L'expression « jeune fille » n'est pas très fréquente avant le XIXe siècle, tout au moins dans son sens actuel désignant spécifiquement une « fille nubile » ou une « femme jeune non mariée » (Robert). Mais ces définitions elles-mêmes restent approximatives : va-t-on prendre en compte la « nubilité » biologique liée à la menstruation, si variable selon les peuples, les climats, les personnes, et qui semble avoir été nettement plus tardive qu'aujourd'hui ? Ou une nubilité juridique, par..

Bergier, un des rares polémistes catholiques de talent face aux « Lumières », publie en 1788 un important Dictionnaire de théologie. Son article « Femme » est un des premiers, dans un dictionnaire « catholique », à prendre la « Femme » comme sujet et non comme simple partenaire de l'« Homme ». Avec esprit critique et logique, il y développe lieux communs (souvent proches des philosophes), points d'apologétique (« ce que le christianisme a fait pour les femmes ») ou (...) de controverse. Vingt autres articles, abordant les questions féminines, manifestent que si Bergier considère la femme comme l'égale de l'homme devant Dieu, il conserve sur sa place dans la société des préjugés de son temps, telle la nécessaire « dépendance ». Cet « inégalitarisme » ne va pourtant pas sans remises en question (paradoxales et rares à l'époque), et il prend souvent la défense des femmes face au sort qui leur est fait. (shrink)

Les femmes, à l’époque moderne, admettent, en règle générale, la soumission requise par le clergé masculin. Mais il en est qui résistent. Ce sont des chrétiennes aux fortes personnalités – Thérèse d’Avila, au xvie siècle, ou Gabrielle Suchon, au xviie siècle – mais aussi des communautés religieuses féminines, comme celle de Port-Royal, au xviie siècle et d’autres, moins connues. Ces manifestations d’indépendance, plutôt que de rébellion ouverte, sont particulièrement visibles lorsque ces femmes se sentent investies d’une mission divine, c’est le (...) cas, par exemple, des mystiques. (shrink)

The present article aims at providing a preliminary analysis of the literary and doctrinal relationship between the Nag Hammadi corpus and the Greek translation of 1 Enoch. The first section is devoted to examining the manuscript evidence for the Coptic reception of the Enochic dictate. The second part offers a more specific survey of this debated issue of the Valentinian Exposition and the so-called Liturgical Fragments.

In classical Latin, luxuria means 'desire for luxury'; it is linked with the ideas of excess and deviation from a standard. It is in most cases labelled as a vice which contrasts with the innate frugal nature of the Romans. Latin authors do not see it as endemic but as an import from the East in the aftermath of military conquests--and as a cause of fatal decline. Following these etymological and semantic origins, Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History discusses (...) the influence of Greek culture on the Roman concept and the peculiar characteristics of Roman luxuria. It analyses Roman views on luxuria through close readings in historical order from Cato the Elder, who regards luxuria as the opposite of the ideal Roman way of life, to the Christian poet Prudentius, who represents it in an allegorical fight with Sobriety. The book attends both to key authors and to wider literary genres, such as historiography and satire. Particular consideration is given to the rhetorical device of personification, which can be traced from the first appearances of luxuria in Latin literature to those of late antiquity. Berno devotes detailed attention to Seneca the Younger, whose work is often preoccupied with this passion. Seneca both defends himself from the charge of luxuria and violently attacks it in others, describing it as the archenemy of a philosophical life. Along the centuries, the focus on luxuria shifts from the economic sphere (and the waste of money) to the erotic, to the extent that in the Christian world it becomes one of the Seven Capital Sins representing the vice of lust. (shrink)

Definition of the problem: Rationing medical health care has been debated in the industrialized Western hemisphere for at least two decades. Many factors have contributed to the fact that medical care can no longer be provided free of charge, which used to be an explicit political goal in all countries with a well-established welfare system. Considerable shortage of public financial resources is now generally accepted to pertain also to the health care system. Arguments: So far, efforts have been made to (...) rationalize various medical procedures both with regard to specific medical treatment strategies and to administrative support processes. However, these means are limited in their effects to curb medical costs at a significant level. Thus, rationing medical health care is necessary to further enable the reimbursement system to cover expensive diagnostics and treatment that would exceed the individual’s capability to pay. Rationing can occur explicitly or implicitly. Implicit rationing has to be regarded as an unfair procedure and should be rejected on ethical grounds. Conclusion: Distributive justice in medical care can only be accomplished if the reimbursement system is based on a new theoretical foundation. This entails a stronger emphasis on individual responsibility for one’s own life and health and the insight that health is an individual rather than a collective good. Nevertheless, a mutual insurance-based collective health care system should not be abolished as long as it is thoroughly reformed. As a minimum requirement, it must provide incentives to spend money on preventive health measures. (shrink)

This paper analyses an important Valentinian source, the Tractatus Tripartitus, the last work in the so-called Codex Jung. The main aim of the article is to provide a reading of the text as a whole, high-lighting how the Tractatus Tripartitus might be understood as an attempt to remove the apocalyptic matrix of Valentinian theology. Finally, several essential features of the work are compared with the well-known charges brought against the Gnostics by Plotinus, investigating the possibility of an actual historical relationship (...) between the Tripartite Tractate and the ninth essay of the second Ennead. (shrink)

L’» héroïsme » est une notion complexe, dont le sens a évolué dans le temps. Littré le définit comme « ce qui est propre au héros », ce qui nous renvoie à l’article « Héros » plus fourni. L’acception qui peut en être retenue ici semble être la troisième : « Tout homme [sic : preuve que le présent ouvrage est utile] qui se distingue par la force du caractère, la grandeur d’âme, une haute vertu …». Notons que c’est une (...) notion relativement récente. Le Dictionnaire de Furetière l’ignore en 1690 e... (shrink)

Aujourd’hui, à une époque où la sexualité est omniprésente et semble triomphante, et où ses rapports avec l’Église catholique romaine restent difficiles et parfois conflictuels, ce recueil de 120 lettres d’il y a deux générations à peine présente un immense intérêt. Elles ont été écrites principalement par des laïcs (107), hommes (55) et femmes (62), riches ou pauvres, cultivés ou non, de toutes les régions de France, mais généralement catholiques pratiquants (plusieurs communiaient quotidien...

The coefficients of internal consistency and retest reliability had been rarely investigated within the methodology of dream content analysis. Analyzing a dream series of elderly, healthy persons obtained from weekly telephone interviews, the internal consistency of a series of 20 dreams and retests after 4 or 22 weeks, respectively, had been computed. The findings indicate that dream recall and dream length are quite stable, but dream characteristics such as bizarreness and emotional tone underlie large intraindividual fluctuations. In order to obtain (...) reliable measures for these variables which will be important for correlational studies, including waking-life trait measures, one has to obtain as many dreams as possible (about 20) in a very short time period. Further research is needed to extend the present findings to diary dreams and laboratory dreams. (shrink)

The coefficients of internal consistency and retest reliability had been rarely investigated within the methodology of dream content analysis. Analyzing a dream series of elderly, healthy persons obtained from weekly telephone interviews, the internal consistency of a series of 20 dreams and retests after 4 or 22 weeks, respectively, had been computed. The findings indicate that dream recall and dream length are quite stable, but dream characteristics such as bizarreness and emotional tone underlie large intraindividual fluctuations. In order to obtain (...) reliable measures for these variables which will be important for correlational studies, including waking-life trait measures, one has to obtain as many dreams as possible in a very short time period. Further research is needed to extend the present findings to diary dreams and laboratory dreams. (shrink)

Ce texte replace les groupes et penseurs marxistes ou ceux relevant, plus largement, d’un socialisme réformiste dans l’ensemble des courants de l’opposition en RDA entre 1945 et 1990 et cherchent à mesurer leur impact. En procédant chronologiquement, il évoque la résistance, essentiellement antimarxiste des années 1940 et 1950, ainsi que les conflits au sein du SED lors du soulèvement du 17 juin 1953, puis l’émergence d’un courant réformiste à partir de 1956 qui évolue vers la dissidence chez certains (W. Harich, (...) R. Havemann, W. Biermann, R. Bahro). À partir du printemps de Prague en 1968, puis de l’affaire Biermann en 1976, on assiste à un phénomène consistant à retourner les textes marxistes-léninistes contre le SED. Le mouvement citoyen qui se constitue à partir de 1976 compte quelques groupes d’inspiration marxiste qui se retrouvent, au moment de la révolution de 1989, sous la bannière de Gauche unie ( Vereinigte Linke ). (shrink)

Cuando apareció Heidegger y el nazismo el mundo intelectual internacional habló de una «bomba», pese al tono mesurado y exacto del texto. El descubrimiento innegable de su vínculo con el nazi-fascismo, comprometía no sólo a su propio país, sino a toda la cultura del siglo XX. Esta discusión sigue viva. Por eso, Heidegger y su herencia: el neonazismo, el neofascismo y el fundamentalismo islámico compromete de modo sorprendente la proyección del pensamiento heideggeriano en el presente y el futuro. Con su (...) metodología estricta y sobria, su exposición clara, fundada siempre en hechos y textos, Víctor Farías pone de manifiesto la función vitalizadora que Heidegger tiene en las formas totalitarias y extremistas de la actualidad. Para todo lector será una sorpresa mayor descubrir su pensamiento en relación a la polémica antisemita y revisionista iniciada por su alumno Ernst Nolte, la función central de la filosofía heideggeriana en el programa y la praxis del NPD —el mayor partido neonazi alemán— y en el discurso teórico de los neofascistas más relevantes de Francia, Italia y Bélgica, fundamentando en él la xenofobia extrema y el antisemitismo. Aun los ecologistas fundamentalistas heideggerianos, con Rudolf Bahro a la cabeza, anhelan el advenimiento de un «Adolf verde». Sorprende también que los fundamentalistas islámicos vean en Martin Heidegger una suerte de icono en su lucha contra los «infieles», la modernidad y la democracia, se revela que Khomeini formó un grupo autodenominado «los heideggerianos» que recibieron la misión de articular la cultura y la legalidad islámica en Irán. Uno de sus miembros era Ahmadinezhad. El neomarxista populista Hugo Chávez, primitivo pero antisemita radical, tuvo como su asesor más importante a Norberto Ceresole, el neonazi heideggeriano más relevante de Argentina. Incluso los neoracistas indigenistas del Perú acuden a Heidegger para fundamentar su «lucha por su sangre inca y su suelo» en la autenticidad del «Ser-ahí» heideggeriano. (shrink)

This article takes as its provocation Marx's intriguing statement about the disjunction between the flowering of Greek art and the underdeveloped stage of social and economic development made as an epilogue to the Introduction to the Grundrisse in order to ask what are the relations between that which has been considered art and what Marx calls `production as such'. In the elaborated conditions of contemporary capitalist societies, we can ask: Is art still being made? To examine this question I juxtapose (...) what Bauman has called `thinking sociologically' with a proposition that art thinks aesthetically. So how can art historians deal with that challenge of thinking aesthetic practices both socially and historically? I track a genealogy of art historians (Clark, Antal, Shapiro) who have attempted to think socially about artistic practices. This leads into a section about the necessity for both sociological and aesthetic education if we are to avoid totalitarianism or free-market individualism (Bahro). Finally, thinking sociologically, by taking as a case study the work of Aby Warburg, I explore the technological conditions of art historical production itself particularly in relation to photography and the way this shapes our access to the image. Warburg represents the possibility of another model for art historical thinking about the image as Kulturwissenschaft, a parallel to Sozialwissenschaft in its ambition and relation to the great intellectual revolutions c.1905 (Freud, Bergson, Einstein, Hussserl). Like Marx, Warburg questioned the continuity of the imaginary space of art thinking in the age of technological industrialism. Where art is now, where art history is, are not just sociological questions to which Marx might offer a dismal answer. I conclude that what is necessary is a constructive conversation between thinking sociologically and thinking aesthetically, knowing synthetically and knowing for oneself — curricular issues made more intense by the shared conditions in which all intellectual production is being transformed in contemporary sites of intellectual practice, the university, by `production as such' leading thought to risk the same fate as art in contemporary society, as Marx hypothesized. As a final thought, I suggest that in contemporary art work that confronts trauma and catastrophe, often using new technologies as aesthetic processes, we may find a counter-argument. (shrink)

Après le rapport du « Club de Rome », le débat écologique a acquis une très grande audience à l’Ouest. Les « limites de la croissance » étaient discutées publiquement dans de nombreux ouvrages à succès et faisaient l’objet de débats dans le champ politique, culturel, économique et social. Un mouvement environnemental s’est constitué qui, par la suite, a donné naissance aux partis verts. En RDA, en revanche, la croissance n’a pas fait l’objet de discussions à cette époque. Le parti-État (...) qu’était le SED était focalisé sur l’idée d’une croissance extensive et d’une consommation financée par la dette. L’objectif était de dépasser l’Ouest sur le plan économique. La « crise écologique » était donc perçue comme une arme idéologique contre la croissance du socialisme réel. À la fin des années 1970, Rudolf Bahro, Wolfgang Harich et Robert Havemann, auteurs marxistes de RDA critiques à l’égard du système, ont élaboré des utopies écologiques orientées vers des alternatives éco-communistes. L’article présente ces utopies et leurs auteurs et esquisse les grandes lignes de la réception dont elles ont bénéficié à l’époque et aujourd’hui. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:American Journal of Philology 127.1 (2006) 149-152 [Access article in PDF] Mario Erasmo. Roman Tragedy: Theatre to Theatricality. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2004. xii + 211 pp. Cloth, $45. [Erratum]This is a study of Roman tragedy from Livius Andronicus to Seneca. Erasmo states that his aim is to study the development of the form, "focusing on the process of how Roman tragedy became increasingly theatricalized and the role (...) [End Page 149] played by Roman culture in shaping the perception of theatricality on and off the stage" (x). The center of the study is, therefore, the incorporation into Roman tragedy, either in the script produced by the dramatist or in the same script as manipulated in performance, of material drawn from Roman life and political culture and, by extension, the reflection of theatrical figures and motifs in the world outside. Most interesting, therefore, is the material handled in chapters 3 and 4 (52–121), where Erasmo engages inter alia with Pompey's restaging of the Clytemnestra of Accius, with the Iter of Cornelius Balbus, and with the Thyestes of Varius Rufus. There are some provocative suggestions here which merit attention. There is also much of which this cannot fairly be said.Erasmo begins his account with the tragedies of Livius Andronicus (9–14) and moves on to Naevius (14–18), Ennius (18–28), Pacuvius (34–42), and Accius (42–51). Each author is given a brief introduction, and his place in the history of the genre is set out. Erasmo then takes one play of each of these writers and attempts to set out what can be inferred from the extant fragments that remain. It often appears that the principal criterion for selection of this sample work is simply that its remains are rather more numerous than those of any other work of the author in question. There is little guarantee that they will actually develop Erasmo's central thesis. This finally makes for one rather unsatisfactory coda after another. More effective is the deployment of the material to hand in chapters 3 and 4 (52–121), although it was probably unnecessary to print the dream narrative of the Accian Tarquin twice (62–63 and 92–93). Seneca takes center stage only in the brief chapter 5 (122–39).Erasmo notes the rather different definitions of the term "metatheatre" offered by Gentili and Slater (5). It is probably fair to say that the definition drawn from the latter ("theatre that demonstrates an awareness of its own theatricality") is rather more familiar to most modern readers. Yet Erasmo has a further claim, and this is summarized on the same page: "allusions to personalities or events outside of the theatre or to the dramatic action of the play are needed to understand the play." This is a markedly unclear piece of prose, but what Erasmo is trying to say probably emerges rather better if we delete "outside of" and read "external to." For what "metatheatre" means in Erasmo's discussion of Ennius (19 and 22) is the playwright's inclusion in his adaptation of Euripides' Iphigenia and Medea of language redolent of Roman society and custom. Now this does not directly draw attention to the modes of representation of the play at issue to the same extent as does, for example, the appearance on stage of the choragus in the Curculio, but there is little doubt that Erasmo is reaching here for something important.Some interesting work has been done of late on Pompey's rather unfortunate identification of himself with Agamemnon (see especially E. Champlin in D. Braund and C. Gill [eds.] Myth, History and Culture in Republican Rome [Exeter, 2003], 295–319; and F. R. Berno in Maia 56 [2004]). Erasmo offers his own contribution to this issue with his discussion of the staging of the Clytemnestra of Accius (83–91). Pointing to Cicero Ad Familiares 7.1.2, he treats the grand [End Page 150] spectacle of Agamemnon's entry as a reperformance of Pompey's own triple triumph six years before. Yet why put all this in the context of a drama... (shrink)