This article follows the recurrent theme in Friedrich Kittler’s 40 years of prolific academic writing, which is of course the media-related production of discourse. Five heuristic principles are identified in his work: enabling, reduction, historization, the abolishment of the ‘two cultures', and post-hermeneutics. The paper closes with criticism of the intrinsic limits of Kittler’s point of view.

"Die Hypothese eines neuen Erdzeitalters, des »Anthropozän«, wird seit ihrer Postulierung durch den Chemiker und Nobelpreisträger Paul Crutzen im Jahr 2000 intensiv diskutiert. Der Beginn des Anthropozän wird zumeist um 1800 datiert und in einen Zusammenhang mit der Industrialisierung gestellt. Seither, so die These, ist die Menschheit zu einer quasi geologischen Kraft und sind menschliche Infrastrukturen zum wichtigsten Einflussfaktor auf die biologischen, geologischen und atmosphärischen Prozesse auf der Erde geworden. Christian Schwägerl und Reinhold Leinfelder führen in ihrem Beitrag Argumente und (...) Beispiele für die langfristigen Veränderungen und für die »Reorganisation des gesamten Erdsystems« an, welche die These vom Anthropozän und der »menschgemachten« Erde stützen. In ihrem Beitrag widersprechen sie dem vorschnellen Eindruck, es handle sich bei der Idee einer neuen geologischen Erdepoche nur um einen neuen Sammelbegriff für all das, was als Umweltproblem gilt. Vielmehr betonen die Autoren auch das Potential des Menschen und seiner Technologien zur positiven Gestaltung seines Lebensraums und zur Transformation der Erde. Sie verstehen das Anthropozän nicht nur als rein physische Zustandsbeschreibung, sondern auch als gesellschaftliche Herausforderung und als Forschungsauftrag. Niels Werber setzt in seinem Beitrag an der Frage der notorischen Epochenbildung um 1800 an und kritisiert, dass der Anthropozän-Diskurs sich allein auf die vermeintliche Evidenz naturwissenschaftlicher, vor allem geologischer Daten und Zahlen verlassen würde und ausgerechnet für die Plausibilisierung des Zeitalters des Menschen Kenntnisse über den Menschen, seine Sozialordnung und Kultur offenbar nicht nötig seien. Stattdessen fordert Werber im Anschluss an Niklas Luhmann dazu auf, die Anthropozän-Hypothese als einen Beitrag zur »Selbstbeschreibung der Gesellschaft«, das heißt zur Beschreibung der Einfügung des Menschen und seiner Gesellschaft in die Welt zu verstehen. The hypothesis of a new geological era, the »Anthropocene«, is discussed intensively since its presentation by the chemist and Nobel Prize winner Paul Crutzen in 2000. The beginning of the Anthropocene is usually dated to 1800 and put into the context of the industrialization. Since then, according to Crutzen, mankind has become a quasi-geological force and human infrastructures have developed into a primary influence on the biological, geological and atmospheric processes on Earth. In their contribution, Christian Schwägerl and Reinhold Leinfelder present examples of the long-term changes and arguments for the »reorganization of the entire Earth system«, supporting the thesis of the Anthropocene and the »man-made« Earth. In their article they contradict the premature impression that the Anthropocene is nothing but a new umbrella term for everything that is considered an environmental problem. Rather, the authors emphasize the potential of man and his technologies for the positive design of his habitat and the transformation of the earth. They understand the Anthropocene not only as a description of a purely physical state, but also as a social and scientific challenge. Niels Werber puts in his contribution the notorious epoch threshold 1800 in question. Furthermore, he criticizes that the discourse of the Anthropocene relies solely on the supposed evidence of science, especially of geological data and figures, and thus neglects in its effort to describe a »geological age of mankind« precisely the emerging knowledge of man, social order and culture. Instead, Werber understands the »Anthropocene« as a contribution to the »self-description of society,« i.e. to a possible integration of mankind and society into the world.". (shrink)

The hypothesis of a new geological era, the »Anthropocene«, is discussed intensively since its presentation by the chemist and Nobel Prize winner Paul Crutzen in 2000. The beginning of the Anthropocene is usually dated to 1800 and put into the context of the industrialization. Since then, according to Crutzen, mankind has become a quasi-geological force and human infrastructures have developed into a primary influence on the biological, geological and atmospheric processes on Earth. In their contribution, Christian Schwägerl and Reinhold Leinfelder (...) present examples of the long-term changes and arguments for the »reorganization of the entire Earth system«, supporting the thesis of the Anthropocene and the »man-made« Earth. In their article they contradict the premature impression that the Anthropocene is nothing but a new umbrella term for everything that is considered an environmental problem. Rather, the authors emphasize the potential of man and his technologies for the positive design of his habitat and the transformation of the earth. They understand the Anthropocene not only as a description of a purely physical state, but also as a social and scientific challenge. Niels Werber puts in his contribution the notorious epoch threshold 1800 in question. Furthermore, he criticizes that the discourse of the Anthropocene relies solely on the supposed evidence of science, especially of geological data and figures, and thus neglects in its effort to describe a »geological age of mankind« precisely the emerging knowledge of man, social order and culture. Instead, Werber understands the »Anthropocene« as a contribution to the »self-description of society,« i.e. to a possible integration of mankind and society into the world. German Die Hypothese eines neuen Erdzeitalters, des »Anthropozän«, wird seit ihrer Postulierung durch den Chemiker und Nobelpreisträger Paul Crutzen im Jahr 2000 intensiv diskutiert. Der Beginn des Anthropozän wird zumeist um 1800 datiert und in einen Zusammenhang mit der Industrialisierung gestellt. Seither, so die These, ist die Menschheit zu einer quasi geologischen Kraft und sind menschliche Infrastrukturen zum wichtigsten Einflussfaktor auf die biologischen, geologischen und atmosphärischen Prozesse auf der Erde geworden. Christian Schwägerl und Reinhold Leinfelder führen in ihrem Beitrag Argumente und Beispiele für die langfristigen Veränderungen und für die »Reorganisation des gesamten Erdsystems« an, welche die These vom Anthropozän und der »menschgemachten« Erde stützen. In ihrem Beitrag widersprechen sie dem vorschnellen Eindruck, es handle sich bei der Idee einer neuen geologischen Erdepoche nur um einen neuen Sammelbegriff für all das, was als Umweltproblem gilt. Vielmehr betonen die Autoren auch das Potential des Menschen und seiner Technologien zur positiven Gestaltung seines Lebensraums und zur Transformation der Erde. Sie verstehen das Anthropozän nicht nur als rein physische Zustandsbeschreibung, sondern auch als gesellschaftliche Herausforderung und als Forschungsauftrag. Niels Werber setzt in seinem Beitrag an der Frage der notorischen Epochenbildung um 1800 an und kritisiert, dass der Anthropozän-Diskurs sich allein auf die vermeintliche Evidenz naturwissenschaftlicher, vor allem geologischer Daten und Zahlen verlassen würde und ausgerechnet für die Plausibilisierung des Zeitalters des Menschen Kenntnisse über den Menschen, seine Sozialordnung und Kultur offenbar nicht nötig seien. Stattdessen fordert Werber im Anschluss an Niklas Luhmann dazu auf, die Anthropozän-Hypothese als einen Beitrag zur »Selbstbeschreibung der Gesellschaft«, das heißt zur Beschreibung der Einfügung des Menschen und seiner Gesellschaft in die Welt zu verstehen. (shrink)

John Damascene, one of the most productive Greek theologians of the Middle Byzantine era, also composed a treatise on the Trisagion hymn, or how it should be sung correctly and why; a text that has been little discussed in contemporary scholarship. The present paper provides an overview of the work – with special reference to the notion of identity in John’s description of the Trinitarian doctrine. It also examines the treatise especially in the context of anti-heretical polemics. The author (...) argues that John’s approach to the question of the correct way of singing the hymn is gentle: instead of using pejorative language, he even praises the object of his reproach. (shrink)

Découvert en Occident seulement au XVIe s., ce traité fut traduit quatre fois avec des intentions différentes : unité entre Grecs et Latins , Contre-Réforme , opposition à la renaissance du manichéisme en Dalmatie . Seule la traduction et l'édition grecque simultanée de 1575 est dépourvue d'intention doctrinale ou polémique; le problème de la paternité de cette traduction pose un problème, Hopper étant mort en 1564. . Les quatre éditions et/ou traductions sont apparentées à l'actuel ms. Florence, Laur. 4, 12.

This essay studies Moses Galeano, a Jewish scholar with ties to Crete and the Ottoman Sultan’s court, who traveled to the Veneto around 1500. After describing Galeano’s intellectual milieu, it focuses, first, on circumstantial evidence that he transmitted information central to the rise of Renaissance astronomy. Galeano knew of theories that strongly resemble portions of astronomy texts written by Giovanni Battista Amico and Girolamo Fracastoro at Padua a few decades later. He also knew about theories pioneered by the Damascene (...) Ibn al-Shā˙tir that strongly resemble portions of Copernicus’s work. Next, the article turns to concrete evidence showing that Galeano was part of a network of Jewish scholars who did have contact with Christian scholars in Europe. The essay concludes that, while it is impossible to prove that Galeano had direct contact with Copernicus, he most likely had contact with some European astronomer in the Veneto. (shrink)

Alles, was der Mensch von sich wissen kann, lässt sich an den Werkzeugen und Medien ablesen, die er gebraucht. Diese These steht im Mittelpunkt des Werks von Ernst Kapp (1808-1896), Gymnasiallehrer für Geschichte und Erdkunde, Technikphilosoph und Farmer in Texas. Obwohl Ernst Kapp unbestritten als Begründer der modernen Technikphilosophie gilt, ist sein anthropologischer Ansatz bislang kaum systematisch rezipiert worden. Zwar wird sein Werk in Überblicken meist als wichtiger Ausgangspunkt für die Technikphilosophie des 20. Jahrhunderts genannt, sein heuristisches Theorem der Organprojektion (...) wird dabei jedoch oft falsch als Vorläufer der Prothesentheorie von Freud bis McLuhan eingeordnet und nicht als kulturhistorische Erkenntnistheorie verstanden. Bei dem vorliegenden Buch handelt es sich um den ersten Forschungsband zum Werk von Ernst Kapp. Mit Beiträgen von Suzana Alpsancar, Christine Blättler, Lorenz Engell, Volker Gerhardt, Frank Hartmann, Christoph Hubig, Friedrich A. Kittler, Harun Maye, Alfred Nordmann, Birgit Recki, Hans-Martin Sass, Leander Scholz, Johanna Seifert, Christiane Voss und Niels Werber"--Back cover. (shrink)

During the Middle Ages, heterodox applications of crucial tenets of Aristotle’s philosophy led philosophers to explore connections and suggestions that would have not been acceptable for the Stagirite. In this essay, I explore the conflagration of two such Aristotelian (or pseudo-Aristotelian) theses. First, I investigate the notion that prime matter cannot have any properties (as described, among others, by Simplicius and Aquinas); secondly, I take into account the thesis that no property can substantially be predicated of God (John Damascene, (...) Pseudo-Dionysius, Aquinas). In the first half of the article, I reconstruct the tradition surrounding these two tenets and I argue that a non-trivial conflict between these two theses was explored by David of Dinant, in his lost Quaternuli. He claimed that, since both God and prime matter have no properties, then the impossibility of discerning between the two forces us to admit that God is the prime matter of the world, and to identify God as the material cause of the world. In the second part of the essay, I explore whether his association of the Aristotelian denial of prime matter’s properties and the Scholastic denial of the proper predicability of God’s properties is a sound argument, in light of potential objections regarding the homogeneity of the two denials (prima facie, one seems ontological, and the other epistemological), and the tenability of his negative theory of predication. (shrink)

The monumental Florilegium Coislinianum can be dated in the 9th-10th century and originally contained all the letters up to Omega, but now the most complete manuscript, Parisinus gr. 923 , ends at Psi. Hitherto only the third book has been made available in a critical edition, while the rest of the anthology is still not accessible in a printed version. This article presents the critical edition of the second book , containing some interesting fragments attributed e.g. to a certain Leontius (...) the Damascene, to Athanasius of Alexandria and to John Chrysostom. (shrink)

One of the characteristics of medieval thought that makes it so fascinating is how medieval thinkers in general, and theologians in particular, would work to incorporate received theological language into their own personal writing, even if that language did not sit well with the larger enterprise, informed as it often was by philosophical traditions unknown to the founding authors of the medieval theological tradition. This phenomenon is explainable, of course, by noting how seriously the medievals took the very wording of (...) both the Bible and authoritative Christian writers, such as Augustine, Damascene, and so on — though the Bible would always have pride of place in terms of its ultimate normative authority. Still, it was often the case that the intellectual underpinnings that established the order of an author’s written work could derive from many different sources, some very important ones of which might be philosophical, or otherwise not directly biblical. (shrink)

The internal senses are a class of cognitive faculties that were posited to exist between external sense perception and the intellectual soul. The notion of internal senses was developed in the Arabic philosophy of the Middle Ages on the basis of certain ancient philosophical ideas. The classical list of five internal senses was provided by Avicenna: common sense, retentive imagination, compositive imagination, estimative power, and memory. He also localized these faculties in the three ventricles of the brain. According to Avicenna, (...) the function of common sense is to receive and relate the perceptions of the external senses. The retentive imagination stores the forms of these perceptions and the compositive imagination processes these forms. Furthermore, estimative power grasps the “intentions” of the perceived objects, such as hostility or pleasantness, which the external senses do not perceive. The intentions are finally stored in memory. Averroes’ position was critical of Avicenna’s view, and both accounts had a remarkable influence in medieval Latin philosophy. Avicenna’s view dominated throughout the Middle Ages, although it was challenged and modified with help of other authorities. Albert the Great adhered to Avicenna in general outline, but incorporated some of the views of Averroes, John Damascene, and Qusṭ;a ibn Lūqā. Thomas Aquinas followed the same lines, but further modified the view. There were also constantly differing positions concerning whether the brain or the heart is the primary organ of the internal senses. Peter John Olivi and John Duns Scotus presented a novel reading of the estimative function, which gave up the Avicennian notion of intentions as the objects of the estimative faculty. John Buridan reduced the number of internal senses to two: common sense and memory. His view was adopted by some later authors but rejected by others. (shrink)

The purpose of this article is first to enrich the exposition on the contribution of the magistri artium in Claude Panaccio’s Le Discours intérieur by an in-depth scrutiny of a quotation from the Latin al-Fārābī ending the presentation of logic in the Divisio scientiarum (ca. 1250) of the Parisian Arts Master Arnoul of Provence (Arnulfus Provincialis). Once accomplished this revision using the various Latin versions or adaptations of the Farabian Enumeration of the sciences (Iḥṣāʾ al-ʿulūm) by Gerard of Cremona and (...) Gundissalinus, it is clear that, despite a certain duality in its manuscript tradition, the relevant passage in Arnulfus Provincialis’s Divisio scientiarum does not merely distinguish inner logos and external logos, but also considers, like its source, a third logos, and that in a way susceptible to refine the characterization of al-Fārābī’s triadic logos as Le Discours intérieur reports this triade at the occasion of its judicious comparison with a parallel doctrine in John Damascene (Ekdosis akribès tès orthodoxou pisteôs alias De fide orthodoxa) interpreted differently by Thomas Aquinas following Albert the Great. (shrink)

Après son enquête sur Le vocabulaire latin de l'expérience spirituelle dans la tradition monastique et canoniale de 1050 à 1250, publié dans la même collection en 1989, l'auteur étudie ici, dans un véritable florilège, Le vocabulaire de l'expérience spirituelle dans la tradition patristique grecque du IVe au XIVe siècle. Les mots-clés de ce vocabulaire sont " dépistés " selon leur fréquence et leur acception d'abord chez les Pères grecs d'Irénée à Damascène, puis chez les moines grecs du pseudo-Macaire à Nicolas (...) Cabasilas. Par-delà les réticences catholiques de l'emploi du mot " expérience " lors de la Contre-Réforme et du modernisme, on perçoit l'importance de cette approche de Dieu, face à une théologie parfois trop conceptuelle et spéculative. La mystique grecque est expérimentale sans cesser d'être apophatique. À une époque de renouveau charismatique, ce rappel de la tradition permet de discerner les conditions, les limites et l'authenticité de l'expérience spirituelle. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Buddhist-Christian Studies 22 (2002) 101-104 [Access article in PDF] A Christian Response to Buddhist Reflections on Prayer Donald W. Mitchell Purdue University In his essay, Kenneth K. Tanaka considers two important elements of Christian prayer when he presents young Megan praying. First is the petitionary element of her prayer, and second is the relational element. Saint John Damascene expresses these same two dimensions in his classical definition of (...) Christian prayer: "Prayer is the raising of one's mind and heart to God, or the requesting of good things from God." 1 This movement of the mind and heart to God makes Christian prayer a living relationship that is itself a gift of God through Christ. The "heart" of a person is that hidden center in which Christ resides and from where his spirit moves both heart and mind toward God in a relation of love and devotion. As Saint Thérèse of Lisieux puts it, "For me, prayer is a surge of the heart... it is a cry of recognition and of love, embracing both trial and joy." 2 One responds to trials, one's own or those of others, with prayers of petition or intercession; and to joys or blessings with prayers of adoration, praise and thanksgiving. In all cases, the prayers are the dynamics of a person's relationship with God, where God is both ultimate source and object of the prayers.Tanaka also makes two comments about Christian prayer in its public forms. First, he questions the appropriateness of public prayers for civic leaders or for teams at athletic events. Does God choose to aid only some political leaders or nations, or choose sides in athletic games? Though I may feel that God must prefer my son's Little League team, or at least Notre Dame football for heaven's sake, certainly God loves and cares for everyone. Perhaps Tanaka's final characterization of Christian prayer is helpful here: "conversational, personal and hopeful." In a public event, one expresses in prayer one's hope, while understanding that God's providence embraces everyone in ways that are larger than one can comprehend.In the essay by Taitetsu Unno on the Jesus Prayer and Nembutsu, the question of dualism and both the initiative and the consequence of prayer is addressed. Unno points out that according to the Jesus Prayer tradition in Eastern Orthodoxy, the initiative of the prayer is from God, much like the intoning of Nembutsu arising from the Vow of Great Compassion. Here, as in Saint Thérèse's "surge of the heart," the ultimate subject and object of prayer are the same. Unno points out that the consequence [End Page 101] of such a Christian prayer is a sense that the world is infused with the presence of God in a way that is similar to finding the Land of Bliss everywhere. Indeed, I would add that this similarity applies to more than just the Jesus Prayer. Saint Teresa of Avila refers to a prayer experience that is not uncommon in mature Christian spirituality "in which is revealed to the soul how all things are in God, and how within himself he contains them all." 3After presenting these similarities between the Jesus Prayer and Nembutsu, Unno raises what he sees as a fundamental difference: the treatment of sin, blind passions, and ignorance. Unno quotes a Christian Orthodox text that calls for the utter rejection of sin and evil, and depicts grace as entering the soul and driving evil outside. Unno then says, "To negate evil, sin, and death means to deny a part of one's reality; to affirm them through transformation means to make one's life complete and whole." The latter approach is, for Unno, key to the spirituality of Shinran and Shin Buddhism. I would like to make two comments here. First, it is unclear as to what Unno is saying about the Shin approach to evil. How can one transform evil into its opposite without evil being "nullified and eradicated"? When the "ice" of one's passions melt into the... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Buddhist-Christian Studies 22 (2002) 101-104 [Access article in PDF] A Christian Response to Buddhist Reflections on Prayer Donald W. Mitchell Purdue University In his essay, Kenneth K. Tanaka considers two important elements of Christian prayer when he presents young Megan praying. First is the petitionary element of her prayer, and second is the relational element. Saint John Damascene expresses these same two dimensions in his classical definition of (...) Christian prayer: "Prayer is the raising of one's mind and heart to God, or the requesting of good things from God." 1 This movement of the mind and heart to God makes Christian prayer a living relationship that is itself a gift of God through Christ. The "heart" of a person is that hidden center in which Christ resides and from where his spirit moves both heart and mind toward God in a relation of love and devotion. As Saint Thérèse of Lisieux puts it, "For me, prayer is a surge of the heart... it is a cry of recognition and of love, embracing both trial and joy." 2 One responds to trials, one's own or those of others, with prayers of petition or intercession; and to joys or blessings with prayers of adoration, praise and thanksgiving. In all cases, the prayers are the dynamics of a person's relationship with God, where God is both ultimate source and object of the prayers.Tanaka also makes two comments about Christian prayer in its public forms. First, he questions the appropriateness of public prayers for civic leaders or for teams at athletic events. Does God choose to aid only some political leaders or nations, or choose sides in athletic games? Though I may feel that God must prefer my son's Little League team, or at least Notre Dame football for heaven's sake, certainly God loves and cares for everyone. Perhaps Tanaka's final characterization of Christian prayer is helpful here: "conversational, personal and hopeful." In a public event, one expresses in prayer one's hope, while understanding that God's providence embraces everyone in ways that are larger than one can comprehend.In the essay by Taitetsu Unno on the Jesus Prayer and Nembutsu, the question of dualism and both the initiative and the consequence of prayer is addressed. Unno points out that according to the Jesus Prayer tradition in Eastern Orthodoxy, the initiative of the prayer is from God, much like the intoning of Nembutsu arising from the Vow of Great Compassion. Here, as in Saint Thérèse's "surge of the heart," the ultimate subject and object of prayer are the same. Unno points out that the consequence [End Page 101] of such a Christian prayer is a sense that the world is infused with the presence of God in a way that is similar to finding the Land of Bliss everywhere. Indeed, I would add that this similarity applies to more than just the Jesus Prayer. Saint Teresa of Avila refers to a prayer experience that is not uncommon in mature Christian spirituality "in which is revealed to the soul how all things are in God, and how within himself he contains them all." 3After presenting these similarities between the Jesus Prayer and Nembutsu, Unno raises what he sees as a fundamental difference: the treatment of sin, blind passions, and ignorance. Unno quotes a Christian Orthodox text that calls for the utter rejection of sin and evil, and depicts grace as entering the soul and driving evil outside. Unno then says, "To negate evil, sin, and death means to deny a part of one's reality; to affirm them through transformation means to make one's life complete and whole." The latter approach is, for Unno, key to the spirituality of Shinran and Shin Buddhism. I would like to make two comments here. First, it is unclear as to what Unno is saying about the Shin approach to evil. How can one transform evil into its opposite without evil being "nullified and eradicated"? When the "ice" of one's passions melt into the... (shrink)

It is sometimes asserted that Philo of Alexandria is the creator of systematic theology – not because he created systematics , that is, a body of doctrine classified and integrated by a set of principles defined in philosophical terms, but because he created theology , that is, a mode of philosophizing which derives its main categories from a supernatural revelation. Such a mode was pursued by Philo's Christian disciples, among whom was Origen , one of the first of his faith (...) to attempt, unsuccessfully, to formulate a systematics. Not until John Damascene was the attempt realized, but only in part: for while Damascene does classify the doctrinal truths of the Christian faith in an orderly manner, and through the use of philosophically defined concepts, he does not seek to investigate their inner philosophical intelligibility and cohesiveness. Christian doctrine was too involved for being viewed comprehensively all at once, and while some theologians, like Dionysius and Maximus the Confessor , appear to have grasped its inner architectonics, they seem to have been unable to express it in a clear and structured literary form. (shrink)

The autograph corpus of the Damascene scholar Ibn Ṭūlūn is dispersed throughout collections in North America, Europe, and West Asia. As an initial probe into these materials, I will describe, identify, and analyze two compendia in the Princeton University collection: Garrett MSS 196B and 1011H. They contain, among other things, a portion of al-Thaghr al-bassām, an autograph draft of his biographical dictionary of Damascene judges, which is later than the one edited and published in 1959, and a heretofore (...) missing portion of al-Qalāʿid al-jawhari- yya, his topography of al-Ṣāliḥiyya. I will also positively identify an anonymous, untitled manuscript in the Bodleian Library and show its relationship to the al-Thaghr al-bassām autograph. (shrink)

Der weitaus grosste Teil meiner Reden sind Gleichnisse, das heisst, ich bediene mich ausserer Bilder in meinen Erorterun­ gen. So wie der eigene Vater nicht gem selbst den Werber macht fur seinen Sohn... Blosse Worte sind nutzlos. TSCHUANG-TSE Das Ethos Nietzsches, der sich fur den ersten Immoralisten des bislang christlichen Europa hielt und erklarte, in Wahrheit aber vielleicht der grosste Moralist deutscher Zunge war, geht darauf aus, gerecht zu sein, nicht Richter zu sein. Bedachten dies die 'richtenden' Nietzsche-Interpreten bei ihrem (...) Tun? Ihre Richtspruche freilich fallen verschieden genug aus: Nietzscheherausgeber Karl Schlechta tadelt Nietzsche als einen dem sinnzerstorenden Wissenschafts­ positivismus Horigen; Martin Heideggers reichliche Nietzschepublikationen dagegen werfen Nietzsche vor, er habe sich nicht aus der Geschichte der Meta­ physik befreien konnen. Von Amerika aus feiert Walter Kaufmann Nietzsche hymnisch; Karl Lowith legt Nietzsche in einer Taschenbuchausgabe einmal wieder zur Lebensphilosophie ab; Thomas Mann und Gottfried Benn sahen Nietzsche als Astheten bzw. Artisten... (shrink)

Contemporary philosophy of religion has been fascinated with questions of the rationality of religious belief. Alvin Plantinga—a prominent Christian philosopher—has contributed greatly to the exploration of these questions. Plantinga’s epistemology is rooted in the intuitions of Thomas Reid’s “common-sense” philosophy and has developed into a distinctive outlook that we may coin, Plantingian (Calvinist) Reidianism. This chapter aims to propose that, in fact, the central ideas of that outlook can be seen prior to Reid (and John Calvin), beyond the confines of (...) exclusively Christian and European circles, in the theological epistemology of the Damascene Islamic theologian, Taqī al-Dīn Ibn Taymiyya (d. 1328 CE). In exploring the contours of a Taymiyyan worldview, primed upon the notion of fiṭra, Ibn Taymiyya can be seen to have developed a faculty-based account of knowledge, moderate foundationalism, and a distinct “Reformed” epistemology. Within the midst of these developments, Ibn Taymiyya offers a potential framework for a “common-sense” philosophical methodology. Taken together these ideas form the basis for the intuitions of Plantingian Reidianism. Therefore, Plantinga might have looked to an earlier figure working in another tradition for historical support and inspiration for his religious epistemology. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:AQUINAS ON THE ROLE OF EMOTION IN MORAL JUDGMENT AND ACTIVITY JUDITH BARAD Indiana State University Terre Haute, Indiana MONG PHILOSOPHERS who have discussed the role of emotion in morality there is much disagreement. At one extreme there is a tradition of ethical thinkers, represented by David Hume, who juxtapose reason and emotion and hoM that the choice of ultimate va:1ues is always made by the emotional side of (...) our natul'e. Insisting that emotion, not reason, is the foundation of moral philosophy, Hume says "Reason is, and ought to he, the slave of the passions, and can never pretend to any office other than to serve and obey them." 1 Conv:erseily, Immanuel Kant adamantly insists that reason must be the sole determinant of morality. Since morality is stricrtly a rational endeavor, the emotions (or what he more generrully called the incJinations), whethei!.' beneficent or ma1e:fiicent, should never be alilowed to intrude into our moral judgments. Each extreme claims that a part of our nature, respectiv 'e,ly reason or emotion, is not essentirul to the moral life. Hut the be1lief that we shouM sev;er any part of our nature from swch a pervasive area of our lives leads to unfortunate consequen1ces. If we base our understanding of morality on Hume's call for the slavish submission of reason, we can justify all kinds of social exploitation and sensuous indulgence. On the other hand, if we follow Kant's ideal of suppressing our emotions, then bodi1ly desires can appear ba:d to us, and we may irrationaHy disaJfow many human needs, both to ourselv;es and to others. i David Hume, A Treatise of Human Nature, 3, 3. 397 398.TUDITH BARAD But on this question of the role of emotion in mol'lwl judgment, Aquinas oiooupies a position intermediate between Kant and Hume. He neither dismisses reason as a guide to practical affairs nor regards emotions as mere obstacles to be overcome in form.mating a moral judgment. For Aquinas even though e&ch of the human £acmlties has a unique role to perform, an individual £unctions in his entirety in the moral sphere. This essay will focus on how our emotions can support as well as impruir our moraJ conduct. The purpose of this study is to show thrut emotion may be either 1an impediment or a usefuJ srtimu1us to obj·ectiv;e moral decision malcing, obscuring our morrul judgments or 11einfol'lcing our commitments. Obviously, Hume's argument ·that reason cannot judge or criticize the emotions is very foreign to Aquinas's thought, and no one has yet ruttemp ;!Jed 1to subsume one •ruooount under the other. Afan Donagan, however, has clwimed that Aquinas's moll"al theory " anticipates Kant's metaphysics of morals," because of what " both ~are] found to 1say about motiViation." 2 But, contrary to Donagan 's claim, this study will make clear rlihat in the area of how emotions a:ffrect our moral life ·the two g11eat thinkers pal'lt company. To understand how emotion :liun:ctions mthe moral judgment, we must fust examine what Aquinas means by "emotion." 3 He describes :emotion as a spontaneous.feeling consisting of both a phy;siofogical 1and an affective response to an object.4 He observes that emotion involves virtually ithe en2 Alan Donagan, " Teleology and Consistency in Theories of :Morality as Natural Law," in Georgetown Symposium on Ethics, edited by Rocco Porreca (Lanham, :Md.: University Press of America, 1984), p. 96. a Throughout this paper I will use the word "emotion " for the Latin passia, since " passion" has a more intense connotation in contemporary English than the term employed by Aquinas. "Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologica, (Westminster, :Md.: Christian Classics, 1981), I-II, q.22. In the first article of this question, Aquinas says that " Passion... is only in respect of a bodily transmutation." Quoting Damascene in the third article, he says " Passion is a movement of the sensi· tive appetite when we think of good or evil." I have combined both passages to arrive at Aquinas's description of emotion. AQUINAS ON EMOTIONS AND MORALS 399 tire human being: intd1ect, sense cognition, spontaneous volition, and bodily changes. Aquinas bases this position on his hylomorphic... (shrink)

The concept of tawd (unity of God) is a central issue in Kalm model of discussion and the structure of John Damascene's (d. 750) De Fide Orthodoxa. Pines suggested that it may indicate the profound impact of Christian theology on Mum. Ulrich Rudolph adds two important pieces of evidence to the discussion: He analyzes Abtur al-Samarqandb al-Tawd and the Jacobite Moses bar-Kepha's (d. 903) introduction to his Hexaemeron, and argues that the structural and conceptual affinity between them actually indicates (...) an opposite direction of influence than the one suggested by Pines. According to Rudolph, the similarity of the two treatises shows they were written as an imitation of an older Mub al-Tawd, and second by suggesting an alternative assumption, which will strengthen Pines's theory regarding the development of the Kaltur and bar-Kepha, together with some fragments of earlier Jewish and Christian commentaries on Genesis, will rise the possibility that this model of discussion existed first in the Christian exegetical treatises assigned to Genesis and had already developed before it appeared in the Kalām works. (shrink)

Premiere traduction francaise etablie sur l'edition critique du texte latin, cet ouvrage rend accessible a un plus large public la Summa de anima de Jean de la Rochelle qui revet un triple interet. Elle offre d'abord une presentation magistrale de l'enseignement portant sur l'ame dans les annees 1230-1235 a Paris. Elle permet de la sorte d'evaluer l'etat de la reflexion sur l'ame a l'oree de du travail de reinterpretation de l'aristotelisme tel que le vehiculait la tradition greco-arabe par Albert le (...) Grand et Thomas d'Aquin. Elle constitue enfin une tentative, emanant d'un des premiers maitres en theologie franciscains, d'integration de la philosophie greco-arabe (notamment celle d'Avicenne, qui rencontre ici le Pseudo-Augustin, Augustin, Jean Damascene et Philippe le Chancelier) a la reflexion theologique. Ce texte prepare ainsi les grandes syntheses des Sommes posterieures au premier rang desquelles figure evidemment la Summa fratris Alexandri qui incorpore, au livre II, des chapitres entiers. (shrink)

The medieval Franciscan John Duns Scotus famously distinguished between two different wills, which are characterized by an affection for advantage or happiness and an affection for justice. He identified the source of his theory in the earlier medieval thinker, Anselm of Canterbury, who first articulated the distinction. This article will demonstrate, however, that there is significant disparity between Anselm and Scotus’ understanding of the two wills. To this end, the article will explore the two wills theory articulated by Scotus’ predecessors, (...) Alexander of Hales and John of La Rochelle, who together composed the so-called Summa Halensis, the founding text of the Franciscan intellectual tradition. These authors drew on John of Damascus’ distinction between thelesis and boulesis to delineate the theory that Scotus attributed to Anselm. However, their theory was just as distant from the Damascene’s original understanding as Scotus’ was from Anselm. In demonstrating this, the article seeks to highlight the originality of the Franciscan theory while at the same time allowing its sources to be interpreted on their own terms. (shrink)

L’identité et la datation de Nicolas le Péripatéticien, l’auteur d’un sommaire de la philosophie d’Aristote, ont fait l’objet d’un article récent de Silvia Fazzo paru dans la Revue des Études Grecques. Contre la datation courante, fondée sur l’identification de Nicolas à l’historien de grand renom Nicolas Damascène , Fazzo a montré que Nicolas avait probablement vécu au cours de la période couvrant les IIIe au Ve siècles ap. J.-C., et plus problablement à l’époque de l’empereur Julien l’Apostat . Cette hypothèse (...) trouve un appui dans un nouveau fragment en traduction hébraïque découvert par Mauro Zonta, dans lequel Nicolas cherche à expliquer la Trinité de Dieu au moyen de la doctrine aristotélicienne des causes: Dieu est un, en tant que sa substance est une, mais Dieu est également trois, puisqu’il est à la fois causes motrice, formelle et finale du monde. Dans la mesure, évidemment réduite, où un fragment si court est susceptible de datation, l’époque de Julien paraît la plus probable. (shrink)

La distinction entre l'essence et les énergies divines a fait l'objet d'une élaboration et d'une précision remarquables dans la théologie de saint Grégoire Palamas et occupe une place considérable dans la théologie et la spiritualité de l'Eglise orthodoxe, tandis que la théologie de l'Eglise latine non seulement est restée étrangère à cette distinction mais s'est généralement montrée critique à son encontre, accusant Palamas d'innovation. Les enjeux de cette distinction sont cependant d'une grande pertinence puisqu'ils concernent notamment les questions de la (...) nature et des limites de la connaissance de Dieu, de la nature de la grâce, et des modalités de l'union de l'homme à Dieu et de sa déification. On peut donc dire que, bien que ce sujet n'y soit guère abordé, l'avenir du dialogue oecuménique en dépend aussi. La question de la représentation chrétienne de la notion d'énergie divine est importante également par rapport à des représentations parachrétiennes ou non chrétiennes de cette notion que l'on a pu observer dans certains courants philosophiques et religieux du Bassin méditerranéen, du Moyen-Orient ou de l'Extrême-Orient, de l'Antiquité et du haut Moyen Age, et qui resurgissent de nos jours dans certains courants spiritualistes qui s'en inspirent. Cette étude a pour but de préciser la place et le sens de la notion d'énergie divine et de ses corrélats dans la théologie des Pères grecs de la période patristique classique, s'étendant des origines à saint Jean Damascène, en n'omettant pas de considérer ses racines scripturaires et ses occurrences philosophiques dans l'Antiquité et durant la même période. (shrink)

In this paper, we examine the concepts ‘destination’, ‘revelation’, ‘foreknowledge’, ‘will’, ‘transmission’, ‘motion’, and ‘grace’, as they appear in Gregory Palamas’ treatise De opera-tionibus divinis. According to the Christian theologian, these terms correspond to specific ways of God’s manifestation, i.e. His natural and supernatural revelation. Since they illuminate God’s energies, but not His essence, they are participated by the beings of the natural world. The first two terms mainly refer to a general version of the revelation, while the third contains (...) epistemological elements as well and the fourth contains elements referring also to the divine will. The fifth term condenses the content of the afore-mentioned terms seen as an ad extra bestowment. By means of these concepts, Palamas preserves the ontological difference between the supernatural and the natural, while, at the same time, he defines the exact way of their communion, which excludes pantheism. He introduces into the divine realm the state of distinction, which, however, does not restrict its unity at all. He accepts the development of a metaphysical multitude, which is regulated by the divine uniqueness. What emerges is not a kind of Neoplatonic polytheism, but the infinite richness of the divine existence. Thus, Palamas steadily moves within the tradition founded by Ps.-Dionysius the Areopagite, Maximus the Confessor, John Damascene, and George Pachymeres, the main characteristic of which is ontological monism. This is a tradition which formulated common places as to the content, the concepts and the relevant methodology, while the distinction between negative and affirmative theology is dominant. (shrink)