, alors qu'elle se définit par son indépendance à l'égard du monde dit réel? Peut-être, d'ailleurs, n'est-ce qu'en tant qu'elle est défictionnalisée que la fiction peut promouvoir ou publier une morale. Mais il est, pourtant, des morales qui contiennent une part constitutive de fiction, et qui, en quelque sorte, (...) appellent la fiction : ainsi de la morale intuitive de Victor Hugo, ou de la morale de la liberté de Sartre. La Fontaine, La Rochefoucauld, Vauvenargues, Hugo, Tolstoï, Sartre : à première vue, les auteurs convoqués ne sont pas tous faits pour s'entendre. C'est bien pour cela qu'ils sont ici réunis. Car la fiction et la morale ne sont pas plus immuables l'une que l'autre, et c'est dans leurs intermittences, dans leurs fluctuations, dans leurs variations qu'il convient d'étudier leurs noces improbables. (shrink)

Dans la préface à son anthologie de Virgile, Jean Giono raconte un souvenir d’enfance sans doute inventé par lui, l’expédition nocturne qu’il menait avec quelques camarades de collège pour aller voler des coings. Réécriture du vol de poires des Confessions d’Augustin, ce récit transforme l’expérience augustinienne du péché en une pure expérience poétique. Or, contrairement à l’interprétation la plus courante, nous voulons montrer que le texte sur le vol des poires n’a pas d’abord un objectif moral. C’est avant tout (...) un texte littéraire, et un jeu avec la littérature romaine, par lequel Augustin montre ce que peut être la confessio laudis, la plus haute destination de la parole humaine. (shrink)

Cet article revient sur ce qu’on a coutume d’appeler l’augustinisme linguistique, qui consiste en la critique, livrée par Wittgenstein dans les Investigations philosophiques, d’un texte extrait du livre I des Confessions dans lequel Augustin décrit l’apprentissage du langage par le petit enfant. Nous donnons d’abord une explication de ce en quoi consiste véritablement la critique wittgensteinienne, qui est en fait principalement une critique de la théorie de l’illumination intérieure de l’esprit par la vérité. Puis, afin de comprendre pourquoi (...) class='Hi'>Augustin est loin de mépriser l’importance de l’usage de la langue, nous proposons une relecture de l’idée du maître intérieur, en réfléchissant notamment à ce que signifie le retour à l’intériorité et au rôle de la confession. (shrink)

Pourquoi s'exile-t-on? Pour échapper à l'injustice, reconquérir une liberté menacée, fuir les violences, les persécutions, la mort, la misère ou s'arracher à la résignation. On part quand rien ne fait plus écran au risque d'anéantissement, que l'espérance devient lettre morte, alors même que la vie n'a pas été accomplie. Les épreuves qui conduisent aujourd'hui à l'exil ont leurs origines dans les déchirures du nouvel ordre mondial : la guerre économique sans merci des états de la planète ; l'incapacité à maîtriser (...) la réalité du marché financier ; le chômage de masse ; l'exclusion des citoyens sans abri de toute participation à la vie démocratique des états ; l'aggravation de la dette qui affame et réduit au désespoir une grande part de l'humanité ; les guerres interethniques qui se multiplient, guidées par le fanatisme et les fantasmes de la communauté absolue ; les effets destructeurs des dictatures ; les pathologies de l'identité collective fondées sur l'idéalisation de la haine ; la violence naturalisée réduite à une simple gestion ; la cruauté ; le nettoyage ethnique, etc. Pour ces raisons, il est temps de faire de l'exil une catégorie politique de portée universelle et signifiante pour la modernité. Prendre en compte cette exigence permet de repenser les termes de la politique afin de sortir de la passion identitaire et de poser la seule question qui vaille : est-ce qu'on peut faire quelque chose et sous quelle forme ou est-ce qu'on ne peut rien? L'objectif est d'esquisser une éthicosmopolitique qui se présente comme une politique de la condition humaine, un pari sur la capacité de chacun de répondre sans exception à la vulnérabilité d'autrui, un tout-autre-être-au-monde, une forme de vie qui nous lie les uns aux autres. L'enjeu est considérable. Penser politiquement l'exil, c'est chercher à comprendre ce que veut dire être-ensemble, être au monde, être sujet ; c'est ouvrir le monde à la totalité des possibilités qu'il contient. (shrink)

Comment penser l’amitié sans recourir à une affirmation politique ou théologique? Nous montrons d’abord la reprise chrétienne et la transformation de l’amitié, telle que la concevait l’Antiquité, à partir de la réinterprétation augustinienne des textes de Cicéron. Puis nous proposons de réfléchir à cette nouvelle conception de l’amitié, en nous appuyant sur les textes de Jacques Derrida, qui cherche à établir la possibilité d’une amitié d’« avant les amitiés », fondée sur aucune fraternité. Pour Derrida, une telle amitié est rendue (...) possible par le langage, qui se pense d’abord comme hospitalité. Nous reprenons enfin la lecture des textes d’Augustin, pour montrer leur convergence avec cette nouvelle définition de l’amitié, en éclairant le rôle qu’y joue la confessio. (shrink)

La 4e de couv. indique : "Cet ouvrage, fruit d'un travail d'investigation de la philosophie de l'éducation, aborde plus particulièrement la question de la relation dans les débats éducatifs, éthiques et politiques. Il tend à rendre compte de la contribution de la relation dans l'élaboration du sens des processus et des structures d'humanisation. Son interpellation éthique examine la relation sous l'angle d'une rencontre qui réinterroge et refonde la question épistémologique. De même, son angle politique choisit de s'inscrire résolument dans une (...) promesse de célébration intelligente et heureuse de la dignité humaine dans un monde commun.". (shrink)

The De Doctrina Christiana is one of Augustine's most important works on the classical tradition. Undertaken at the same time as the Confessions, is sheds light on the development of Augustine's thought, especially in the areas of ethics, hermeneutics, and sign-theory. What is most interesting, however, is its careful attempt to indicate precisely what elements of a classical education are valuable for a Christian, and how the precepts of Ciceronian rhetoric may be used to communicate Christian truth. An up-to-date translation (...) has long been necessary, for readers of Augustine and all who study the early church, or the classical tradition, or the history of literary criticism or Biblical interpretation. This completely new translation gives a close but stylish representation of Augustine's thought and expression. A succinct introduction and select bibliography embodies the results of recent work. (shrink)

Nombreux sont les commentateurs des lettres de Paul, en monde latin, à la fin du IVe et au début du Ve siècle, ce qui s’explique sans doute par les controverses doctrinales sur la personne du Christ, mais aussi par le souci de proposer un idéal de vie chrétienne : Paul est alors présenté comme un modèle de conversion et un maître spirituel. C’est dans ce contexte qu’il faut situer l’intérêt d’Augustin pour Paul, lequel est effectivement pour Augustin un (...) maître. Même s’il n’est pas possible d’examiner systématiquement l’interprétation qu’Augustin donne des lettres de Paul, I. Bochet souligne ici le rôle de Paul dans la vie et la pensée d’Augustin, rôle qui a été déterminant : dans sa conversion tout d’abord, dans sa formation théologique également, mais aussi dans son herméneutique scropturaire et dans son enseignement sur la grâce.At the end of the fourth and beginning of the fifth century in the Latin world, there were numerous commentaries on the letters of Paul, which is undoubtedly explained by the doctrinal controversies about the person of Christ, but also by a concern to propose an ideal of the Christian life. Paul, then, is presented as a model of conversion and a spiritual master. It is in this context that one should situate Augustine’s interest for Paul, who is effectively a master for Augustine. Even if it is not possible to systematically examine the interpretation that Augustine gives of Paul’s letters, I. Bochet underlines here the role of Paul in the life and thought of Augustine, a role that was determining: first all as regards his conversion, but equally in his theological formation, and also in his scriptural hermeneutic and in his teaching on grace. (shrink)

This paper attempts to upgrade Deleuze and Guattari’s concept of nomadism to the contemporary work- and war-driven displacement of peoples in/to Europe. Starting from Augustin Ioan and his 2005 book Poverism, where he brought up the concept of living along trajectories (of migration), the two authors of the paper question the all-powerful status of place as envisioned by Heidegger at the conjunction between dwelling and being at home in one place. Along such trajectories that unite a point of departure (...) and a tentative of arrival destination, contemporary migrants never leave their first home for good, nor do they ever arrive completely in a certain location. Even the alternative to displacement, the concept of homey feeling, was never studied outside the policies of major chain hotels, where it is provided a simulacra of arriving situations for frequent travelers. (shrink)

Renaturer la culture, reculturer la nature, par l'histoire : tel est le propos de ce livre. Il commence, en première partie, par la question du sujet, en montrant que l'exaltation du sujet individuel moderne a entraîné une décosmisation qui à terme est mortelle, car aucun être ne peut vivre sans un monde commun (kosmos). Nous devons donc recosmiser notre existence. La seconde partie montre que l'arrêt sur objet propre à la modernité aboutit à dépouiller les choses de leur sens, faisant (...) notamment du langage une aporie. Nous avons à remettre les mots et les choses dans le fil de leur histoire commune (leur croître-ensemble : concrescence), c'est-à-dire à les reconcrétiser. La troisième partie montre enfin que réembrayer la nature et la culture passe nécessairement par la question du rapport entre histoire et subjectivité, ce à tous les degrés de l'être, allant, par l'évolution, de la vie la plus primitive jusqu'à la conscience la plus humaine. Recosmiser, reconcrétiser, réembrayer : devant ces trois urgences, la pensée occidentale est aujourd'hui plombée par ce qui hier a fait sa force : la structure mère sujet-verbe-complément, qui à partir de la langue a orienté notre logique (avec le modèle sujet-prédicat), notre métaphysique (avec l'identité de l'être) et de là notre science (avec l'en-soi de l'objet), toutes fondées sur le double principe d'identité et de tiers exclu, c'est-à-dire sur la forclusion du symbolique. Des exemples tels que la langue japonaise, dont la structure mère était d'un autre genre, ou que le tétralemme développé par les penseurs indiens, qui inclut systématiquement le tiers, nous montrent la voie : dépasser les apories de la modernité ne se fera pas sans l'appoint, logique et ontologique à la fois, des grandes civilisations de l'Asie. On ambitionne ainsi de faire mentir le fameux adage de Kipling, Oh, East is East, and West is West, and never the twain shall meet. (shrink)

À partir d’une discussion critique des traductions françaises usuelles du premier Fichte, cet article voudrait déployer à nouveaux frais chacune des étapes qui constituent la genèse transcendantale de l’affectivité chez cet auteur, essentiellement à partir de la Grundlage der gesamten Wissenschaftslehre et de la Wissenschaftslehre Nova Methodo . Les concepts de Tendenz, Trieb et Gefühl sont disséqués, analysés en profondeur, et inscrits dans la dynamique générale de l’imagination transcendantale.From a critical discussion of the usual french traductions of the first Fichte, (...) this paper aims at questioning radically and stage by stage the transcendental genesis of affectivity in Fichte, particularly through the Grundlage der gesamten Wissenschaftslehre and the Wissenschaftslehre Nova Methodo . The concepts of Tendenz, Trieb, and Gefühl are dissected, in depth analysed, and attached to the general structure of the transcendental imagination. (shrink)

Augustine’s De Magistro is a short and relatively minor dialogue that often is overlooked. Nevertheless, it is an important text, both for its role in the development of key themes in Augustine’s thought and because of its epistemological and pedagogical contributions to the philosophy of education. This paper explores the significance of De Magistro in three steps. First, it introduces the dialogue and offers a summary of Augustine’s argument therein. It then examines important contributions that this dialogue makes in the (...) development of Augustine’s thought regarding signs and the inner teacher. Finally, it explores some educational implications of De Magistro regarding the nature of teaching and the use of Socratic dialogue that Augustine plunders from the previous work of the pagan Plato. (shrink)

Traduction de l’« Introduction à la mésologie », premier des quatre actes de Mésologie de la rencontre : une invitation au dialogue, de Kioka Nobuo. Cet acte comprend trois scènes dont chacune se compose d’abord d’un cours suivi d’un dialogue entre trois personnages. La scène 1 « Qu’est-ce qu’un milieu? » définit les trois concepts d’environnement, d’écosystème et de milieu, le « milieu » se distinguant des deux autres en tant que leur trajection. La scène 2 « La mésologie comme (...) géo-philosophie » montre que les notions géophilosophiques, « lieu » « paysage » et « rencontre » ont une importance décisive pour la philosophie japonaise comme mésologie. La scène 3 « Critique de la civilisation moderne », enfin, insiste sur la nécessité de renouer l’« entrelien » ( aida ) brisé par le dualisme moderne, afin de dépasser la « logique du désir », source de la crise environnementale d’aujourd’hui. (shrink)

Cet ouvrage a pour objectif d'interroger en profondeur la manière avec laquelle, historiquement, les philosophes ont « pratiqué l'image dans le concept ». Les auteurs s'interrogent sur le recours à la visualité et à la métaphore dans l'élaboration des schèmes philosophiques à travers l'histoire de la philosophie et les rapports que cette dernière entend tisser avec l'histoire du monde. On tâche de cerner les raisons que les philosophes ont pu avoir de mobiliser ou au contraire de rejeter cet opérateur conceptuel, (...) d'assumer sa performativité ou bien de déplorer son caractère résiduel et résistant à toute systématisation de la rationalité. L'ouvrage cherche ainsi à dégager quelques figures centrales du nouage que les philosophes ne cessent d'opérer au sein du chiasme reliant la construction philosophique de l'image et la constitution de la pensée par l'image. Platon, saint Augustin, Descartes, Spinoza, Kant, Fichte, Schelling, Nietzsche, Bergson, Bachelard, Wittgenstein, Fink, Sartre, Merleau-Ponty, Castoriadis, Simondon et Deleuze sont les auteurs privilégiés dans cet ensemble. (shrink)

Augustin Dumont | : L’objectif de cet article est d’analyser la mobilisation fichtéenne du concept de Sollen en montrant de quelle manière ce dernier permet à Fichte de lier la dimension catégorique du savoir transcendantal à sa dimension problématique. L’article propose un parallèle entre la mobilisation du Sollen au plan de la fondation du savoir et sa mobilisation au plan de la théorie de l’intersubjectivité. Pour ce faire, l’article superpose trois points de vue : le point de vue fondamental (...) de l’intersubjectivité pure, le point de vue appliqué de l’intersubjectivité juridique et le point de vue appliqué de l’intersubjectivité éthique. | : This paper aims at analysing the Fichtean use of the concept of Sollen, by showing how the latter makes possible the way Fichte links the categorical dimension of transcendental knowledge to its problematic dimension. The article draws a parallel between the use of the concept of Sollen regarding the foundation of knowledge and regarding the theory of intersubjectivity. In order to do that, the article juxtaposes three points of view : the fundamental point of view of pure intersubjectivity, the applied point of view of the legal relationship and the applied one of ethical relationship. (shrink)