Il s'est passé quelque chose avec notre corps dont nous n'avons pas encore pris toute la mesure. Il était le "tombeau de l'âme" pour Socrate, la source du péché pour les chrétiens, ce dont il fallait apprendre à se détacher parce qu'il nous voue à la souffrance, à la maladie et à la mort. Ayant gagné quarante ans d'espérance de vie en un siècle, nous voyons au contraire dans le corps le lieu de notre salut. Il n'est plus notre ennemi, (...) mais notre double : nous l'écoutons, nous le consultons, nous demandons à la science et aux technologies, mais aussi au droit et à la politique, de l'entretenir et de le protéger, au sport d'augmenter sa puissance, à la mode de l'embellir, au cinéma de le glorifier... Notre époque aurait-elle accompli la "divinisation du corps" que Nietzsche appelait de ses voeux? Cet essai intempestif, nourri d'une très intime fréquentation de l'oeuvre nietzschéenne et portant un regard aiguisé sur les transformations de notre sensibilité, soutient que le corps est bien plutôt devenu une nouvelle idole, un fétiche idéalisé en regard duquel notre corps réel, fini, souffrant, multiple et obscur, se sent toujours en défaut, inaccompli, coupable même. Reste alors à imaginer, au-delà de tout moralisme, ce que serait l'existence d'un individu qui se conformerait vraiment à la formule de Zarathoustra: "Je suis corps tout entier et rien d'autre.". (shrink)

This book argues for a new approach to the intellectual history of the Hellenistic world. Despite the intense cross-cultural interactions which characterised the period after Alexander, studies of 'Hellenistic' intellectual life have tended to focus on Greek scholars and institutions. Where cross-cultural connections have been drawn, it is through borrowing: the Greek adoption of Babylonian astrology; the Egyptian scholar Manetho deploying Greek historiographical models. In this book, however, Kathryn Stevens advances a 'Hellenistic intellectual history' which is cross-cultural in scope and (...) goes beyond borrowing and influence. Drawing on a wide range of Greek and Akkadian sources, she argues that intellectual life in the Greek world and Babylonia can be linked not just through occasional contact and influence, but also by deeper parallels in intellectual culture that reflect their integration into the same overarching imperial system. Tracing such parallels yields intellectual history which is diverse, multipolar and, therefore, truly 'Hellenistic'. (shrink)

Judeans in Babylonia: A Study of Deportees in the Sixth and Fifth Centuries BCE. By Tero Alstola. Culture and History of the Ancient Near East, vol. 109. Leiden: Brill, 2020. Pp. xii + 353. $150.

The development of Talmudic Judaism from the first to the fifth century A.D. is marked by a decline of interest in the knowledge and explanation of historical events. Neither the destruction of the Temple in 70 A.D. nor the advent of the Sasanians in Babylonia in 226 A.D. provoked refiection on history among the Talmudic rabbis. In Jerusalem in the first century, Yohanan ben Zakkai stressed an interim ethic and policy for survival and redemption; Rav and Samuel, in third (...) century Babylonia, converted messianic speculation and scriptural exegesis into a policy of passive acceptance of political events. But lack of interest in political history masked belief that the covenant of Sinai would win redemption not through the course of historical events but apart from it. (shrink)

In this paper, I show that the idea of logical determinism can be traced back from the Old Babylonian period at least. According to this idea, there are some signs which can explain the appearance of all events. These omens demonstrate the will of gods and their power realized through natural forces. As a result, each event either necessarily appears or necessarily disappears. This idea can be examined as the first version of eternalism – the philosophical belief that each temporal (...) event is actual. In divination lists in Akkadian presented as codes we can reconstruct Boolean matrices showing that the Babylonians used some logical-algebraic structures in their reasoning. The idea of logical contingency was introduced within a new mood of thinking presented by the Greek prose – historical as well as philosophical narrations. In the Jewish genre ’aggādōt, the logical determinism is supposed to be in opposition to the Greek prose. (shrink)

There is a growing recognition that philosophy isn’t unique to the West, that it didn’t begin only with the classical Greeks, and that Greek philosophy was influenced by Near Eastern traditions. Yet even today there is a widespread assumption that what came before the Greeks was "before philosophy." In Philosophy before the Greeks, Marc Van De Mieroop, an acclaimed historian of the ancient Near East, presents a groundbreaking argument that, for three millennia before the Greeks, one Near Eastern people had (...) a rich and sophisticated tradition of philosophy fully worthy of the name. In the first century BC, the Greek historian Diodorus of Sicily praised the Babylonians for their devotion to philosophy. Showing the justice of Diodorus’s comment, this is the first book to argue that there were Babylonian philosophers and that they studied knowledge systematically using a coherent system of logic rooted in the practices of cuneiform script. Van De Mieroop uncovers Babylonian approaches to knowledge in three areas: the study of language, which in its analysis of the written word formed the basis of all logic; the art of divination, which interpreted communications between gods and humans; and the rules of law, which confirmed that royal justice was founded on truth. The result is an innovative intellectual history of the ancient Near Eastern world during the many centuries in which Babylonian philosophers inspired scholars throughout the region—until the first millennium BC, when the breakdown of this cosmopolitan system enabled others, including the Greeks, to develop alternative methods of philosophical reasoning. (shrink)

Scholars have long wrestled with the question of why the Laws of Hammurabi provide two different sanctions for the theft of temple (and palace) property: the death penalty (§6) and thirtyfold restitution (§8). While reviewing Neo- and Late Babylonian evidence on sacrilegious theft, this paper argues that Babylonian law neatly distinguished between the theft of sacred objects and the theft of nonsacred temple property, which incurred different penalties, corresponding to those that §6 and §8 of the Laws of Hammurabi impose. (...) It further seeks to identify the criteria that determined the classification of certain objects as res sacrae and the legal and cultic consequences of sacrilegious theft. (shrink)

In this article, I study several midrashic passages preserved in the Babylonian Talmud that deal with Satan. The verses that they are based on are nearly all drawn from the book of Job. I find that these midrashim strongly support the conclusions of Ishay Rosen-Zvi’s monograph Demonic Desires in several ways, notably that Satan is not the font and origin of evil in the world as he is in other branches or wings of the ancient Jewish imagination.

Eine Reihe von mittelalterlichen Schriften zur Landmessung (vom 9. islamischen Jahrhundert bis zu Fibonacci und Pacioli) enthält eine besondere Art von „algebraischen” Aufgaben. Darin werden z.B. die Summe der Fläche und einer oder alle vier Seiten eines Quadrates beschrieben und nach der Seite gefragt. Es zeigt sich erstens, daß dieser Aufgabentyp mindestens seit dem frühesten 2. vorchristlichen Jahrtausend von geometrischen Praktikern tradiert wurde, und zweitens, daß er die Entwicklung einer „Algebra” in der altbabylonischen Schreiberschule inspirierte. Der Aufsatz untersucht, in welcher (...) Weise die Überführung der „sub-wissenschaftlichen” Praktikertradition in einen systematischen Schulunterricht den mathematischen Inhalt und den Denkstil künftiger Praktiker präge. Im letzten Kapitel wird diskutiert, inwieweit es sinnvoll ist, innerhalb dieser Schulalgebra von „Schulen” zu sprechen. (shrink)