This paper aims to measure the quality of all Romanian cities’ websites in 2019 and 2022, before and after the disruptive event of COVID-19. Since the official websites are the core instrument of e-governance, the changes in the quality of Romanian cities’ websites reflect the changes in the development of urban e-governance in Romania. The COVID-19 lockdowns and contact restrictions and the moving of most activities into the online environment had the potential to impact the performance of Romanian cities’ websites (...) significantly and catalyze the progress of local e-governance. The quality of Romanian cities’ official websites was measured using an adapted survey instrument proposed by Holzer and Kim and Manoharan, Melitski, and Holzer. The tool covers five critical criteria of website quality or performance: personal data security, usability, content, services, and citizen participation. The research results may seem contrary to expectations: the improvements of websites have been incremental rather than transformational. Although our research provides only a case study, we may assert that the reform of traditional administration remains a step-by-step process. Our study’s main contribution consists in showing that the progress of e-governance is an incremental process even in a situation of emergency that requires the moving of most activities into the online environment. (shrink)

Review of Nicu Gavriluţă’s The Fools’ Mother is Always Pregnant. A Sociology of Everyday Pathologies. (Mama proştilor e mereu gravidă. Sociologia patologiilor cotidiene.) Foreword by Ştefan Afloroaei (Iaşi: European Institute, 2010).

In this paper I show that Aristotle’s widely criticised exclusion of Platonic efficient causes at Metaph. A 6.988a7–17 is defensible as an interpretation of Plato, and that alternative accounts are unpersuasive. I argue that Aristotle is only interested in – what he supposes to be – Plato’s first principles and that the usual candidates that are brought forward in scholarship as possible first principles and efficient causes (e.g. from the Timaeus and the Philebus) all fall short in crucial respects according (...) to Aristotle. This reading has the dual benefit of illuminating Aristotle’s strategy in book A and of letting him appear as a more trustworthy doxographer of his predecessors’ views. (shrink)

In this paper we propose to present from a new perspective some loci comunes of traditional logic. More exactly, we intend to show that some hypothetico-disjunctive inferences (i.e. the complex constructive dilemma, the complex destructive dilemma, the simple constructive dilemma, the simple destructive dilemma) and two hypothetico-categorical inferences (namely modus ponendo-ponens and modus tollendo-tollens) particularize two more abstract inferential structures: the constructive n-lemma and the destructive nlemma.

The vertiginous rise of right-wing populism, especially in its “nationalist, xenophobic and conservative form”, and some “racist, anti-Semitic, homophobic and sexist” drifts associated with this phenomenon – whether real or perceived as such – make the mainstream media play a double role. On the one hand, the mainstream media reflect the struggle for political hegemony between different vested interests; on the other hand, they engage in the fight against right-wing populism blasting both right-wing populist candidates and their voters or supporters. (...) Many mainstream journalists ask citizens to realize a “sanitary cordon”, a “wall” or a “republican front” to block far-right populism and preserve liberal democracy. Moreover, they urge people to be wary of all attempts to “dediabolize” or “normalize” some tokens of right-wing populism. The main idea of this article is that right-wing populism is more harmless than is generally believed and, if excessive, negative media coverage doesn’t baffle but feed it. Populism is essentially a latent side effect of liberal democracy. Populism rises and becomes obtrusive only if a significant part of society perceives a regime of illiberal majoritarianism instead of one of liberal democracy. Right-wing populists are chiefly frustrated “ci-devants” who feel dispossessed of their past, identity, properties, qualities, privileges or titles. Inasmuch as the causes of collective frustration are many and varied (e.g. the real or just perceived corruption of the elites, the “system”, the deep state, the relocation of jobs, immigration, national sovereignty, national identity, communitarianism, radical Islamism, the status of some traditional institutions, some chapters of official history, etc.), there will always be right-wing populists, whether they are self-declared or covert. By adopting David G. Hackett’s thesis that the media are “agents of hegemony”, we applied the critical analysis of discourse to a set of 346 media articles in order to reveal the discursive sources of power, domination, inequality and partiality. The articles appeared in The New York Times and Le Monde during the period 2016-2017, at the time when the presidential elections took place in the United States and France. The articles were selected according to the occurrence of the keywords “Donald Trump” – “populism” and “Marine Le Pen” – “populisme” within the titles. The analysis of these articles reveals a divisive discursive structure that correspond to a real political cleavage in society. It is true that populism presents a “Manichean outlook”, in which there are only friends and foes” and no compromise is possible. It is also true that mainstream media reinforce this Manichean perspective on society and make populists feel marginalized and politically disempowered. The mainstream media may appease right-wing populism if they treat its followers as legitimate and equal political actors. For this, they have to give up the narrative structures that underscore insurmountable divergences and irreconcilable interests. In a liberal democracy, mass media should chiefly play the role of mediator. They may not aim to defeat or re-educate certain categories of citizens just because they advocate “wrong” political solutions. (shrink)

In this paper I try to clarify and systematize some contributions with regard to (a) the main aspects of crisis situations that impose the management of emotions, (b) the correlation of certain social emotions with the factors that trigger them and their related tendencies to act, (c) the essential elements of emotional experience, (d) the differentiation of appropriate emotional reactions to a crisis situation from the inappropriate ones; (e) the in-stances in which emotions can be managed, and (f) the balance (...) between rationality and affectivity in the organization’s response to the risks or crises which it faces. By means of logical correlations I arrived at the following conclusions. Regardless of the social sphere in which the crisis makes itself felt, regardless of its type, phase or damage control strategies, the rational control of emotions contributes significantly to overcoming the crisis situation. Beyond the specificities, crises involve digressions form the norms of rightful conduct, breaches of the social norms that support institutions (as spontaneous order structures) and maladaptive reactions to reality. They can be corrected through a good management of emotions, with the caveat that we are not dealing with a problem of knowledge, but rather with one of will and character. All people can identify the adaptive emotional responses to a crisis situation, but only a few prefer them and train assiduously to use them. (shrink)

La communication politique peut être entendue comme action sémiologique collective qui se réalise dans le contexte de l’acte de gouverner une société et aussi bien comme acte d’exercice du pouvoir politique en ne faisant recours qu’aux signes. Actuellement la communication politique apparaît surtout sous la forme spécialisée du marketing politique et elle est centrée sur le but de gagner les élections. La “nouvelle” communication politique soulève quelques questions épineuses: (a) la carrière de l’homme politique dépend dans une trop grande mesure (...) de son équipe de consultants; (b) les médias exercent une influence déterminante sur la vie politique; (c) l’activité politique este devenue extrêmement coûteuse; (d) l’image politique est plus importante que l’homme politique réel; (e) les électeurs sont devenus versatiles et sujets à des goûts changeants; (f) presque tous les hommes politiques pratiquent la démagogie. Quelle que soit l’idéologie professé, les politiciens composent et transmettent des messages qui laissent voir une pensée partisane, collective, dissimulée, rationnelle et mise en service du pouvoir. Ces cinq traits dominants peuvent être reconnus aussi dans le cas des messages d’auto-présentation (nom, logo, statut et programme politique), que dans le cas des messages persuasifs (audience accordée à la population, discours prononcé aux réunions du parti, discours électoral, slogan, affiche politique, réclame politique, communiqué politique, interview, conférence de presse et débat télévisé). En faisant usage des messages politiques en tant qu’instruments pour gagner et gérer le pouvoir, les participants à la communication politique accomplissent, dans une mesure plus ou moins large, les actions suivantes: (a) la connaissance du contexte politique (qui contient les règles du jeu politique, les adversaires et les alliés actuels et potentiels, l’état de l’électorat ‒ surtout l’électorat-cible ‒ et les canaux de transmission virtuelle des propres messages politiques), (b) l’octroi d’une image politique convenable (qui réunisse au moins trois qualités majeures: la crédibilité, l’attractivité et la puissance), (c) la sélection des thèmes et des catégories de messages capables de les incarner), (d) la “modalisation” de la campagne de communication (“de notoriété” versus “persuasive”), (e) la transmission des messages politiques (visant le niveau le plus haut des standards d’adéquation et d’efficience) et (f) le monitorage des résultats de la communication politique. Dans la mesure où toutes ces actions sémiologiques sont accomplies à un niveau satisfaisant, la communication politique (qui les englobe) mène à une compétition au pouvoir bienfaisante pour la société toute entière. Une telle compétition ne divise pas la classe politique en vainqueurs et vaincus, mais en rivaux, chacun apportant sa pierre à la construction et la sauvegarde du bien commun. (shrink)

The central thesis of my article is that people live a life worthy of a human being only as self-ruling members of some autarchic (or self-governing) communities. On the one hand, nobody is born as a self-ruling individual, and on the other hand, everybody can become such a person by observing progressively the non-aggression principle and, ipso facto, by behaving as a moral being. A self-ruling person has no interest in controlling her neighbors, but in mastering his own impulses, needs, (...) wishes, desires, behaviors, etc. Inasmuch as he is an imperfect being who lives in an imperfect world, he needs to share certain interests, beliefs, values, customs and other characteristics with other people, i.e. to be involved in some communities. Depending on the following four criteria – the regulatory principle, the essential resources, the specific feedback and the fundamental values –, the countless and manifold human communities can be grouped in three categories: (1) affinity communities, (2) economic communities, and (3) civic communities. In other words, every community or human behavior has an affinity, an economic, and a civic dimension. If a civic community is merely a state shaped society, it can be called a political community. All communities are intrinsically variable. Throughout time, they ceaselessly change their composition, values, interpersonal processes and relations, territory, etc. Interestingly enough, the variability is unanimously recognized and accepted in affinity and communities economic, but is denied or abusively interpreted in the case of state shaped societies. If we confuse two types of order − cosmos and taxis – and two types of rule – nomos and thesis –, as well as we exaggerate the importance of certain type of community we bring some social maladies, namely the traditionalism, the commercialism and the civism, (with the worst form of it – the politicality). Whatever the communities they are involved in, all persons relate (implicitly or explicitly) to the libertarian non-aggression principle, living their life in strict accordance with the logical implications of the position they adopt. People who respect the non-aggression axiom necessarily manifest self-control, consideration for the life and property of the others, commitment to offer value for value, love of freedom and a high level of individual responsibility. By contrast, people who violate this axiom – the villains and the statists – invariably strive to control their neighbors, behave as parasites or predators, prefer forced exchanges, reject the personal responsibility (at most accepting the idea of social responsibility), and apply double moral standards. The first category of people generates a libertarian civic discourse as a spontaneous order, and the second creates a political/ statist civic discourse as a result of the human design and will to power. As a spontaneous order, the libertarian civic discourse implies free involvement, peaceful coordination, free expression, free reproduction of ideas and the power of one. Every communication performance in the frame of the libertarian civic discourse is important and has relevant results. All participants to the libertarian civic discourse are automatically members of some self-governing communities (at least members of the general libertarian community). The most important thing for these communities is to be connected to a communicational infrastructure which would make possible free involvement, free expression and the free reproduction of ideas. Inasmuch as today democracy means the tyranny of majority and participatory democracy the tyranny of majority plus the power of vested (and illegitimate) interests, only the emergence of self-governing communities by libertarian discourse offers us a little hope. It’s high time to fall in love (again) with liberty and to embrace the non-aggression principle. We don’t have to create a perfect world, but we can strive to develop our human nature. (shrink)

Ustanovka, ili Kak pozit︠s︡ioniruem sebi︠a︡ v suzhdenii︠a︡kh -- Poznaĭ sebi︠a︡ - i poznaeshʹ mir -- Ėvoli︠u︡t︠s︡ii︠a︡. Chto ėto? -- Rechʹ Boga -- Arkheologii︠a︡ -- Stoi︠a︡nie -- Stoi︠a︡nie. Trezvostʹ--norma zhizni -- Chto takoe trezvostʹ v chistom vide? -- Drevneslavi︠a︡nskoe nasledie -- Chto ėto takoe: "ostanʹsi︠a︡ na beregu"? -- Svi︠a︡shchennoe Pisanie -- Obshchiĭ plan drevnikh religioznykh tradit︠s︡iĭ -- Propovedʹ v khrame -- Idoly -- Iudaizm -- Masonstvo -- Mozhno sdelatʹ vyvody -- KPSS -- Monastyri.

Когда у человека или у группы людей о чем-либо складываются некие представления, то всегда очень неплохо знать то, как такие представления возникли. А также то, как они сложились у того, кто в итоге оказался источником информации.

In the 5th/11th century in Cairo, Imam Ḥamza, the founder of the Druze faith, abrogated the entire substantive laws, including the Islamic one. And yet, four centuries later, Druze jurists in the mountainous regions of Syria developed their own legal doctrine. This essay explores the evolution of Druzism from an esoteric doctrine according to the Ismāʿīlī vision to a madhhab (doctrinal school of law) using the prism of gender (in)equality. Through a close reading of the Imam’s epistles in the Ḥikma (...) (i.e., the Druze canon of scripture) and Druze law treatises from the 9th/15th century, I show how premodern Druze jurists were influenced particularly by Shāfiʿī and Mālikī law. Although they remained faithful to the strict gender equality articulated in their sacred book, Druze jurists established a gender hierarchy in marriage and permitted wife beating based on Q 4:34. They however expounded an original doctrine of zinā (adultery): despite their construction of femininity as inferior and irrational, and their assumption of women’s intellectual deficiency, Druze jurists considered nonconsensual marriage as well as nonconsensual sex in marriage to be crimes of zinā. I argue that Druze jurists developed rules that enforced sexual equality but simultaneously conformed to their patriarchal vision of society to maintain the social cohesion of their religious community, clans, and extended families, all of which provided local networks for informal conflict resolution. (shrink)

Mediteransko nasljeđe kulture, filozofije, povijesti i umjetnosti nepregledan je univerzum procesa, informacija, sinteza i imaginacija. Sam po sebi, Mediteran se predstavlja kao jedna opća imenica takvog opsega da predstavlja rod u kojem je velik dio opće europske kulture uvijek jedna od njegovih vrsta. No, ipak, riječ je o dojmu koji ne može težiti precizno utvrđenoj konstataciji već jednoj općoj opservaciji koja samo pokazuje da zamisao o zahvaćanju u smisao Mediterana kao nasljeđa ili suvremenosti predstavlja jedan ogroman, ali nikad dokraja dovršen (...) posao.Kao opće i široko obuhvatno ime, mediteranski prostor, onaj virtualni i onaj stvarni, otvorio je prostor mnogim iznimnim osobnostima. koje ukazuju na pojedinačni značaj svake od njih. Neizbježno, one ne mogu u kontekstu mediteranskog prostora predstavljati više od pojedinačnog slučaja koji nikad ne može obuhvatiti cjelokupni doseg pojma mediteranskog. Ali ono što mogu jest obznaniti one vlastite dosege koji ukazuju na vrijednost onoga što im je u mediteranskom prostoru otvoreno da misle, stvaraju i žive. U kontekstu Mediterana tu je uvijek prisutna jedna dimenzija napetosti između općeg i pojedinačnog, između napora da se izrazi duh vremena i nasljeđa, vlastito slaganje i neslaganje s njim, ali i promišljanje koje može probiti duh danog. Jedan od takvih filozofskih i umjetničkih osobnosti jest Albert Camus. Kao jedna od danas gotovo zaboravljenih figura mišljenja i umjetnosti, njegovo propitivanje humaniteta u djelima kao što su Mit o Sizifu i Pobunjeni čovjek svojevremeno su ostavili dubok trag iza sebe. Iako on nije napisao svoje pismo o humanizmu kao što je to učinio Heidegger , njegovo se djelo čini kao poseban slučaj jednog općeg govora o humanizmu suprotstavljen i zasigurno najpoznatijem intelektualcu svog doba, Jeanu Paulu Sartreu, intelektualnom hegemonu onoga doba. Postoji iskušenje da se Camusa u toj konstelaciji dovede u vezu s, recimo, stoicizmom, no time bismo promašili bit u odgovaranju na pitanje koliko bi njegov humanizam imao snage biti suvremeni humanizam, a koliko nova tehnika interpretiranja istog. Stoga mi je namjera propitati, suvremenu mogućnost tvorbi Camusovih promišljanja o povijesti, humanizmu, politici i umjetnosti, kao i danas uočljivi pomak u odnosu na prijašnje dosege u propitivanju etičnosti, politike i umjetnosti na mediteranskom prostoru.The cultural, philosophical, historical and artistic heritage of the Mediterranean is a measureless universe of processes, information, syntheses and imaginations. In itself, the Mediterranean portrays a general noun of such scope that it represents a kind in which a large part of general European culture is always but one of its sub varieties. However, this is but an impression, which cannot aspire to become a precisely verifiable or verified statement, or a general observation, which only demonstrates that the idea of penetrating the meaning of the Mediterranean as a heritage or contemporaneity represents an enormous yet never fully completed task.The Mediterranean space – both the virtual and actual – as a general and widely inclusive toponym has opened its doors to countless exceptional individuals, who point to the particular significance of each. Inevitably, within the context of the Mediterranean space they cannot exemplify more than a particular case that can never embrace the range of the Mediterranean concept as a whole. Yet, what they can do is disclose their own reaches that point to the value of that which is open to them in the Mediterranean realm to be thought, created and lived. A dimension of tension between the general and the particular, between the effort to express thespirit of time and heritage, one’s agreement and disagreement with it, as well as one’s reflections capable of penetrating the spirit of the given – are invariably present within the context of the Mediterranean. One such philosophical and artistic individual is Albert Camus. As one of the almost forgotten figures of thought and art today, his questioning humanity in The Myth of Sisyphus and The Rebel once left a profound trace. Although he never wrote a letter on humanism as Heidegger did , his work appears to be a special case of a general speech on humanism opposed to even surely the most famed intellectual of his time, Jean-Paul Sartre, the intellectual hegemon of his time. Within this constellation one can easily be tempted to compare Camus with, for example, Stoicism, but by doing so one would fail to answer the question of whether his humanism has the strength to be a contemporary humanism or just a novel interpretation technique of the same. This paper intends to examine the contemporary possibilities of constructing Camus’s reflections on history, humanism, politics and art, as well as the today distinct shift in relation to the earlier reaches of the studies into ethicality, politics and art within the space of the Mediterranean. (shrink)

Važna zadaća srednjoeuropskog povjesničara ili povjesničarke filozofije posljednjih desetljeća bila je interpretacija iznenada ponovno pojavljujućih elemenata njene ili njegove nacionalne kulture, uključujući i zajedničku ključnu riječ ovih tradicija – nacionalnu filozofiju. Moj rad nudi povijesnu rekonstrukciju pojma nacionalne filozofije na temelju mađarskih primjera. U prvome dijelu opisat ću nekoliko suvremenih dilema o upotrebi toga pojma. Glavni dio rada povezuje ovaj pojam s transformacijom javne sfere znanstvenika u kantijanskom razdoblju, uključujući Kantova osobna razmišljanja, kao i narativ mađarske »Rasprave o Kantu«. Analizom (...) ove rasprave nastojat ću pokazati da se taj pojam ne može u plauzibilnom obliku interpretirati niti u europskom niti u nacionalnom okviru, nego samo kao dio jedne moguće srednjoeuropske komparativne povijesti filozofije.An important task of a Central-European historian of philosophy was in the last decades to interpret the suddenly reappeared elements of her or his own national culture, including the common key word of these traditions – national philosophy. My paper offers a historical reconstruction of the concept of national philosophy, based on Hungarian examples. In the first part I will outline several contemporary dilemmas about the use of this term. The main part of my paper links this concept with the transformation of the public sphere of the scholars in the age of Kantianism, including Kant’s personal reflections, and the narrative of the Hungarian “Debate on Kant”. I will try to demonstrate, by the analysis of this debate, that it cannot be interpreted in a plausible form in a European, nor in a national framework, but just as a part of a would-be Central-European comparative history of philosophy.Une tâche importante pour un historien ou une historienne de la philosophie d’Europe centrale a été, ces dernières décennies, d’interpréter les éléments de sa propre culture nationale soudainement réapparus, y compris le mot-clé commun de ces traditions : la philosophie nationale. Mon article propose une reconstruction historique du concept de philosophie nationale, fondée sur des exemples hongrois. Dans la première partie, je ferai un aperçu de plusieurs dilemmes contemporains quant à l’emploi de ce terme. La partie principale de mon article relie ce concept à la transformation de la sphère publique des chercheurs à l’époque kantienne, y compris les réflexions personnelles de Kant, ainsi que le récit hongrois du « Débat sur Kant ». En analysant ce débat, j’essaierai de démontrer que ce concept ne peut être interprété sous une forme plausible dans un cadre européen ni dans un cadre national, mais seulement comme partie d’une éventuelle histoire comparative de la philosophie d’Europe centrale.Die bedeutungsvolle Mission des zentraleuropäischen Philosophiehistorikers oder der – historikerin in den vergangenen Dezennien hieß, die jählings wiederkehrenden Elemente seiner bzw. ihrer eigenen Nationalkultur zu explizieren, unter Einschluss des gemeinsamen Schlüsselwortes dieser Traditionen – der nationalen Philosophie. Meine Arbeit bietet eine historische Rekonstruktion der Notion der nationalen Philosophie auf der Grundlage der ungarischen Beispiele. Im Anfangsteil umreiße ich etliche gegenwärtige Dilemmas über den Gebrauch des angeschnittenen Begriffs. Der Hauptteil meines Papers verknüpft diesen Begriff mit der Umwandlung der öffentlichen Sphäre der Gelehrten zu Zeiten des Kantianismus, samt Kants persönlichen Überlegungen, wie auch dem Narrativ der ungarischen „Debatte über Kant“. Anhand der Analyse dieser Debatte versuche ich auszumalen, der Begriff lasse sich weder im europäischen noch im nationalen Milieu plausibel interpretieren, sondern ausschließlich als Baustein einer denkbaren zentraleuropäischen vergleichenden Philosophiegeschichte. (shrink)

Vrednovanje i ocjenjivanje u nastavi Glazbene kulture važna je sastavnica odgojno-obrazovnog procesa koja sa sobom nosi razne poteškoće i subjektivnost. U nastavi Glazbene kulture realiziraju se različite glazbene aktivnosti i sadržaji, koji su više ili manje specifični te se navedeno odražava i na vrednovanje i ocjenjivanje. Navedene aktivnosti i sadržaji u okviru Kurikuluma nastavnog predmeta Glazbena kultura za osnovne škole i Glazbena umjetnost za gimnazije organizirane su u okviru tri domene/nastavna područja: Slušanje i upoznavanje glazbe, Izražavanje glazbom i uz glazbu (...) i Glazba u kontekstu. U radu je prikazano istraživanje provedeno tijekom 2019. godine, a koje je obuhvatilo 269 ispitanika, tj. 30 osnovnoškolskih učitelja Glazbene kulture i 239 učenika osmih razreda. Istraživanje je provedeno u Osječko-baranjskoj i Požeško-slavonskoj županiji te je obuhvatilo učitelje Glazbene kulture i učenike osmih razreda šest osnovnih škola od kojih se četiri nalaze u urbanom, a dvije u ruralnom području. Cilj ovog istraživanja bio je doznati stavove učenika i učitelja o vrednovanju i ocjenjivanju u nastavi Glazbene kulture, utvrditi moguću povezanost sociodemografskih varijabla i mišljenja učitelja i učenika te utvrditi na koji se način provodi ocjenjivanje u nastavi Glazbene kulture. Slušanje glazbe i pjevanje su aktivnosti koje se, prema mišljenju i učitelja i učenika, najčešće vrednuju i ocjenjuju u nastavi Glazbene kulture. Ujedno, učitelji u većoj mjeri smatraju da provode individualno i skupno ocjenjivanje nego li to smatraju učenici. Utvrđeno je da učitelji najčešće ocjenjivanje provode tako što tijekom svakog sata prate učenike, skloni su učenike ocijeniti odmah na satu i najčešće usmeno. Utvrđeno je da su učitelji i učenici mišljenja da učenik ne treba imati razvijene glazbene sposobnosti za ocjenu ‘odličan’ u predmetu Glazbena kultura. S obzirom na povezanost sociodemografskih varijabla i mišljenja ispitanika o vrednovanju i ocjenjivanju, pokazalo se kako su područje na kojemu se nalazi škola i spol značajni prediktori učeničkih stavova, dok se kod učitelja nijedna varijabla nije pokazala prediktorskom. Evaluation and grading in the teaching of Music Culture is an important component of the educational process that carries various difficulties and subjectivity with it. In the course of Music Culture, various music activities and contents are realized, which are more or less specific and also reflect on the evaluation and evaluation. The activities and contents of the Curriculum for the Elementary School Music Culture and High School Musical Arts curricula are organized within three domains/teaching areas: Listening and learning about music, Expressing music and with music, and Music in context. The research was conducted in 2019 and included 269 respondents, i.e. 30 elementary music teachers and 239 eighth grade students. The survey was conducted in Osijek-Baranja and Pozega-Slavonia counties and it included Music teachers and eighth grade students from six primary schools, four of whom are in urban and two in rural areas. The aim of this research was to find out students’ and teachers’ views on evaluation and assessment and to determine the possible correlation of sociodemographic variables and teachers’ and students’ opinions on evaluation and assessment in Music Culture teaching and to determine how the assessment is conducted in Music Culture teaching. Listening to music and singing are activities that, in the opinion of both teachers and students, are most commonly evaluated and graded in teaching Music Culture. At the same time, teachers are more likely to carry out individual and group assessments than students. Teachers usually conduct their assessment by monitoring students every class, they tend to evaluate students during class and most often orally. Teachers and students think that student should not have the developed musical skills to score excellently in Music Culture. Considering the correlation between sociodemographic variables and the respondents’ opinions on evaluation and grading, it was shown that the area in which school is located and gender are significant predictors of students’ attitudes, while in the teachers no variables proved to be predictive. (shrink)

t. 1. Putʹ dukhovnogo obnovlenii︠a︡ ; Osnovy khristianskoĭ kulʹtury ; Krizis bezbozhii︠a︡ -- t. 2, kn. 1-2. Nashi zadachi -- t. 3. Shleĭermakher i ego "Rechi o religii" : religioznyĭ smysl filosofii : tri rechi, 1914-1923 ; I︠A︡ bgli︠a︡dyvai︠u︡sʹ v zhiznʹ : kniga razdumiĭ ; Poi︠u︡shchee serdt︠s︡e : kniga tikhakh sozert︠s︡aniĭ ; Putʹ k ochevidnosti -- t. 4. Poni︠a︡tii︠a︡ prava i sily ; Obshchee uchenie o prave i gosudarstve ; O suchnosti pravosoznanii︠a︡ ; O monarkhii i respublike -- t. 5. (...) Osnovnoe Nravstvennoe protivorechie voĭny ; O sopotivlenii zlu siloi︠u︡ ; Statʹi, Pisʹma -- t. 6, kn. 1. O li︠u︡beznosti sot︠s︡ialʹno-psikhologicheskiĭ opyt ; Osnovy khudozhestva, o sovershennom v iskusstve ; O tʹme i prosvetlenii : kniga khudozhestvennoĭ kritiki, Bunin, Remnozov, Shmelev -- t. 6, kn. 2. O Rossii ; Russkie pisateli, literatura, teatr, muzyka ; Khudozhnik i khudozhestvennostʹ -- t. 6, kn. 3. O Rossii i russkoĭ dushe ; Genii Rossii -- t. 7. O bolʹshevizme i kommunizme ; Muchenichestvo t︠s︡erkovʹ v sovetskom gosudarstve ; Sovetskiĭ soi︠u︡z ne Rossii︠a︡ ; O nat︠s︡ionalʹnom prievanii Rossii ; Tvorcheskai︠a︡ idei︠a︡ nashego budushchego -- t. 8. Bolʹshevist︠s︡kai︠a︡ politika mirovogo gospodstva ; Vzgli︠a︡d vi︠a︡alʹ ; Kniga razmyshleniĭ i upovaniĭ -- t. 9-10. Dnevnik ; Pisʹma ; Dokumenty (1903-1938) -- [t. 10.] Pisʹma ; Memuary (1939-1954) -- [t. 11. kn. 1] Perepiska dvukh Ivanov (1927-1934) -- [t. 11. kn. 2.] Perepiska dvukh Ivanov (1935-1946) -- [t. 11. kn. 3.] Perepiska dvukh Ivanov (1947-1950) godov -- [t. 12.] Stat·i, lekt︠s︡ii, vystuplenii︠a︡, ret︠s︡enzii (1906-1954) -- [t. 13.] Kto my?; O revoli︠u︡t︠s︡ii ; O religioznom krizise nashikh dneĭ -- [t. 14. kn. 1.] Filosofii︠a︡ Gegeli︠a︡ kak uchenie o konkretnosti Boga i cheloveka : uchenie o Boge -- [t. 14. kn. 2.] Filosofi Gegeli︠a︡ kak uchenie o konkretnosti Boga i cheloveka : uchenie o cheloveke -- [t. 15. kn. 1.] Aksiomy religioznogo opyta : issleovanie -- [t. 15. kn. 2.] Aksiomy religioznogo opyta issledovanie -- [t. 16. kn. 1.] Mir pered propastʹi︠u︡ -- [t. 16. kn. 2.] Mir pered propastʹi︠u︡ ; Analiticherskie zapiski i publit︠s︡istika -- [t. 17.] Gitler i Stalin. Publit︠s︡istika 1939-1945 godov -- [t. 18.] Spravedlivostʹ ili ravenstvo? ; Publit︠s︡istika 1918-1947 godov -- [t. 19.] Russkiĭ kolokol : zhurnal volevoĭ idei [No special title]. (shrink)

U ovome članku autor kritički razmatra ključne elemente etike vrlina. Odbacuje čest stav da je etika vrlina bolja, jer je u njoj djelatnik usmjeren na sebe, dok je u deontologiji ili konzekvencijalizu usmjeren na druge; u deontologiji postoje dužnosti prema sebi, konzekvencijalizam je simetričan u tom pogledu, jer je vlastito dobro jednako vrijedno kao i tuđe, štoviše, najvažnije vrline su upravo one koje su usmjerene na druge. Ipak, postoji vrsta situacije koja podržava ovaj stav, naime, u okviru konzekvencijalizma čovjek koji (...) postigne da drugi proizvedu 5 jedinica sreće bolji je od čovjeka koji sam proizvede 3 jedinice sreće, dok je u okviru etike vrlina bolji ovaj drugi. Vrlo je zanimljivo pitanje koji je bolji naprosto. Nadalje, pitanje je može li etika vrlina doista bolje objasniti činjenicu da imamo moralne uzore; mi im se divimo zbog njihovih postupaka, a ta se činjenica daleko bolje uklapa u deontologiju ili konzekvencijalizam. Pored toga, budući da vrline ne možemo odrediti neovisno o postupcima do kojih tipično dovode, divljenje prema vrlinama svodi se na divljenje prema postupcima. Ovaj uvid podupire opću tezu članka da su vrline svodive na postupke, to jest, da etika vrlina ne može biti postojati samostalno već da je svodiva na deontologiju ili konzekvencijalizam.In this article author criticaly examines the key elements of the virtue ethics. He rejects common claim that that virtue ethics is better because it is self-regarding while deontology and consequentalism are other-regarding; within deontology there are duties toward oneself, consequentialism is symmetrical in this respect because my own good counts just as anybody’s else’s good, moreover, crucial virtues are other-regarding. Although, there is a kind of situation that supports this claim, namely, within consequentialist framework man who makes others produce 5 units of good is better than the man who himself produces 3 units, while within the framework of the virtue ethics the second one is better. It is very interesting question which one is better man period. Further, it is questionable whether virtue ethics can better accomodate the fact that we have moral raw models, namely, we admire them because of their actions and this fact much better fits into deontological or consequentialist framework. Also, since we can not specify a virtue independently of the actions it typically brings about, our admiration to virtues ammounts to our admiration to actions. This insight supports the general claim of the paper that virtues are reducible to actions, that is, that virtue ethics can not stand on its own because it is reducible to deontology or consequentialism. (shrink)

Este trabalho analisa a forma, a função e o significado do sufixo -il formador de adjetivos deverbais, e por vezes desubstantivais, no galego-português medieval, com a finalidade de observar a sua produtividade na formação de vozes sufixadas, e a sua comparança com o sufixo latino -ilis de que deriva (e proveniente de diferentes origens). Para levar a cabo este estudo partimos do Corpus do Galego-Portugués Antigo, que nos permitirá verificar o grau de produtividade ou de rentabilidade deste sufixo.

gl. 1. Geopoliticheskai︠a︡ determinat︠s︡ii︠a︡ kulʹtury i ėkonomiki. Rolʹ geograficheskikh faktorov v razvitii obshchestva ; Geopoliticheskie osobennosti sot︠s︡iokulʹturnoĭ istorii Rossii -- gl. 2. Kulʹturnai︠a︡ sostavli︠a︡i︠u︡shchai︠a︡ geopolitiki. Kulʹtura kak instrument geopolitiki ; Dialog kulʹtur v sovremennom mire: opasnai︠a︡ illi︠u︡zii︠a︡, otchai︠a︡nnai︠a︡ vera ili velenie vremeni?

This text is part of a research conducted under the working title "What do we talk about when we are silent and what are we silent about when we are talking? - premises for the anthropology of silence about the nearest past." In the first part the author investigates the meaning of silence in the Croatian and Serbian press right before and during Croatia's Operation Storm. The ratio between silence, suppression of information and forgetting, on the one hand, and social (...) memory, on the other, has been elaborated in the final part of the text by following reports about the anniversaries of Operation Storm in both Croatian and Serbian publics. The starting point lies in the belief that the phenomenon of silence, being an immanent part of each discourse, represents an important factor in the creation of social relationships and system of value models, that it has important communication and cognitive functions and that the performance character lies in its essence. In short, silence makes it possible to form the prevailing image about this event, even if it does not construct it indirectly - through speech. The author has elaborated on the meaning of silence in the context of Operation Storm partly because studies about the breakup of Yugoslavia frequently mention silence as a manipulation strategy employed by some of the sides in the conflict, while not a single study systematically investigates the semantic of silence and suppression of information in these conflicts. Most importantly, taking into account the frequency of direct silence in the newspaper discourse and rhetoric strategies that point at silence indirectly from the context and discourse, the author focuses on the relationship between the event and silence. In order to shed light on the way in which Operation Storm is remembered, i.e. forgotten, in the stakeholders' publics and political imageries, she follows the dailies - Vecernje Novosti Politika, Danas - Vecernji List, Jutarnji List, Magazin supplement of the Jutarnji List, as well as texts about Operation Storm in weeklies such as the NIN and Vreme of Belgrade or Globus of Zagreb in the period between August 2, 1995 and mid-August 2006. Ovaj tekst je deo istrazivanja koje se odvija pod radnim naslovom "O cemu govorimo kada cutimo i o cemu cutimo kada govorimo? - polazne pretpostavke za antropologiju cutanja o najbilizoj proslosti". U prvom delu autorka ispituje znacenja cutanja u pisanju hrvatske i srpske stampe neposredno pre hrvatske akcije Oluja i tokom same akcije. Odnos cutanja, precutkivanja i zaboravljanja, s jedne strane, i drustvenog pamcenja, s druge strane tematizovan je u zavrsnom delu teksta, pracenjem napisa o godisnjicama akcije Oluja u obe javnosti - hrvatskoj i srpskoj. Polaziste je u uverenju da je fenomen cutanja, buduci imanentni deo svakog diskursa znacajan cinilac kreiranja drustvenih odnosa i sistema vrednosnih modela, da ima vazne komunikativne i kognitivne funkcije i da je u svojoj sustini performativnog karaktera. U najkracem, cutanje pomaze formiranju dominantne slike o ovom dogadjaju, ako je, na posredan nacin - preko govorenja - i ne konstruise. Tematizovanje znacenja cutanja u kontekstu akcije Oluja preduzeto je delom i stoga sto se precutkivanje u studijama o kraju Jugoslavije neretko pominje kao manipulativna strategija neke od strana u sukobu, a da nema ni jedne studije koja bi sistematski ispitivala znacenja cutanja i precutkivanja u ovim konfliktima. I najvaznije, uvazavajuci frekventnost neposrednog izrazavanja cutanja u novinskom diskursu, kao i retorickih strategija koje posredno, iz konteksta i uspostavljenog sveta diskursa, upucuju na cutanje, autorka se usredsredjuje upravo na odnos dogadjajnosti i cutanja. Kako bi osvetlila nacin na koji je operacija Oluja zapamcena, odnosno zaboravljena u zainteresovanim javnostima i politickim imginarijumima, prati pisanje dnevne stampe - Vecernje novosti, Politika, Danas - Vecernji list Jutarnji list, Magazin - dodatak Jutarnjeg lista, kao i napise o Oluji u nedeljnicima, poput beogradskog NIN-a, Vremena ili zagrebackog Globusa u periodu od 02. avgusta 1995. do sredine avgusta 2006. godine. (shrink)

The present article is a critical assessment of the “Connection Principle” – the principle according to which the two key properties of mental states, intentionality and phenomenality , are necessarily co-instantiated. A theory of mind endorsing some version of this principle assumes that all intentional states are either conscious or otherwise potentially conscious. The Connection Principle, being a subject of much controversy in the past 15 years, has divided the community of philosophers of mind in two, as it were, irreconcilable (...) camps. What poses a special challenge to both friends and foes of the Connection Principle – albeit for different reasons – is a plausible explanation of intentional character of unconscious mental states. We want to point to and comment on certain weaknesses of Searle’s attempt to solve this problem – an attempt drawing on the idea that unconsciousmental states “retain” its “aspectual shape” while unconscious. Eventually, we will venture to show why the notion of aspectual shape cannot play the explanatory role assigned to it by Searle, and why a more restrictive and a more consistent criterion for ascribing intentionality to unconscious states is needed. This new criterion should be sensible to our folk-psychological intuition suggesting that there are dispositional states that play an indispensable causal role inour mental economy and, as such, build a genuine subset of all nconscious, i.e., purely neurophysiological states of our mind/brain.U tekstu se želimo kritički osvrnuti na Searleovo “načelovezanosti” – načelo prema kojemu su svojstvo intencionalnosti i svojstvo fenomenalnosti nužno koinstancirana. Svaka teorija uma koja uključuje neku varijantu tog načela polazi od pretpostavke da su sva intencionalna stanja ili svjesna ili potencijalno svjesna. Riječ je o stajalištu koje je polariziralo filozofe uma i u posljednjih petnaestak godina bilo predmetom zanimljivih rasprava. Moglo bi se reći da se prema stavu – bilo eksplicitnom bilo implicitnom – koji neki filozof uma zauzima prema načelu vezanosti može prepoznati opći istraživački program kojemu pripada. I za zagovornike i za protivnike načela vezanosti – doduše iz različitih razloga – osobiti izazov predstavlja objašnjenje intencionalnosti nesvjesnih mentalnih stanja. Cilj nam je ukazati na neke nedostatke Searleova pokušaja da riješi taj problem – pokušaja kojemu u osnovi leži zamisao da nesvjesna mentalna stanja zadržavaju svoju aspektualnost dok su nesvjesna. Konkretno, pokazat ćemo zašto pojam aspektualnosti ne može igrati eksplanatornu ulogu koju mu je Searle namijenio te zašto bi trebalo pronaći neki drugi, restriktivniji i konzistentniji kriterij pripisivanja intencionalnosti potencijalno svjesnim stanjima. Taj bi kriterij, prema našem shvaćanju, trebao biti kompatibilan s pučkopsihološkom intuicijom o postojanju dispozicijskih stanja koja igraju neizostavnu kauzalnu ulogu u našemmentalnom funkcioniranju i koja, kao takva, čine autentičan podskup svih nesvjesnih stanja našeg mozga/uma. (shrink)

Što se može očekivati od susreta i dijaloga između kulture i Crkve ? Polazna točka u ovoj raspravi je novum kojega je iznjedrio Drugi vatikanski sabor; kulturalno gledano, on predstavlja događaj kojim su srušene umjetne prepreke između kulture i Crkve . Upravo taj događaj čini se da je širom otvorio vrata susretu i dijalogu između Crkve i kulturalnog ambijenta u kojemu se i Crkva nalazi.Crkveno-teološko zauzimanje za dijalog sa suvremenom kulturom moralo bi, prema autorovu mišljenju, ispuniti neke zahtjeve ili pretpostavke, (...) kako bi taj dijalog ne samo bilo lakše ostvariti nego da donese i određene plodove svijetu i čovječanstvu. Jedna od prvih pretpostavki jest simpatija u odnosu prema svijetu i vremenu u kojemu se živi i djeluje; to je neophodan prvi korak u uspostavljanju »prvoga kontakta« između Crkve i kulture. Druga je pretpostavka ona koja se odnosi na snažniju valorizaciju uloge lokalnih crkava koje se čine primjerenijim subjektima što će lakše naći dodirne točke između općeljudskih pitanja i kulturalno elaboriranog navještaja vjere. Nadalje, unutar Crkve sve važnije mjesto i ulogu u vođenju dijaloga sa suvremenom kulturom trebaju imati vjernici-laici, tj. muževi i žene više uronjeni u razna svjetska životna područja kao što su politika, gospodarstvo, zdravstvo, itd. Unutar same Crkve valjalo bi sjediniti tzv. »benediktinsku duhovnost«, koja privilegira autoritet , s tzv. »franjevačkom osjetljivošću« koja je više usmjerena na bratstvo/sestrinstvo , ne samo među ljudima nego i sa svim stvorenim. Konačno, ne treba zaboraviti niti razlikovanje između vjere i teologije : to razlikovanje, koje ne znači strogo dijeljenje, otvara prostore da se različitim kulturalnim načinima izrekne vjera u Isusa Krista u različitim ozemljima i ambijentima u kojima ljudi obitavaju.What is to be expected from an encounter and dialogue between culture and the Church ? The starting point of this paper is the novelty introduced by the Second Ecumenical Council of the Vatican; culturally speaking, it represents an event with which the artificial obstacles between culture and the Church were pulled down. It seems that it was this event precisely that fully opened the doors to the encounter and dialogue between the Church and the cultural environment which the Church is also part of.The Church and theology’s advocating of dialogue with contemporary culture must, according to the author, meet a number of requirements or presuppositions not only for this dialogue to be conducted without unnecessary difficulty, but also for it to be fruitful for the world and humanity. One of the first presuppositions is sympathy in relation to both the world and times we live in; this first step is essential in the Church’s making “first contact” with culture. The second presupposition pertains to a more potent valorisation of the role of local churches , which seem to be more appropriate subjects to be able to more easily locate connection points between universally human questions and the culturally elaborated annunciation of faith. Furthermore, those who should have an increasingly more important role within the Church itself in leading this dialogue with contemporary culture are worshiping laymen, i.e. men and women who have been deeply and greatly involved in the various universal fields of life, such as politics, economy, health services, etc. Within the Church the so-called ‘Benedictine spirituality’, which privileges authority , should be merged with the so-called ‘Franciscan sensibility’, which is more directed towards a brotherhood/sisterhood not only between people but also with all that is created. Finally, the difference between faith and theology must not be forgotten either: this difference, which does not imply a strict division, creates space for the faith in Jesus Christ to be professed in the different ways of the cultures and environments that people live in. (shrink)

Mifologizirovannoe soznanie i totalitarizm -- O globalʹnom. Ontologicheskiĭ tragizm bytii︠a︡, ili Razmyshlenii︠a︡ malit︠s︡irista -- Razmyshlenii︠a︡ postoronnego -- Tolerantnostʹ v Rossii : vozmozhnostʹ i nevozmozhnostʹ -- Sudʹby liberalizma v Rossii : razmyshlenni︠a︡ profana -- Obyknovennyĭ russkiĭ fashizm -- "Vsë deĭstvitelʹnoe razumno" -- Intolerantnostʹ : repressivnoe soznanie i repressivnye praktiki -- Iskli︠u︡chennye navsegda -- Novyĭ mir? Razmyshlenii︠a︡ profana -- Dva lit︠s︡a ėkonomicheskoĭ svobody -- Ultra pessimo, ili Homo sapiens kak strashnai︠a︡ oshibka prirody -- Vlastʹ kak obʺekt/subʺekt prestupleniĭ -- Intellektualʹnai︠a︡ antimobilʹnostʹ sovremennykh rossiĭskikh (...) obshchestvovedov -- Chto denʹ gri︠a︡dushchiĭ nam gotovit? -- Kapitalizm ili sot︠s︡ializm? Oba khuzhe! -- Chelovecheskoe, slishkom chelovecheskoe -- O glavnykh protivorechnii︠a︡kh i glavnykh problemakh obshchestva postmoderna -- Pravda, odna tolʹko pravda, nichego, krome pravdy! -- Nemnogo ob Apokalipsise -- Gde my? Kuda idem? Where are we? Where are we going? (shrink)

Tekst prikazuje i komentira zbornik od deset priloga kulturno studijskih, semioloških i etnografskih analiza posvećenih različitiim oblicima i razinama diskurzivne reprezentacije i reprodukcije stvarnosti »domaćeg« socijalističkog načina života u bivšoj Jugoslaviji i Hrvatskoj, u njegovim različitim historijskim fazama, u njegovim službenim i neslužbenim oblicima diskurzivnih procedura . Pored uvodne usporedbe s tematski ili metodološki sličnim publikacijama, tekst daje tematski i tipski pregled obuhvaćenih priloga, a opširno se komentiraju dva priloga: programski tekst zbornika, posvećen ideji etnografije socijalizma u odnosu na nasljeđe (...) etnologije, s obzirom na njegove eksplicitne i implicitne znanstveno teorijske pretpostavke; također se s obzirom na teorem arbitrarnosti znaka komentira prilog posvećen retoričkoj analizi diskursa tzv. liberalne političke disidencije socijalizma u Beogradu 80-ih godina, posvećen dokazivanju odgovornosti inteligencije za društvenu katastrofu bivše Jugoslavije kroz analizu veze između »riječi i činova«.The paper reviews and comments on an anthology of ten analyses of cultural studies, semiology and ethnography, all centring on the different forms and levels of discursive representation and reproduction of the reality of the »domestic« socialist way of life both in former Yugoslavia and Croatia, in its most diverse historical phases, in its both official and unofficial forms of discursive procedures . In addition to the introductory comparison with thematically or methodologically similar publications, the paper also reviews the themes and types of the contributions, while particularly focusing on two papers: the anthology’s programmatic text tackling the idea of socialism’s ethnography in relation to the legacy of ethnology, in respect of its both explicit and implicit scientific theoretical presuppositions. Furthermore, in respect of the theorem of the arbitrariness of signs, the paper also comments on the contribution dealing with the rhetorical analysis of the discourse of the so-called liberal political dissidence of socialism in Belgrade during the 1980s, proving the responsibility of intelligence for the social catastrophe of former Yugoslavia through the analysis of the relation between »words and deeds«. (shrink)

Kako se danas može zamisliti plodonosan dijalog između kršćanske teologije i psihologije? Autor pokušava odgovoriti na to pitanje iz teološkoga motrišta. Povijest odnosa između teologije i psihologije vidi se unutar širega konteksta stoljetne rasprave o odnosima između vjere i znanosti, o načinu znanstvene i teološke spoznaje.Rad je podijeljen u tri dijela. U prvom dijelu članka autor predstavlja dva načelno različita oblika ili modela odnosa između teologije i psihologije, a to su: model isključivosti i model poistovjećivanja.U drugom dijelu rada dijalogu teologije (...) i psihologije pristupa se iz perspektive integralne antropologije, u kojoj se čovjek promatra kao tjelesno-psihičko-društveno-duhovno biće. Teološka antropologija, za razliku od filozofijske, medicinske, psihologijske ili biologijske antropologije, bavi se definitivnim osmišljavanjem čovjeka.U završnom dijelu članka autor nabraja neke izazove interdisciplinarnoga dijaloga teologije i psihologije za pastoralni rad, gdje svaka od dviju disciplina unosi u međusobnu razmjenu svoju vlastitu praksu – dušobrižništvo, odnosno psihoterapiju.How to conceive a fruitful dialogue between Christian theology and psychology? The author is trying to answer the question from theological point of view. The history of relationship between theology and psychology is evident in a wider context of centuries old dispute on the relations between faith and science and on the method of scientific and theological cognition.The work consists of three parts. In the first part the author presents two in principle different possibilities of determining the relationship between theology and psychology, and these are: “the model of exclusiveness”, and “the model of identification”.In the second part of the work the relation between theology and psychology is viewed from the perspective of integral anthropology in which man is observed as a physical-psychicalsocial- spiritual being. The theological anthropology, as different from philosophical, medical or biological anthropology, deals with definite. In the final part, the author counts some challenges of interdisciplinary dialogue between theology and psychology for pastoral work, where each of the two disciplines brings its own praxis into mutual exchange – spiritual charge, i. e. psychotherapy. (shrink)

Haydar el-Herevî Horasan’dan Osmanlı topraklarına gelen önemli âlimlerdendir. Teftâzânî’nin şeçkin bir talebesi olan bu âlim I. Mehmed’ten büyük saygı görerek onun tarafından himaye edilmiştir. Herevî, Zemahşerî’nin el-Keşşâf’ı üzerine yazdığı şerhi büyük övgü ifadeleriyle I. Mehmed’e ithaf etmiş, ithafın yer aldığı mukaddimede hayat hikayesiyle ilgili önemli ayrıntılar vermiştir. Osmanlı topraklarında geçirdiği uzun yıllar sonra Timur’un oğlu Şahruh ile irtibat kuran Herevî, el-Keşşâf şerhi mukaddimesini tekrardan kaleme alarak aynı eseri bu sefer Şahruh’a ithaf etmiştir. Herevî’nin bu yeni patronaj ilişkisi mukaddimenin ikinci versiyonundan (...) öğrenilmektedir. İkinci versiyonda sadece ithaf kısmı değiştirilmemiş, yeni haminin kimliğiyle irtibatlı olarak muhteva da yeni- den kurgulanmıştır. İlk versiyonda bulunmayan önemli biyografik ayrıntılar ikinci versiyonda yer almaktadır. Mukaddimenin iki versiyonu Herevî biyografisinin neredeyse yegâne kaynağıdır. Bu makalede mukaddimenin ikinci versiyonu ilk defa gün yüzüne çıkarılmış ve her iki versiyonda verilen bilgiler bir araya getirilerek Herevî’nin biyografisi inşa edilmiştir. İki versiyonda herhangi bir tarih verilmemiş, sadece bazı şehirlerdeki ikamet süreleri belirtilmiştir. Biyografi inşa edilirken anlatıda oluşan boşluklar tarihi olaylardan hareketle doldurulmuş ve tarihlendirme yapılmıştır. Bahsedilen olaylar, yapılan nitelemeler ve verilen ikamet süreleri itibara alınarak Herevî’nin hayatının yaklaşık kırk yıllık bölümü tam olarak tarihlendirilmiş, Serahs’tan başlayarak sırasıyla Şîraz, Tebriz, Şirvan, Bursa, Edirne ve tekrar Horasan’a uzanan yıllara dair bütünlüklü bir tablo ortaya konulmuştur. Bu hayat hikayesi ulema-sultan ilişkileri, siyasî gelişmelerin ilim hayatına yansımaları ve hayatını ilim yolculuklarında geçiren bir âlimin zihin dünyası hakkında eşsiz bilgiler sunmaktadır. (shrink)

Suprotno općeprihvaćenom mišljenju, argumentiram da Gettierovi protuprimjeri za trodijelnu analizu znanja kao opravdanoga istinitog vjerovanja nisu uspjeli zato što uvjet opravdanja, a pogotovo uvjet istinitosti za znanje u tim slučajevima nisu jednoznačno ispunjeni. Jer sudovi u koje se vjeruje jesu semantički ambivalentni te se za njih ne može jasno reći jesu ili istiniti ili neistiniti, pa stoga ni jesu li predmeti opravdanih istinitih vjerovanja. To je zbog zbunjujuće semantičke uloge koju igra odreðeni opis i ekskluzivna disjunkcija . Stoga nijedan od (...) Gettierovih navodnih protuprimjera zapravo ne opovrgava trodijelnu analizu kao takvu, nego samo jednu njezinu interpretaciju. Gettierovi se slučajevi mogu u najboljem slučaju protumačiti kao oni koji zahtijevaju modifikaciju i poboljšanje tradicionalne analize, a ne kao oni koji zahtijevaju njezino zamjenjivanje. Neki se drugi gettierovski slučajevi, npr. oni koje su iznijeli Lehrer i Feldman, mogu razmatrati na analogan način.Contrary to the received view, I argue that Gettier’s counterexamples to the tripartite analysis of knowledge as justified true belief failed, because the justification condition and especially truth condition for knowledge in these cases are not unambiguously fulfilled. For the propositions believed are semantically ambiguous and cannot be clearly said to be either true or false and, therefore, to be the objects of justified true beliefs. This is due to the puzzling semantic role played by a definite description and an exclusive disjunction . Therefore, neither of Gettier’s alleged counterexamples does in fact refute the tripartite analysis as such, but only an interpretation of it. Gettier’s cases can be at best construed as demanding a modification and improvement of the traditional analysis and not as demanding its replacement. Some other Gettier-like cases, e.g. those proposed by Lehrer and Feldman, can be treated in an analogous manner. (shrink)

The quality of the narrations of 'Abdullah b. Salih al-Misrî (d. 223/838), one of al-Bukhârî's famous teachers, in al-Jâmi al-Sahîh has been a matter of debate among hadîth scholars. Abdullah b. Salih, whose narrations are narrated by Abu Dâwûd, al-Tirmidhî and Ibn Mâjah, is an important figure whom al-Bukhârî interviewed and also narrated from him in his works such as al-Adab al-mufred, al-Kirâʾa Khalfa al-imâm and al-Târîkh al-kabîr. However, whether he narrated directly from him in al-Jâmi al-Sahîh has been a (...) matter of debate among the scholars of Hadith. Ismâ'îlî (d. 371/982) and al-Hâkim (d. 405/1014) claim that al-Bukhârî did not narrate any hadîth from him in his Sahîh, while al-Zaḥebî (d. 748/1347) and al-'Aynî (d. 855/1451) argue that he did. It is possible to say that this disagreement is due to two reasons. The first is that there are differences between the copies of the Sahîh, and the second is that al-Bukhârî mentioned some of the narrators in an incomplete form. In this study, we will investigate various copies of the Sahîh and focus on whether the person whose identity is mentioned as "Abdullah b. Sâlih", "Abdullah" and "Abû Sâlih" in them is really Abdullah b. Sâlih al-Misrî. In addition, we will touch upon the evidences relied upon by the muhaddithis who express an opinion on this issue in terms of narration and dirāyah, and we will also draw attention to how the sîgas of tahammul and âdâ used in the narrations should be understood. Finally, we will try to determine whether al-Bukhârî has made any tahrīj from 'Abdullah b. Salih in his Sahīh, and if so, for what purpose, i.e., for ihtijâj or istishhâd. (shrink)

Las preocupaciones sobre la mercantilización de la vida que supone la gestación subrogada comercial usualmente opacan la discusión ética sobre las formas de subrogación que no son comerciales. Rara vez se toman en cuenta los descubrimientos de las neurociencias y la evidencia empírica sobre el posible daño provocado al binomio materno-filial en la discusión ética sobre la subrogación. He realizado un estudio piloto revisando la literatura disponible sobre el impacto de la neurofisiología perinatal en el vínculo materno-filial y la evidencia (...) psicológica empírica, preguntando si la subrogación daña al binomio, haciéndola éticamente ilícita desde una perspectiva de la neuroética personalista. Estudios recientes sobre la fisiología del vínculo materno-filial sugieren una asociación entre éste y el bienestar psicológico materno. Sin embargo, las pruebas empíricas traslativas sobre las implicaciones clínicas de los acuerdos de subrogación tanto en las portadoras gestacionales como en los niños fueron limitadas y no concluyentes. Se necesita más investigación para formular una conclusión al respecto. (shrink)

In diesem Texte werden die Kriterien zur Differenzierung von historischen, politischen und heroischen Generationen und ihren Hauptarten in USA, BR Deutschland, China, Serbien und Croatien er?rtert. Kriege und Revolutionen werden als zentrale generationsschaffende Ereignisse markiert. Es werden auch die konstruierten wie auch zugeschriebenen Generationsidentit?tsarten dargestellt. Die Generation ist als eine mehr oder wenig klare Gruppe aufgefa?t, die durch Zusammensetzung von biographischem und kollektivem Ged?chtnis entstanden ist. Die Generation als eine Art von Zeitstruktur ist bei der Reduktion und Erkl?rung der Vergangenheit (...) anwendbar. Es ist immer eine offene Frage in welchem Masse die Generationen die realen handelnden Subjekte, oder blo?e symbolische Heimat, dh. eine durchg?ngige Erinnerungsgemeinschaft sind? Es wird auf die Gr?nden der Entstehung der balkanischen heroischen Generationen hingewiesen, auf ihre Natur und Aktualit?t. In Westeuropa ist diese Art von Generation schon lange nicht mehr aktuell. Es wird auch darauf hingewiesen, dass durch die Heroisierung einer Generationserfahrung die Herrschaftsgruppen eigene Werte oktroyieren k?nnen. Razmotreni su kriteriji razlikovanja istorijskih, politickih i herojskih generacija i prikazani njihovi konkretni primeri u SAD, SR Nemackoj, NR Kini Srbiji i Hrvatskoj. Ratovi i revolucije su uoceni kao glavni generacijski formativni dogadjaji, ali su prikazani i oblici konstruisanog i pripisanog generacijskog samoopisa. Generacija je rastumacena kao manje ili vise prepoznatljiva grupa formirana prozimanjem biografskog i kolektivnog pamcenja. Kao jedna od kategorija u mrezi slozenih vremenskih struktura generacija je korisna kod redukovanja i objasnjenja slozenosti proslosti. Otvoreno je pitanje koliko su generacije realni akteri promena, a koliko tek simbolicki vremenski zavicaj, tj. efemerna zajednica secanja? Blize su analizirani uzroci nastanka, priroda i aktuelnost balkanskih herojskih generacija. U Zapadnoj Evropi ova vrsta generacija odavno nije aktuelna. Uoceno je da se heroizacijom iskustva jedne generacije mogu uspesno nametati vrednosti vladajucih grupa. (shrink)

Za razliku od marginalnog značenja kritike religije u hrvatskoj filozofiji prakse, Branko Bošnjak je, u prvoj, »marksističkoj« fazi svojega teorijskog djelovanja, znatan dio vlastita interesa i opusa posvetio kritici religije. Zanimljiv je njegov razvojan put: od doktrinarnog antiteista lenjinističke inspiracije do otvorenog marksista sklonog dijalogu s nasuprotnim kršćanskim stajalištem. Cjelovit i radikalan obrat u odnosu prema marksističkoj kritici religije ili, bolje kazano, prema važnosti te kritike, Bošnjak je mogao izvesti upravo zato što po svojemu habitusu i temeljnom svjetonazoru u bîti (...) i nije bio marksist. Potpuno u suprotnosti s marksovskim postulatom nadilaženja filozofije, Bošnjak je tijekom narednih decenija izradio impresivan i vrstan filozofski opus, te još za života stekao neupitan ugled izvornog mislioca, istinskog filozofa, odnosno pronositelja one nepatvorene drevne filozofske i životne mudrosti.Contrary to the marginal significance of the criticism of religion in the Croatian philosophy ofpraxis, during the first, “Marxist” phase of his theorical activities, Branko Bošnjak dedicateda substantial part of his interests and opus to the criticism of religion. His path of developmentwas interesting: from a doctrinaire antitheist of a Leninist inspiration to an open Marxist in­clined to the dialogue with the opposing Christian position.Bošnjak was able to perform an integral and radical turn regarding his relation to the Marxistcriticism of religion or, rather, regarding the importance of this criticism, precisely becauseaccording to his habitus and basic world-view he, in essence, was not a Marxist. Completelycontrary to the Marxian postulate of surpassing philosophy, over the following decades Bošnjakcreated an impressive and excellent philosophical opus, and during his lifetime he earned anunquestionable reputation of an authentic thinker, a true philosopher, i.e. a propagator of thegenuine ancient philosophical and life wisdom. (shrink)

Je li politika identiteta novi emancipacijski potencijal koji u formalizam liberalnih demokracija unosi zbiljski kulturni, socijalni i vrijednosni sadržaj grupnih identiteta ili se pak radi o kategorijalno proturječnom i neodrživom projektu koji razara autonomiju liberalnodemokratskog građanstva?Autor nastoji uravnoteženo odvagnuti značaj, poteškoće i doseg politike identiteta. U prvom dijelu razmatra se slojevitost i dinamičnost osobnih i grupnih identiteta, te političke artikulacije identiteta koje prethode današnjim raspravama. U drugom dijelu razmatraju se zahtjevi i poteškoće politike identiteta. One proizlaze iz njezina ishodišna stajališta (...) o političkom primatu koncepcije dobra pred koncepcijom prava, odnosno jednakom javnom i pozitivnom priznanju te prihvaćanju grupnih identiteta i socijalnih određenosti u političkoj artikulaciji zajednice. Naposljetku, autor ističe osobit značaj i izglede korektivnih vrijednosti politike identiteta za demokratsku pravednost.Is identity politics a new emancipatory potential which brings real cultural, social and value content of group identities into formalism of liberal democracies, or is it a case of categorically contradictory and untenable project which destroys autonomy of liberal-democratic citizenship?The author tries to weigh the importance, difficulties and scope of policy of identity in a balanced manner. The first part deals with the complexity and dynamics of personal and group identities, as well as political articulations of identities that precede the current discussions. In the second part the requirements and difficulties of identity politics are being considered. They arise from its starting position regarding the political primacy of the concept of the good over the concept of right, i.e. equal public and positive recognition and acceptance of group identities and social determination in the political articulation of community. Finally, the author emphasizes the special importance and prospects of corrective values of identity politics for democratic justice. (shrink)

Čovjek je biće dijaloga, biće komunikacije, te se upravo na ovome području najuočljivije manifestiraju znakovi moguće krize. Cornelio Fabro, analizirajući komunikacijsku situaciju današnjeg čovjeka, uočava kako je tišina zamijenila govor. Razgovor sa samim sobom, bez kojega nema niti dijaloga sa drugima, supstituiran je čovjekovim pokušajem da putem umjetnosti, kulture ili filozofije uspostavi izvanjski dijalog sa svijetom koji ga okružuje. Kultura nastala u ovakvom okružju »duhovne pustinje«, kako kaže Fabro, također sama postaje kulturom egzistencijalno-duhovnog kolapsa.U radu se kritički propituje teza po (...) kojoj je čovjek osamljen, predan duhovno-kulturnoj pustinji isključivo zbog toga što se udaljio od svoga temelja, što prvenstveni interes njegova cjelokupnog istraživanja ne leži u području bitka i realnosti, nego u području mogućeg i virtualnog.Man is a being of dialogue, being of communication, and this is the area where signs of possible crisis most visibly manifest themselves. C. Fabro, analysing communicational situation of contemporary man, notices how silence have replaced speaking. Dialogue with him/herself, which is the condition for dialogue with others, is substituted by man’s endeavour in establishing external dialogue with the world around him/her, by means of art, culture and philosophy. Culture, made in circumstances of so called »spiritual desert«, itself becomes a culture of existential-spiritual collapse.This article critically examines thesis on man’s solitude, or his/hers devotion on spiritual-cultural desert, exclusively because he/she has distanced him/heself from his/her foundations, i. e. because primary interest of his/hers does not lay in the area of Being and reality, but in the area of possible and virtual. (shrink)