The article examines the relationship between tragedy and Greek democracy starting from the category of «stasis». Focused on this notion, the text proposes two exercises that articulate and demonstrate the relationship between tragedy and democracy. First, it focuses on the question about the «stasis» and how this relationship will be conceptualized in the investigation by examining five dimensions contained in that category: the eristic conception of language; the notion of «agon» as a political principle of conflict; the notion of «ergon» (...) as a conception of political action; the ethical substance that inspires it; and the event of excessiveness contained in the notion of «hybris». Second, the text examines and identifies, in a preliminary way, a relationship of tension and distinction between the Greek concepts of «stasis» and «polemos», both present and constitutive in the configuration of tragedy and Greek democracy. Through these two exercises the text postulates the possibility of a genealogical thinking about the tragic character of democracy. (shrink)

Resumen:En la historia de la filosofía, las referencias a la tragedia y los motivos trágicos configuran un ámbito de pensamiento. En la filosofía moderna, tras los estudios de Goethe, Schlegel, Schiller, Hegel, Hölderlin, Schopenhauer o Nietzsche, se instauró una “filosofía trágica” (Rosset 2010), y un “sentido trágico” (De Unamuno 1984; Gentili; Garelli 2015) como principio explicativo de la “trágica experiencia política moderna” (Williams 2014; Eagleton 2011). Inscrito en el registro de una filosofía de “lo trágico”, el presente texto propone un (...) estudio genealógico de la relación entre tragedia y democracia griega, mediante el examen de la categoría de stásis.Palabras clave: Tragedia; Democracia; Státis; Krátos; Demos; Pólemos. (shrink)

El objetivo de este artículo es dar cuenta de la conexión establecida por Aristóteles entre la stásis y la democracia en el Libro V de la Política. Condiciones básicas de ocurrencia de la stásis en una democracia son la existencia de una desigualdad elemental dentro de la ciudad, la acción de un demagogo que explota esta realidad, y la sensación de injusticia percibida por los pobres. La stásis en la democracia, según un análisis comprensivo de lo expuesto en la Política, (...) no lleva nunca a una situación políticamente mejor o más estable. (shrink)

Al situar como problemática nodal la relación entre mito y soberanía, este es- crito pretende: a) cuestionar el modo en que dichas nociones se vinculan para constituir una idea de democracia ávida de un principio teleológico y b) reflexionar sobre la manera en que tal idea ciega la constitución misma de la política yacente en la στάσις. Así pues, al usar una forma controlada del ana- cronismo, traemos al presente dos problemas del pasado: 1) el agotamiento del mito insinuado por (...) Gorgias y la retórica en el siglo v a. C.; 2) el problema de la obcecación de la στάσις estudiado por Nicole Loraux, Michel Foucault y Dimitris Vardoulakis, con el fin de posicionarse frente a los procesos contemporá- neos, en los cuales la inhospitalidad, la xenofobia y las sombras de los crímenes de odio se alimentan bajo el halo de una democracia atrapada por algún tipo de mito soberano. (shrink)

Resumen:La afamada helenista francesa Nicole Loraux, en sus textos La Cité divisée y La guerre dans la famille, ambos de 1997, ya nos había introducido a una redefinición topológica de la guerra civil, es decir de la stásis, asignándole una posición de centralidad en el contexto de las relaciones entre ciudad y familia, reexaminando el modo en que el dominio del oîkos conurba a la realidad de la ciudad. Centrada en el texto platónico del Menéxeno, Loraux había advertido que la (...) stásis era un conflicto propio del parentesco de sangre (phylon) entre los miembros de la pólis, de manera tal que la guerra, no sería sino oikeîos pólemos, esto es, un asunto consustancial a la familia y a las relaciones entre ellas, en la misma medida que sería inherente a la ciudad y constitutiva de la vida política. Pues bien, un acabado estudio de semejante problema –pero que excederá con un sello muy personal los límites de la indagación de Loraux– es el que ahora nos viene a ofrecer Juan Pablo Arancibia. (shrink)

Reseña de ‘Pólemos y Stásis. Vestigios y bordes trágicos de lo bélico y lo político’, realizada por Raúl Villarroel Soto, Dr. en Filosofía, Decano de la Facultad de Filosofía, Universidad de Chile. Juan Pablo Arancibia Pólemos y Stásis. Vestigios y bordes trágicos de lo bélico y lo político La Cebra y Palinodia 2023 Santiago 394 páginas ISBN: 9789878956176.

Resumen:Con el objetivo de pensar lo político y su “conflicto originario” (19) –tema que viene inquietando a Juan Pablo Arancibia desde hace tiempo–, la recuperación de dos nociones griegas permite penetrar en una relación que vendría a desestabilizar o a incomodar nuestro presente “tornando insuficientes –dice– aquellas respuestas normativas provistas por la tradición” (19), en particular –agrega– aquella “confortable representación de la historia del orden y su porvenir” (21).

El presente artículo examina la semántica de la anagnórisis en la diégesis de Tucídides y los poetas trágicos. Vinculando el corpus narrativo de la tragedia griega y de la stásis en la democracia de la Grecia Clásica, el texto formula dos ejercicios: Primero, mediante el examen de algunas especies lexicales que constituyen el campo semántico de la tragedia (hamartía, amatía y katastrophé), se establece el nexo entre «lance patético» y anagnórisis que acontecen al héroe trágico y al ciudadano ateniense narrado (...) por Tucídides. Segundo, mediante la indagación de los lexemas enunciados en la anagnórisis del héroe trágico y del ciudadano ateniense, con la noción de «sintagma trágico» el artículo imbrica el campo semántico de la diégesis trágica e historiográfica para postular la conjunción de una lengua trágico-política en común. (shrink)

La tesis central del artículo está inspirada en Lessing, y gira en torno a la última relación que hay entre los conceptos de comedia, comunicación y democracia. Su espíritu opuesto lo representan los conceptos de tragedia, heroísmo solitario y aristocratismo, inspiradores hasta el presente de la política de Occidente. La fuerza de la comedia consiste en la desacralización del poder, gracias a su estrategia de salvación de lo presente, de autolimitación, y de reconocimiento recíproco. El motivo del artículo es una (...) referencia de Nietzsche a Platón y Maquiavelo. (shrink)

The new values of democracy in the Athens of the fifth century find in Greek tragedy a particularly apt way of expression. On this basis, by way of a close reading of both works called Suppliants, one by Aeschylus, the other by Euripides, it is intended to show in what sense can be said that tragedy is a test or proof for democracy. This test or proof occurs when fundamental human values are at stake by the social marginalization of groups (...) of people particularly vulnerable. (shrink)

In this paper the understanding of the term “stasis” in Plato’s works is investigated. This term usually characterizes internal conflicts among the Greeks and has been increasingly discussed in newer debates on political philosophy. To approach the concept of stasis, its difference from the concept of “polemos” (the Greek word for war) is discussed. The aim is to show the functions of the various differentiations of these terms, in order to draw essential lessons from Plato’s work for today’s research about (...) violent conflicts within political orders. (shrink)

En este artículo se traza una introducción a las cuestiones que el autor analiza en su libro Idea trágica de la democracia y que se resumen en una reflexión sobre las relaciones entre la cura de sí y el cuidado por la libertad política. Aquí se presenta el planteamiento antropológico de dicha idea de la democracia: la asunción de nuestra mortalidad y la "segunda inocencia" del ateísmo nietzscheano.

Partiendo de la pregunta que hace Derrida sobre la sospechosa ausencia de filósofos demócratas desde Platón hasta Heidegger, el artículo piensa la relación que la democracia y la literatura han sostenido con la filosofía. Asumiendo la primera como el juego de la diversidad de los seres, el intercambio de palabras en un combate sin vencedor. Lo propio del agón y del pólemos, se muestra por una parte cómo la filosofía en su comienzo platónico instituye su ideal del Sentido. Del (...) Bien, de la Verdad, precisamente en oposición a la agitación democrática; pero, por otra, se destaca el pensamiento crítico kantiano como un momento de apertura a la relación plural de los seres, Poseer, desde su comienzo como mitología, la fuerza crítica de este pensamiento es lo que permite a la literatura alcanzar las huellas de la democracia. (shrink)

La idea nuclear de este artículo consiste en la consideración de que el teatro griego tiene una gran importancia para comprender el auge y el declive de la democracia ateniense. La base de esta tesis estriba en que el escenario participa en el discurso democrático mediante el uso del diálogo y el debate, y en él se esbozan conflictos de calado político que tienen un carácter claramente democrático. Son dichos conflictos los que iremos vislumbrando en este trabajo, sin dejar de (...) perfilar el contexto en el que se producen. Para ello proponemos demostrar la existencia, en la vida real democrática, de una serie de teorías vigentes en las que los autores trágicos y cómicos ocupan un lugar preeminente. Un objetivo que se plantea como una metáfora que sigue aportando reflexiones para nuestra actualidad, y más cuando cada vez son más las voces que hablan de la crisis de las democracias occidentales. (shrink)

L'étude porte sur la façon dont les Athéniens de l'époque classique ont pensé la guerre civile avec comme référence obligée l'affrontement entre oligarques et démocrates qui a déchiré leur cité à la fin du Ve siècle. Leur réflexion, comme en témoignent les syntagmes utilisés, est ambivalente. Lorsque la cité est conçue comme un phulon (la souche, la lignée), donc comme un groupe clos, la guerre civile est nommée en tant que telle : c'est la stasis emphylos, un affrontement interne engendré (...) par la cité elle-même. Lorsque l'oikos (la maison, la famille) sert de support à la représentation de la cité assimilée au groupe des oikeioi (un signifiant qui oscille entre parents et intimes), le terme stasis est évité, au profit de polemos, le terme traditionnellement réservé à l'affrontement avec l'étranger. La guerre civile devient un oikeios polemos, une guerre à l'intérieur de la famille, une guerre à l'horizon de laquelle se profile une fête de la réconciliation. Faut-il en conclure que pour conjurer la guerre civile, il n'y a pas d'arme idéologique plus efficace que l'appel à la famille et à la parenté civique ? Au lendemain des affrontements sanglants de la fin du Ve siècle, l'imaginaire politique, nourri par le mythe de l'autochtonie (Erichthonios, le fondateur de la cité, est né de la terre et tous les Athéniens sont autochtones par hérédité), développe l'idée d'une parenté généralisée, unissant entre eux tous les citoyens. Il va de soi, même si le but recherché n'a jamais été exprimé, qu'une telle représentation est censée prévenir les risques de guerre civile. (shrink)

In Ancient Greece, the relation between war and peace used to have an ambiguous meaning. War was considered as a normal state and peace was seen only as an exception or a temporary truce during a long lasting conflict. But peace and political stability were also valued: the aim of war was never the total annihilation of the opponent. Besides this opposition, there was a balance between war and peace during these times and this conception, inherited from the heroic times, (...) lasted until the beginning of the Peloponnesian War. This event redefined the relation between war and peace. The meaning of conflict moved from polemos, as codified conflict between cities, to stasis, as civil war. War was less perceived as something positive and more people valued peace and stability. Plato’s political thought was developed in this context as a potential answer to this redefinition of conflict as well as the threat of an excessive and radical conception of war. However, Plato had to face an exigent challenge. No political regime was able to establish peace anymore, so Plato needed to create a brand new political system to solve the problems raised by the Peloponnesian War. The goal of this paper will be to present Plato’s response to these political challenges by showing that his response is deeply innovative for his time but also profoundly rooted in a traditional conception of conflict that was already obsolete when he wrote his masterpieces. (shrink)

Se revisitan las distintas resoluciones de Schmitt y Agamben ante una misma percepción ontopolítica: la contingencia en la definición del derecho, cuya función primaria es la organización de lo múltiple, tradicionalmente entendido como caos. Mientras Schmitt se decanta hacia un posfundacionalismo organicista, hacia una política del origen, Agamben opta por suspender, en un plano ontoético, la fundación del nomos. En este artículo se recorre con Schmitt la búsqueda de la forma transcendente y se acompaña a Agamben en la descripción aporética (...) de la política, exponiendo el estado de excepción como muestra de los factores de politización y despolitización que la atraviesan, y concluyendo con la propuesta mesiánica que pretende recuperar la potencia (múltiple del no-origen). (shrink)

La parrhesía constituye una práctica de “decir veraz” que Michel Foucault investiga genealógicamente en sus últimos seminarios del Colegio de Francia, como una de las maneras originales de constitución de uno mismo en la cultura grecolatina antigua. En este trabajo, dicha noción de parrhesía es desplegada en toda su contemporaneidad política, afirmándose que constituye un complemento fundamental para la tesis agonísitica de la democracia, en especial la defendida por Chantal Mouffe. El “decir veraz” del parrhesiasta, al interpelar de manera radical (...) el statu quo de la identidad colectiva constituida en el proceso de politización propio de la democracia radical, subvierte y transforma dicha identidad en un objeto permanente de disputa. Se recupera así el sentido del polemos propio de la práctica democrática. (shrink)

O objetivo é analisar algumas interpretações conexas que giram em torno da tensão entre duas concepções da díke em Édipo Rei. Como as tragédias ocupavam um papel privilegiado na pólis ateniense, pode-se dizer que as exibições e festividades trágicas eram uma verdadeira instituição política. Não por acaso se pode afirmar que as peças apontavam para um conflito entre os valores aristocráticos tradicionais e a nova ordem democrática. Tal tensão pode ser evidenciada na investigação promovida por Édipo que se manifesta em (...) duas formas de justiça, uma de origem divina e outra, humana. Para tanto, este texto, em um primeiro momento, descreve a relação entre tragédia e pólis; após essa introdução, assinala o conflito que se desenhava na democracia e que se reflete nas tragédias; por fim, examina a possível articulação racional entre a díke tradicional e sua contrapartida humana. (shrink)

The aim of this article is to analyze the relationship between tragedy, politics, democracy, and the social context of Athens in the 5th century. The idea of ​​the text is to discuss how tragedy resonated with important issues in Athenian society. In the first part of the text, we present a very brief summary of the original context of the tragedies, namely the rituals in honor of the god Dionysus, celebrating fertility and the harvest. In the second part, the text (...) presents a broader approach to the relationship between tragedy and Athenian politics, attempting to contrast the religious rites of the early period with the tragic theater that was practiced in the city. In this context, the issue of the polis becomes a fundamental element for tragedies. In the third part of the text, we focus on Euripides as a guide for our approach. Through Euripidean tragedy, we try to emphasize how political themes were present in Greek theater. (shrink)

Decentering Rushdie argues that postcolonial studies has consistently underestimated the investment of the English-language Indian novel in the nation by focusing on a handful of texts that conform to Western assumptions about the bankruptcy of the postcolonial nation-state. Taking Salman Rushdie’s work as the sign of a presumed homology between postcolonialism and a postmodern distrust of totality, Jani demonstrates that his novels are hardly representative of the range of Indian writing in English. Instead, in a series of expert readings of (...) less well-known texts, he demonstrates the commitment to the decolonising project that exists even within the inevitably cosmopolitan worldview of Indians writing in a colonial language. Situating his work within foundational debates in postcolonial studies, this review demonstrates the fresh light he sheds on the vexed relations among historical location, political ideology and literary form. (shrink)

De modo nunca antes visto, crises de diferentes matrizes tem eclodido nos quatro cantos da Terra, se estabelecendo no mais das vezes como estados permanentes a experiência social humana. Das tragédias decorrentes dos efeitos do aquecimento global a pandemia de Covid-19, a humanidade tem convivido com um fenômeno comum do norte ao sul da aldeia global, a ascensão de forças políticas alinhavadas a espectros ideológicos de extrema direita. Este fenômeno tem sido atribuído, sobretudo, ao fluxo massivo de desinformação como estratégia (...) de comunicação com as massas viabilizadas por meio das ditas “redes sociais”, aquecidas pelo lucrativo modelo de negócios das plataformas. Com pouco dissenso, pesquisadores têm concluído que essa relação tem provocado uma aparente desordem informacional, que por sua vez sintetizaria diversos aspectos próprios dessa dita “nova era”, tais como: pós-verdade, fake news, redes de ódio e negacionismo. Na contramão deste entendimento, amparados na teoria da informação da 2ª geração cibernética e na perspectiva dialética dos processos infocomunicacionais buscamos problematizar como esta nova ordem social produzida pela desinformação tem reajustado novos sentidos sobre o mundo provocando uma crise na ordem das referências sociais. Valendo-nos da relação entre os conceitos de sistema, ambiente e contexto, na produção de sentidos sobre o mundo, concluímos que a desinformação não tem se constituído como propriedade de desordem informacional, mas como princípio regulador de uma nova ordem sedimentada em mentiras, alucinações, propaganda, intolerância e barbárie, elementos que põe em xeque os princípios que orientam a ordem civilizatória e o ideário de democracia que norteia a Modernidade. (shrink)

Considero, para entender a parresía de Orestes, a noção de leitura diagnóstica, numa perspectiva foucaultiana do discurso, neste caso, uma leitura da política no presente. Então, toda vez que se lê, se está de certa forma também pensando no presente e estabelecendo relações com esse tempo atual, acerca de várias questões que afetam a nossa constituição, enquanto sujeitos no mundo. As perguntas feitas acerca de que parresía fala Foucault, pressupõem que há outras possiblidades de pensá-la, para mostrar como essa parresía (...) insurge hoje no campo da grande polis brasileira. Então, defendo que cabe a nós não pensarmos que estamos fazendo uma leitura apenas desse mito Orestes e de uma discussão de um conceito que é feito por Foucault, mas que estamos trazendo essa discussão para o presente com o objetivo de ampliar a discussão e reflexão de nossa atualidade. Faz-se pertinente perguntar que relação existe entre parresía e democracia? Que sentidos produzo toda vez que eu digo a verdade? Pressuponho que o mesmo se possa perguntar com relação à democracia e vice versa, é exatamente assim que acontece ou existem nuances? Se toda parresía é garantia de um Estado democrático, de que parresía trata, então, a tragédia de Orestes? É possível falar de uma má parresía? Este conjunto de questões são exatamente o que fundamenta as discussões que Foucault vai trazer a partir de Orestes. Temos, a partir desta leitura de Orestes, o Michael Foucault em seu anúncio de uma genealogia da política, o que é muito relevante para um diagnóstico da política na atualidade. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Parresía; Estado Democrático; Orestes. (shrink)

Desde o século XVII, começaram as disputas. De um lado, as modernidades liberais. De outro, as modernidades alternativas. Entre as múltiplas tendências, um denominador comum - evitar como possível as tragédias provocadas pelos programas liberais de modernidade. No século XX, propostas - pela esquerda, a social-democracia, o socialismo soviético, os nacionais-estatismos; pela direita, os corporativismos, os fascismos, o nazismo. Este livro trata do intervalo dos projetos alternativos de modernidade em seus itinerários, contradições e impasses.

Athenian citizens deliberate in the assembly, but the theatre also becomes a place for public debate. In addition to being a consequence of economic or cultural aspects, democracy is a consequence of the development of a democratic imaginary. Located in that imaginary, Greek tragedies, regarded as «democratic myths», work to reaffirm Athenian democracy. Far from being dogmatic, the tragic myth explores the contradictions of social and personal life and implicitly or explicitly seeks their correction. This dramatic genre encourages participation from (...) the spectator (citizen) that greatly exceeds the schematic reduction in Aristotelian theory of catharsis. Greek tragedy proposes the existence of an «audience», of spectators who need a sufficient level of maturity to make that assessment. Democracy is a path, or perhaps an active utopia, which should combine the political order with a coherent culture and art.Los ciudadanos atenienses deliberaban en la asamblea, pero también el teatro se convierte en un lugar de debate público. Porque una democracia (también la ateniense) no solo es consecuencia de aspectos económicos o de orden cultural, sino también del desarrollo de un imaginario democrático. Y es en dicho imaginario donde se inscriben las tragedias griegas, consideradas como «mitos democráticos» que servían para reafirmar la democracia ateniense. Lejos de cualquier dogmatismo, el mito trágico explora las contradicciones de la vida social y personal, y se pregunta, de manera expresa o tácita, por su posible corrección. Este género dramático induce a una participación del espectador (ciudadano), que va más allá de la esquemática reducción de la teoría aristotélica de la catarsis. El teatro griego propone la existencia de un «público», de unos espectadores que precisan de una gran madurez para emitir ese juicio. La democracia es un camino, o quizás una utopía activa, que debe conjugar el orden político con una cultura y un arte coherentes. (shrink)

Em Suplicantes, uma das mais políticas tragédias de Eurípides, é produzida uma aproximação surpreendente entre o mundo do mito e o do espectador. Embora Teseu, seu protagonista, seja representado como um “rei democrático”, nela não está presente uma cena que possa ser equiparada à experiência da mais típica instituição da democracia ateniense, a deliberação coletiva definidora da assembleia aberta a todos os cidadãos. Todavia, em diferentes momentos do primeiro episódio, chega-se bastante perto. Assim, o objetivo deste texto é discutir como (...) essa tragédia representa formas de deliberação e consenso, para o que se investiga os meandros de dois cenários que levam a uma política de guerra de ataque desenvolvidos no drama, um em Argos, outro, em Atenas. (shrink)

In order to clarify the objectives of bankruptcy, to reveal the true essence of bankruptcy procedure and the origin of legal terms, it is necessary to ascertain the nature of this institute of law, as well as the reasons for its creation and development. This article provides historic analysis of the development of the institute of bankruptcy procedure. For this purpose, a historic comparative research is undertaken in the article, in order to find certain parallels of bankruptcy procedure under Roman (...) law and the modern bankruptcy procedure. Roman law has been chosen as the most phenomenal ancient law for the purposes of undertaking a historic analysis of the development of bankruptcy procedure. In the authors’ opinion, it it the best example that reveals the origin of bankruptcy procedure, and the reasons for its formation. Analysis of certain private law institutes of Roman law enables the authors to conclude that the main features (principles) of the bankruptcy procedure formed precisely under Roman law: replacement of personal liability by pecuniary; public auction as a form of realization of debtor’s property; transition from selling of debtor’s property as a whole to disposal of property in divided property units; creation of subject, who administers auctions of debtor’s property under oath not to act in selfish purposes; setting of a term of 30 days, during which a debtor has to cover the debts (claims’ dispute resolution); establishment of the institute of informing creditors about initiated procedures of debt retrieval and encouragement to join these procedures; establishment of the ban to recover debts from household items; laying of the foundations of the institute of peace agreement between the debtor and his creditors; establishment of actio Pauliana - a remedy for the protection of creditors rights. The mentioned rules in one way or another eventually have been transferred to legal acts on legal relations in case of bankruptcy of many foreign countries. (shrink)

Towards the end of his philosophical and political theorizations, the Greek-born French philosopher and thinker Cornelius Castoriadis turned his attention to artistic representation, in particular to Greek, or to use a term he preferred, “Athenian” tragedy. The aim of this article is to analyze the role played by his interpretation of tragedy in his understanding of democracy as a tragic regime. In order to address this interrogation, the article will be divided in three parts. The first part is devoted to (...) what Castoriadis deems the “Greek creation”. The second part offers an interpretation of Castoriadis’ formulation of tragedy as both a public institution and a “window to chaos”, emphasizing its connection to democracy, autonomy and judgement. In the final remarks, we critically assess his original conception of tragedy and its political implications for Castoriadis’ idea of democracy. (shrink)

1. Filosofinės studijos -- 2. Pedagoginės studijos.

1. [Without special title] -- 2. Filosofijos ir pedagogikos terminija -- 3. Religija ir kultūra -- 4. [Without special title] -- 5. [Without special title] -- 7. [Without special title].

Based on archival documents, regulatory and other official materials, as well as the press of that time, the article attempts to shed some light on the complex beginning of Lithuanian Roman legal system research. Since the beginning of theUniversity law degree in 1922, the Roman law courses (then divided into history and dogma, the system) were taught with an exclusive focus. However, while assembling the faculty of professors at the Lithuanian university, in the beginning they had to content mainly with (...) practitioners, therefore it was particularly difficult to solve the problem of the Roman legal system researcher that required very specific knowledge. (shrink)

The use of assistance systems aimed at reducing road fatalities is spreading, especially for car drivers, but less effort has been devoted to developing and testing similar systems for powered two-wheelers. Considering that over speeding represents one of the main causal factors in road crashes and that riders are more vulnerable than drivers, in the present study we investigated the effectiveness of an assistance system which signaled speed limit violations during a simulated moped-driving task, in optimal and poor visibility conditions. (...) Participants performed four conditions of simulated riding: one baseline condition without Feedback, one Fog condition in which visual feedback was provided so as to indicate to the participants when a speed limit was exceeded, and two post-Feedback conditions with and without Fog, respectively, in which no feedback was delivered. Results showed that participants make fewer speeding violations when the feedback is not provided, after 1 month, and regardless of the visibility condition. Finally, the feedback has been proven effective in reducing speed violations in participants with an aggressive riding style, as measured in the baseline session. (shrink)

Vardoulakis examines the concept of political theology in terms of the ancient greek term "stasis." The term "stasis" means both mobility and immobility. Vardoulakis explores these seemingly contradictory meanings generate a notion of agonistic politics that challenges perceived ideas about political theology.

How is political change possible when even the most radical revolutions only reproduce sovereign power? Via the analysis of the contradictory meanings of stasis, Vardoulakis argues that the opportunity for political change is located in the agonistic relation between sovereignty and democracy and thus demands a radical rethinking.

Gregory Fried offers in this book a careful investigation of Martin Heidegger's understanding of politics. Disturbing issues surround Heidegger's commitment to National Socialism, his disdain for liberal democracy, and his rejection of the Enlightenment. Fried confronts these issues, focusing not on the historical debate over Heidegger's personal involvement with Nazism, but on whether and how the formulation of Heidegger's ontology relates to his political thinking as expressed in his philosophical works. The inquiry begins with Heidegger's interpretation of Heraclitus, particularly the (...) term polemos ("war," or, in Heidegger's usage, "confrontation"). Fried contends that Heidegger invests polemos with broad ontological significance and that his appropriation of the word provides important insights into major strands of his thinking--his conception of the human being, understanding of truth, and interpretation of history--as well as the meaning of the so-called turn in his thought. Although Fried finds that Heidegger's politics are continuous with his thought, he also argues that Heidegger's work raises important questions about contemporary identity politics. Fried also shows that many postmodernists, despite attempts to distance themselves from Heidegger, fail to avoid some of the same political pitfalls his thinking entailed. (shrink)

The Greek word stasis meant ‘faction’, ‘civil war’ but also ‘political standing’. This seems a strange contradiction, particularly since we credit the Greeks with having invented politics. This strange contradiction is partly explained by the nature of the Greek polis, which was not a State, but rather what anthropologists call a stateless community. The latter is a relatively unstratified egalitarian community characterized by the absence of public coercive apparatuses. However, though stateless, the Greek polis was also different from stateless communities (...) studied by anthropologists as it was not tribal.The fear of stasis was directly related to the absence of public means to check seditious factions or to deal with divisions which might be the outcome of having political standings. However, the absence of central authority, social hierarchy and kinship identity, gave room for much individual deliberation and made politics indispensable. Thus the Greeks indeed invented politics, yet the Greek concept of politics was different from the modern one in being predominantly ethical, that is, in seeking to curb ‘political standings’ by morality, education and self restraint. (shrink)

Using Heidegger‘s reinterpretation of Heraclitus' polemos and Zhuangzi's ideas of dao, struggle and sorting of differences, I will argue for a reinterpretation of notions of conflict and harmony in the two thinkers. Heidegger's Auseinandersetzung and Zhuangzi's famous 'sorting which evens things out', the seminal second chapter of the book Zhuangzi, suggest that harmony lies not in overcoming differences, but exactly in making difference and diversity central. I start with an exposition of how Heidegger understands logos and polemos in radically different (...) ways from their 'normal' or 'traditional' meanings, and how he attaches great importance to both terms. I then proceed to analyse Zhuangzi‘s understanding of the world in terms of the yin-yang dichotomous forces, and argue how a comparison of both thinkers can show us a new understanding of ideas of difference, conflict and harmony. It will be shown how harmony in Daoism is not to be understood as a dialectical resolution to conflict, but more as a situating within the different forces, and a certain form of responding to conflict and diversity. Heidegger‘s differential thought will be employed to show a similar approach to difference, where in contradistinction to a Hegelian resolution or sublimation of the difference, Heidegger shows how difference is not to be overcome, but to be acknowledged as fundamental to being. Such responses carry a form of great responsibility, since they might be perceived as random and spontaneous. Yet I will argue that they are anything but random, and that both Heidegger and Zhuangzi seek to engage diversity, struggle and conflict in a most objective and disinterested manner. Such an engagement will then be shown to have ethical implications beyond the philosophical worlds of Heidegger and Zhuangzi. (shrink)

Con la figura de artefacto stasis me gustaría estudiar el diseño político que se despliega durante la Unidad Popular en lo relativo a sus objetos de proyección. En particular me concentraré en los documentales de las realizadoras Angelina Vázquez, Crónica del salitre (1971); Marilú Mallet, Amuhuelai-mi (1972); y Valeria Sarmiento, Un sueño como de colores (1972). Estos documentales registran los modos en que la política de la Unidad Popular se organiza alrededor de la producción socialista; su mirada es la de (...) militancia y complicidad con el proceso de transformación que está teniendo lugar. Sin embargo, al mismo tiempo, estos documentales interrumpen la propia figuración del «trabajo» en las imágenes expuestas. En otras palabras, estos documentales interrumpen la idea de «producción». Esta interrupción de la imagen por la imagen, es lo que aquí se denomina artefacto stasis. (shrink)

« J’apporte la guerre »F. Nietzsche Depuis Hegel, la philosophie a lentement mais inexorablement procédé à une historicisation complète de ses concepts. Abandonnant l’éther de la généralité, elle a associé ses notions fondamentales aux événements. Cette historicisation des concepts philosophiques a clairement déplacé le débat du champ de la pensée pure à celui de l’époque, de ses intérêts et de ses conflits. Aussi assistons-nous à une nouvelle gigantomachie qui ne porte plus sur le concept d’...