Comment Sortir de la Terreur. by Bronislaw Baczko The Kiss of Lamourette. by Robert Darnton Les Origines Culturelles de la Revolution Francaise. by Roger Chartier Naissance du Journal Revolutionnaire. by Claude Labrosse; Pierre Retat "Mere Words," The Journal of Modern History, June 1991. by Dorinda Outram Revolutionary News: The Press in France 1789-1799. by Jeremy D. Popkin.

Il centenario della nascita di Bronislaw Baczko offre l’opportunità di tornare riflettere sulla natura della modernità, mettendo al centro dello studio il rapporto fra Illuminismo, rivoluzione, democrazia.

Il saggio ricostruisce il pensiero di Baczko riguardo la Rivoluzione francese. Frutto del progresso illuminista, la Rivoluzione aveva inaugurato uno spazio politico aperto all’utopia. Gli uomini che agivano il cambiamento politico e venivano forgiati dagli eventi rivoluzionari non delegavano al potere politico la realizzazione dei loro progetti di innovazione sociale. Termidoro serve a Baczko per sviluppare un’originale lettura del terrore, ovvero alle paure che i rivoluzionari avevano alimentato per smantellare ogni opposizione e neutralizzare le velleità di resistenza. Il (...) terrore diviene così la violenza che radicalizza l’idea egualitaria portata dai Lumi e al contempo ne tradisce gli ideali. (shrink)

L’articolo tematizza il legame che, nell’opera di Bronislaw Baczko, intercorre fra l’Illuminismo e la Rivoluzione francese. Attraverso la prospettiva del linguaggio utopistico, che ricorre alle risorse dello sfondo simbolico e immaginifico, le ricerche di Baczko cercano di restituire il carattere processuale dell’Illuminismo e il suo materializzarsi nella prassi della Rivoluzione francese. L’Illuminismo vi emerge come un processo ambivalente, aperto, incompiuto, del quale la storia del Novecento si è fatta carico in modo costruttivo e tragico.

L’articolo prende le mosse da un brevissimo testo su Rousseau che Bronisław Baczko pubblica nel 1962 sul «Journal de Genève», _Plus on croit le figer, plus il se d__érobe_, che viene qui proposto in appendice in traduzione italiana. A partire da un commento dettagliato del testo, la tesi che si intende dimostrare è che per lo storico polacco fondamentale è stato l’incontro con le opere di Maurice Merleau-Ponty non solo per l’interpretazione di Rousseau, ma anche per il passaggio dalla (...) filosofia e dalla storia della filosofia alla storia degli "immaginari" e delle mentalità, così come per il suo modo peculiare di concepire il mestiere dello storico e della sua responsabilità. (shrink)

Questo articolo ha per oggetto l’interpretazione fornita da Bronislaw Baczko delle Considerazioni sul governo della Polonia di Jean-Jacques Rousseau. A partire da una conoscenza approfondita della letteratura secondaria e delle fonti polacche, tra cui il dossier fornito a Rousseau dal conte Michal Wielhorski, l’A. mostra come Baczko sia riuscito a offrire una lettura innovativa di questo testo rousseauiano, inteso non tanto come il tentativo di applicare alla realtà polacca le teorie del Contratto sociale, ma come l’incontro di idee-forza, (...) di immagini e sogni sociali, un incontro basato sulla reciprocità di uno scambio che non lascia immutati gli interlocutori, la nobiltà polacca conservatrice e il teorico della sovranità popolare. I polacchi si ispireranno a Rousseau nelle loro rivendicazioni repubblicane e Rousseau, a contatto con il repubblicanesimo polacco, modifica il suo stesso pensiero, imprimendo un nuovo significato alle nozioni di popolo e di nazione. (shrink)

È sufficiente scorrere le primissime pagine del volume _Lumières de l’Utopie_ per toccare con mano i nessi, profondi anche se non del tutto esplicitati, che legano la storiografia di Bronislaw Baczko a quel grande processo di rinnovamento metodologico degli studi storici che oggi siamo abituati a definire «linguistic turn». Il contributo si propone appunto di approfondire questo specifico aspetto del lavoro dello storico polacco, soffermandosi in particolare sul contributo che la sua visione della storia del moderno «discorso utopistico» ha (...) offerto ad una più profonda e consapevole comprensione delle conflittuali vicende della modernizzazione europea. (shrink)

Il saggio analizza lo statuto epistemologico della nozione di immaginario sociale quale si è sviluppata nella cultura francese e nel pensiero di Bronislaw Baczko. La centralità di questa nozione viene puntualmente rintracciata e messa in luce in tutti i lavori di Baczko, sia quelli più direttamente dedicati alla storia simbolica, sia quelli dedicati all’Illuminismo e alle pratiche rivoluzionarie.

According to Bronislaw Baczko, utopias may be considered as different forms—they are not linked to any precise literary genre—of critique of social reality and the quest for alternatives. Some consist of a detailed description of a new social order, whereas others confine themselves to an overall design, which solely defines a series of values and principles. They all contain an ideal of perfection: a utopian view of the world always stems from the awareness of a breach between what must (...) be and social reality, which is deemed to be in crisis and dominated by evil. There is, thus, no utopia without an ideal opposed to reality. That said, idealized as they may be, utopias do allow such reality to cease to be deemed.. (shrink)

Profesor Ryszard Panasiuk przez ostatnich kilka dekad należał do grona wiodących polskich filozofów. Jego książki na temat Hegla, ruchu młodoheglowskiego czy Marksa należą do kanonu historiografii idei. Publikowany tutaj obszerny wywiad z Profesorem może stanowić wartościowe i oryginalne źródło do historii inteligencji i humanistyki w tzw. Polsce Ludowej. Profesor Panasiuk opowiada w nim o swojej karierze naukowej, jednocześnie kreśląc obraz przemian akademickiego środowiska filozoficznego w powojennej Polsce. Wiele uwagi poświęca również swojej relacji z Bronisławem Baczką i innymi wybitnym reprezentantami Warszawskiej (...) Szkoły Historii Idei. Ponadto Profesor analizuje proces narastania prądów dysydenckich wśród zwolenników marksizmu po Październiku ’56 i wyjaśnia ostateczny rozkład post-stalinowskiej ortodoksji w polskim życiu intelektualnym tego okresu. Jak również dowodzi, że choć Marks stanowi ważny i wciąż warty badania rozdział w historii filozofii europejskiej, to marksizm, z uwagi na zawarty w nim koncept „radykalnej wspólnoty”, jest ideologią z gruntu utopijną. (shrink)

Polish philosophy of science has been the beneficiary of three powerful creative streams of scientific and philosophical thought. First and fore­ most was the Lwow-Warsaw school of Polish analytical philosophy founded by Twardowski and continued in their several ways by Les­ niewski, Lukasiewicz, and Tarski, the great mathematical and logical philosophers, by Kotarbinski, probably the most distinguished teacher, public figure, and culturally influential philosopher of the inter-war and post-war period, and by Ajdukiewicz, the linguistic philosopher who was intellectually sympathetic with (...) the anti-irrationalist (as he would say), logistic and meta-theoretical inquiries of the Vienna Circle. Second was independent and lively Polish Marxism, with its fine development of social research under Krzywicki, a social anthropologist and younger contemporary of Engels, and then after the war the economist Lange, the philosophers Schaff, Kolakowski, Baczko, and many others. Finally there has been a wide range of philosophical, scientific and humanistic scholar­ ship which lends its various qualities to the understanding of both the logic of science and the historical situation of the sciences: we mention only that great and humane physicist Infeld, the phenomenologist with deep epistemological interest Ingarden, the historian of scientific ideas Zawirski, the historian of philosophy and aesthetics Tatarkiewicz, and the mathematical logicians such as Mostowski and Szaniawski. (shrink)

This article develops two figures of the social imagination: the stereotype and the emblem. To start with we explore the notion of social imagination, principally from Emile Durkheim, Gaston Bachelard and Maurine Godelier. Secondly, the article deepens the two notions of stereotypes and emblems supported by the works of the historian Bronislaw Baczko and the anthropologist Michael Herzfeld’s. Throughout the paper, the theoretical aims are illustrated with reference to coal-mining memory and heritage in the north of France.  .

Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) was a pivotal thinker in the history of political philosophy. Making major contributions in a variety of areas, he brought his political theory to bear on subjects such as the novel, music, education, and autobiography, amongst others. Bringing together and reprinting the vital scholarly papers on the broad range of Rousseau's thought, with a particular emphasis on his political theory, this collection includes translations of a number of influential interpretations of his work that were not previously available (...) in English and were prepared especially for this set, such as those of Lanson, de Jouvenal, Weil, Wahl, and Baczko. Organized thematically, and including an initial new introduction by the editor, as well as brief introductions to each individual volume, this systematic collection is undoubtedly an essential resource for a wide variety of students and scholars. (shrink)

This volume is dedicated to Barbara Skarga -- her works, profile and biography. It is a unique character in the Polish intellectual life, but also virtually unknown abroad, except a meager milieu of her reeadership in France. Dubbed 'the first lady of Polish philosophy' for a good reason, she contributed not only to [the] shape of Polish philosophy but to the style of public debate too. The problem areas initiating her philosophy stemmed from the group of scholars called the Warsaw (...) school of history of ideas' with its flagship names such as Leszek Kolakowski, Brinisław Baczko, or Andrzej Walicki. On the other hand, her output originates from the extraordinary and dramatic events of her life. The philosophical outpout of Barbara Skarga is thus a proof of continuity and longevity of an important tradition of the 20th century Polish Philosophy. (shrink)

Patočka, J. Erinnerungen an Husserl.--Landgrebe, L. Philosophische Anthropologie - eine empirische Wissenschaft?--Schmidt, G. Was ist der Mensch?--Polin, R. Être et ordre.--Funke, G. Handeln aus Pflicht.--Kohlenberger, H. Zum Problem der Teleologie des Handelns.--Schaller, K. Theorie der Bildsamkeit.--Berlinger, R. Die Weltgestaltung der Philosophie.--Fink, E. Phronesis und Theoria.--Krońska, I. Atome und Menschen.--Dembowski, H. Martin Luthers Disputatio de Homine von 1536.--Heintel, E. Aristotelismus und Transzentalismus im "Begriff" bei Hegel.--Orth, E. W. Husserl und Hegel.--Baczko, B. Zum Problem der Leiblichkeit in der Anthropologie von Marx.--Kolakowski, (...) L. Richard Avenarius et le suicide apparent de la philosophie.--Biemel, W. Der Beginn von Prousts À la recherche du temps perdu.--Van Breda, H. L. L'itinéraire husserlien de la phénoménologie pure à la phénoménologie transcendentale. (shrink)

Who and how revised Marxism in Poland? The simple answer is that it was done by young intellectuals seeing themselves as obligated to social and political activity, eager to participate in the process of the constitution of a new postwar Communist society. Marxism was for them a philosophical world-view and a political program rising hopes for a better socio-economic reality. Revisionists were committed Communists and their attitude toward Marxism was almost religious. Marxism, Promethean and scientific at the same time, was (...) supposed to replace religion, for which the radically secular revisionists saw no place in the new society. (See: Mikołajczyk 2013, p. 44-48) After the shock of 1956 they stuck by the slogan: ’socialism–yes, distortions–no,’ they thought that “Marxist socialism was possible without Leninist political forms, that Communism might be attacked within «the framework of Marxism»,” and they “believed for some time ... that Stalinism was curable in the sense that Communism could be restored or «democratized» without questioning its foundations” (Kolakowski 1978, p. 461). They saw themselves in an elitist way, i.e., as true and devoted Marxists fighting with dogmas, orthodoxy, myths, and unfounded faith both within Marxism-Leninism and outside it. They were willing to accept the position of sectarians, heretics, or apostates. Their political and ideological involvement forced them to attack pre-war but still active Polish philosophers of the Lvov-Warsaw School and other nonMarxist thinkers (Roman Ingarden, Władysław Tatarkiewicz, Stanisław Ossowski), who were classified as “bourgeois thinkers” unable to understand and assimilate Marxism. (shrink)