İdeal vatandaşlık arayışı bir ütopya mıdır? Entelektüel kişiliklerin kendi toplumlarında yabancılık duygusu yaşaması doğal mıdır? Felsefi ve teolojik bir sorun olarak, bu meselenin klasik Müslüman felsefi metinlerinde “ada metaforu”yla tartışılması ne anlama gelmektedir? Erdemli şehir ideasına dayalı bu metinler bugün ne anlam ifade etmektedir? Bu klasik metinler, günümüzde yaşadığımız “yabancılaşma”ya karşı, bir arayış tanımlaması olarak “erdemli” ya da “entelektüel” kişilik için bir değer ifade edebilir mi?

The study is dedicated to the work of Crimean scholar Ahmad bin ‘Abdallah al-Qrimi, who was one of the most advanced interpreters of the Ibn Arabi’s and Sadr al-Din al-Qunawi’s Sufi philosophy. Ahmad al-Qrimi employed Ibn Sina’s views on division of essence and existence, as well as some concepts of Maturidi kalam. His manuscript work “Advise for the Perplexed and Key for the Exigent” shows main dimensions of Ahmad al-Qrimi’s thought as following: 1) The notion of Being in the works (...) of Ibn Arabi and Sadr al-Din al-Qunawi is interpreted as the idea of necessary existence, as suggested by ibn Sina; 2) the conception of the identity of the absolute and necessary being is understood as the only right approach for the solution of polemics between adepts and critics of Sufism; 3) conception of “correlation” is considered as solution for the problem of relations between mind and reality. (shrink)

The aim of this paper is to present the modes of action of venom as construed by Abū 'Uthmān 'Amr ibn Ba[hdotu]r al-Jā[hdotu]i[zdotu] in his Kitāb al-[Hdotu]ayawān. The toxicological information presented by Jā[hdotu]i[zdotu] is a synthesis of data available in his time, but Jā[hdotu]i[zdotu] complemented these early conceptions by his personal theoretical views. Jā[hdotu]i[zdotu]'s fundamental idea is that venoms act through their specific natures; this idea in a way is reminiscent of present-day theory of enzymes.

Assuming the crucial interest of Arabic material for the recovery of the textual tradition of some Greek texts of mechanics, the following article aims at presenting a partial survey of the Graeco-Arabic transmission in the field of mechanics. Based on new manuscript material dating from the ninth to the twelfth century, it investigates the textual and theoretical traditions of two writings ascribed to Aristotle and Euclid respectively and transmitted to Arabo-Islamic culture in fragmentary form. The reception and the impact of (...) the Peripatetic Mechanics are analyzed on the basis of texts edited by al-Khāzinī as well as by the comparative study of the proof of the law of the lever in three authors: Pseudo-Aristotle, Thābit ibn Qurra, and al-Isfizārī. The codicological analysis of the extant manuscripts of Maqāla fī ‘l-mīzān – a rather systematic treatise on the balance ascribed to Euclid – leads to the assumption that it is a Greek fragment edited in Arabic. This reconstruction of the Arabic tradition of Euclidean mechanics is further elaborated by an annotated synopsis of al-Isfizārī's systematic recension of the text. (shrink)

RésuméDans son traité intituléLe Planisphère, Ptolémée présente une méthode pour représenter une sphère sur un plan, selon des principes compatibles avec ce qu'on nomme aujourd'hui la projection stéréographique. Mais cette dernière ne sera traitée mathématiquement, en tant que telle, que bien plus tard, au IXẹsiècle, dans l'œuvre d'al-Farghānī qui démontrera notamment la propriété fondamentale de cette projection. Ce n'est qu'au Xesiècle qu'al-Qūhī et Ibn Sahl écriront une première théorie générale des projections de la sphère. Cet article analyse les raisons qui (...) permettent d'affirmer que Ptolémée n'a pas conçu mathématiquement de projection, et que cette conception n'a pu être possible qu'avec l'aide de la définition de la surface conique telle qu'Apollonius l'a exposée dans sesConiques. (shrink)

This edition and annotated translation of al-Qāsim's Kitāb al-mustarshid includes a discussion of anthropomorphism and interpretation of the Qur’ān in the theology of the Zaidite imam al-Qāsim ibn Ibrāhīm . Al-Qāsim's methods of interpretation are put forth and analyzed in light of early Qur’ānic exegesis.

Se ha dicho que para entender una literatura lo mejor es leer sus obras, y no lo que sobre ella se ha dicho o escrito. Este artículo, en cuatro partes, es un intento de estudiar las nuwashshahat y sus kharjas, basado solamente, dentro de lo posible, en los textos con los que contamos. El artículo llega a tres conclusiones, no del todo nuevas para mis lectores: 1. Si bien las nuwashshahat fueron producto de la tradición literaria clásica árabe, su desarrollo (...) se enlaza inevitablemente con factores específicos, políticos y sociales, del medio andalusí. 2. La kharja es una salida de 'ingenio' o 'ingeniosa', zarf o hazl, al final de la nuwashshahat. Sea cual fuere su propósito de haber existido antes de las nuwashshahat, las kharjas de voz femenina en lengua romance, al igual que sus equivalentes árabes, tenían como función suministrar el mismo requisito de zarf al final de la nuwashshahat la. 3. La reacción de Ibn Saná al-Mulk bacía la kharja fue en gran medida una reacción psicológica, y no una respuesta literaria bien ponderada. La mejor manera de saber lo que Ibn Saná al-Mulk pensaba de las nuwashshahat es leer las que él mismo compuso, y no lo que opinó sobre la kharja. (shrink)

Basado enteramente en pruebas internas, este estudio se propone mostrar que el manuscrito único del Dīwān de Ibn Quzmān, publicado en edición facsímil por David de Gunzburg en 1896, es una copia dictada. Se indica también que el copista, a quien con frecuencia se ha culpado de introducir en el texto popular andaluz correcciones o clasicismos, no estaba bien equipado para desempeñar tal papel. Si bien era un calígrafo de primera categoría, se aducen pruebas de que su conocimiento del árabe (...) no estaba a la altura de la calidad de su caligrafía. El estudio muestra que él fue el responsable de una amplia gama de problemas textuales que ha dejado perplejos a sucesivos editores del Dīwān. En marcado contraste, se muestra que Ibn Quzmān poseía un dominio magistral de la lengua árabe y de las tradiciones-árabes clásicas. Al parecer también había adquirido un alto grado de 'aculturación' en la lengua romance. Además de ofrecer las pruebas en que se basan estos asertos, el estudio constituye un ejemplo ilustrativo de cómo estas pruebas pueden ayudar a una mejor lectura e interpretación del Dīwān de Ibn Quzmān. (shrink)

Each narration or text, as it informs about an event, situation or person in history, has a history that sheds light on both its formation and how it arrived to us. The illumination of this history is at least as important as the content analysis of the information. For this reason, it is necessary both to examine whether the source in which the information is given has survived to the present day as it was created by the author without being (...) exposed to any external intervention, and to analyze the narration in terms of reliability and indication within the integrity of the isnād-text. In that case, when the word “text criticism” is mentioned, an understanding of a specific criticism should come to mind, which includes both critical edition (scholarly editing) of the first source and the critique of the narration by making sound research in terms of isnād and literary criticism (naqd al-isnād wa-l-matn). Due to reasons such as the inability to follow a standard method, the limited number of the copies and/or the distance of the copies from the author in terms of history and commercial concerns, many classical works published with relative verification contain such errors require a re-examination. One of these works is Ibn Hibbān’s (d. 354/965) book al-Majrūhīn. In his work al-Majrūhīn, Ibn Hibbān divided the narrators into two groups according to their reliability and collected the ones that he determined as weak according to his opinion. In this work, he placed Abū Ḥanīfa (d. 150/767) at the top of the list. First, he denounced Abū Ḥanīfa with the following expressions: Sahib al-ra’y, child of slaves, bicker, hypocrite, had little knowledge of hadith, a Murji’ī propagandist, a narrator who was blamed by imams. Then he tried to justify these claims by about thirty narrations from various salaf scholars. These narratives are completely different from the largely intellecutal discussions and criticisms of scholars such as al-Awza'i (d. 157/774), Ibn Abī Laylā (d. 148/765) and Ibn Abī Shayba (d. 235/849) on Abu Ḥanīfa and his school. The narrations compiled by Ibn Hibbān are display insulting and polemical narrations against Abu Ḥanīfa’s personality and reliability. In terms of being a source for later periods, it is important to examine and criticize these narratives in terms of the narration techniques. The al-jarḥ wa-l-taʿdīl is important part of the hadith science. al-Mejrūhīn, one of the leading works of this science is remarkable in many respects. According to this narration Abū Ḥanīfa Nuʿmān b. S̱ābit b. Zūtā b. Māh’ın (öl. 150/767) said, "If a man worships this mule to get closer to Allah, I see no harm in it." According to our analysis, there are the following determinations about the narrators in the chain of this narrative. Ibn Abī Mushir is unknown (majhūl), the narrator who is written as “Mahfūz b. Abī Savba” but his correct name is “Tawba” is matrūk. Ahmad b. al-Walīd al-Mahramī al-Karkhī is weak, and Yahyā b. Hamza, source person, is qadari who narrates from people with munkar al-hadith; but is also considered as a thiḳa narrator. As for Sa‘īd b. Abd al-Azīz, he has nothing to do with the reception and transmission of the narrative. In addition, there is also a break in the chain. First of all, what is expected from a basic work such as al-Majrūhīn, whose subject and purpose is purely a narrator analysis, is that the report in it should be acceptable, at least in terms of isnād. When the narrative in question, which is also included in earlier sources such as al-Fesewī (d. 277/890), is evaluated in terms of both the isnād and the text, one realizes the transformation of an expression circulating in the form of gossip against Abu Ḥanīfa in Damascus around the subject of ʾirjāʾ. ʾIrjāʾ was at the forefront of the heated debates in the second half of the second century into semā form in terms of isnād and text, besides, the word النعل/clog is transformed into البغل/mule. Apart from the weak points of the chain, Sa‘īd b. Abd al-Azīz, who has nothing to do with the reception and transmission of the narrative, has also been turned into the narrator/source of the report with the samā expression. Regardless of the purpose and the criteria of the narration technically, during the conversation with Sa‘īd, Yahyā b. Hamza’s sincere friend and teacher, a special speech in which a common report attributed to Abu Ḥanīfa was expressed, was transformed into Yahyâ’s samā‘ in the form of jazm. As a result, the word “shoe” or “clog” has evolved into mule. It would be a reductionist and over optimistic approach to assume that all this may have resulted from tashīf and tahrīf of the copyists. The narration we discussed is a typical example in terms of showing the effect of the conflict of ideas between Ahl al-Hadīth and Ahl ar-Ra’y on the narrations. Of course, this shoud be not regarded as the only example. (shrink)

Few passages in Arabic philosophy have attracted as much attention as al-Ghazâlî's discussion of causality in the seventeenth discussion of Tahâfut al-Falsafa, along with the response of Ibn Rushd in his Tahâfut al-Tahâfut. A question often asked is to what extent al-Ghazâlî can be called an occasionalist; that is, whether he follows other Kalâm thinkers in restricting causal agency to God alone. What has not been thoroughly addressed in previous studies is a question which al-Ghazâlî and Ibn Rushd both see (...) as decisive in the seventeenth discussion: what theory of causality is sufficient to explain human knowledge? In this paper I show that al-Ghazâlî's and Ibn Rushd's theories of causality are closely related to their epistemologies. The difference between the two thinkers can be briefly summerized as follows. For Ibn Rushd, the paradigm of human knowledge is demonstrative science; for al-Ghazâlî, in contrast, the paradigm of human knowledge is revelation. Yet both remain committed to the possibility of Aristotelian science and its underlying principles. Thus, I suggest that al-Ghazâlî's stance in the seventeenth discussion sheds light on his critique of philosophy in the Tahâfut: namely, philosophy is not inherently incoherent, but simply limited in scope. I also briefly compare this position to that of Thomas Aquinas, in order to place the view in a more familiar context. (shrink)

This volume represents the state of the art in research on the controversial Muslim legal scholar, theologian and man of letters Ibn azm of Cordoba (d. 456/1064), who is widely regarded as one of the most brilliant minds of Islamic Spain.

The historian Ibn Khaldūn (d. 1406) is most often treated by historians of philosophy as part of the story of political philosophy in the Islamic world. While this is perfectly legitimate, it may be misleading when it comes to the question of the method he proposes for the historian. This paper argues that that method is in fact based on a different branch of (Aristotelian) science: natural philosophy. After rendering this proposition initially plausible by noting frequent references to "nature" in (...) the _Muqaddima_, the paper discusses a number of parallels between natural philosophy and history as Ibn Khaldūn conceives it. Ultimately it is suggested that this method is legitimated insofar as history is for Ibn Khaldūn a study of human nature. (shrink)

This volume deals with the way in which the Jewish religion and its holy scriptures were viewed by nine medieval Muslim authors, representing different genres of Arabic literature: historical and chronological writing, polemical and apologetical literature, theology, and Koranic commentary.

This book brings together the study of two great disciplines of the Islamic world: law and philosophy. In both sunni and shiite Islam, it became the norm for scholars to acquire a high level of expertise in the legal tradition. Thus some of the greatest names in the history of Aristotelianism were trained jurists, like Averroes, or commented on the status and nature of law, like al-Fārābī. While such authors sought to put law in its place relative to the philosophical (...) disciplines, others criticized philosophy from a legal viewpoint, like al-Ghazālī and Ibn Taymiyya. But this collection of papers does not only explore the relative standing of law and philosophy. It also looks at how philosophers, theologians, and jurists answered philosophical questions that arise from jurisprudence itself. What is the logical structure of a well-formed legal argument? What standard of certainty needs to be attained in passing down judgments, and how is that standard reached? What are the sources of valid legal judgment and what makes these sources authoritative? May a believer be excused on grounds of ignorance? Together the contributions provide an unprecedented demonstration of the close connections between philosophy and law in Islamic society, while also highlighting the philosophical interest of texts normally studied only by legal historians. (shrink)

L'A. confronta due commenti su quello che nel mondo arabo viene considerato il primo libro della Metaphysica di Aristotele: alpha Elatton. Dopo averne delineato i contenuti e la penetrazione nel mondo arabo grazie alle traduzioni di Ustat e Ishaq ibn Hunayn, l'A. esamina due importanti commenti a quest'opera: Yahyá Ibn 'Adi, un commentatore cristiano della scuola di Baghdad e Averroè . I due autori leggono il testo in modo molto diverso: questo suggerisce una grande differenza tra Averroè e la scuola (...) di Baghdad, sebbene il filosofo andaluso abbia ammirato e seguito il lavoro di al-Farabi. In particolare è naturale il rifiuto da parte di Averroè di introdurre un'inchiesta puramente teologica nella trattazione, punto accettato invece da Ibn 'Adi, secondo il proposito di Averroè di rimarcare il fondamento fisico della metafisica, come è possibile comprendere soprattutto grazie alla lettura del Trattato. (shrink)

This piece offers an edition, translation, and analysis of a newly discovered text by Yaḥyā Ibn ʿAdī, a leading Aristotelian of the Baghdad school in the tenth century. It briefly discusses what Aristotle meant, at the end of the Physics, by saying that the Prime Mover is “in” the outermost heaven. Ibn ʿAdī argues, in part through an exhaustive discussion of the senses of the word “in,” that God is in the sphere only in the sense that an object of (...) intellection is in an intellect. This solution is discussed against the background of ancient commentaries on the same passage. (shrink)

This article looks at some of the salient analyses of moderation in the ancient Greek and the Islamic traditions and uses them to develop a contemporary view of the matter. Greek ethics played a huge role in shaping the ethical views of the Muslim philosophers and theologians, and thus the article starts with an overview of the revival of contemporary western virtue ethics--in many ways an extension of Platonic-Aristotelian ethics--and then looks at the place of moderation or temperance in Platonic-Aristotelian (...) ethics. This sets the stage for an exposition of the position taken by Ibn Miskawayh and al-Ghazali, which is then used as a backdrop for suggesting a revival of the Quran's virtue ethics. After outlining a basis for its virtue ethics, the Quranic view of wasatiyya or moderation is discussed briefly. (shrink)

The Prophetic hadith “pray with your leader,” which G. H. A. Juynboll argued originated with Shuʿba b. al-Ḥajjāj, urges Muslims to observe the prayer both at its appointed time and with an imam who delays its performance. An isnād analysis that factors in the different readings of the tradition could not reproduce Juynboll’s result and yielded significantly earlier dates of origin for the oldest two variants: the early 60s/680s and the early 80s/700s. It is argued that the tradition was invented (...) and distributed in reaction to activists who disapproved of Umayyad religious practice, especially the postponement of the ṣalāt. Two of the regime’s representatives in Iraq, the governors Ibn Ziyād and al-Ḥajjāj, were publicly accused of delaying the ṣalāt at the time the tradition was circulated. The tradition constituted thus an early articulation of the quietism that would later become a characteristic of Sunnism. (shrink)

Critical study of Sufism and Islamic philosophy with special reference of Ibn-i al-ʻArabī, 1165-1240.

Turuq al-taḥammul al-ʿilm is the methods of receiving a ḥadīth from the teacher in the science of ḥadīth. In general, scholars have pointed out eight different methods. While some of these methods are accepted as unanimously by everyone, some methods have led to polemics throughout the history. The methods did not appear out of nowhere, but appeared in a process. In this article, mukātaba (correspondence), one of the eight methods, will be examined and the events that laid the groundwork for (...) this method from the time of the Prophet will be discussed. Furthermore, the use of mukātaba in the ḥadīth transmission up to the third hijrī century will be mentioned. In addition, the origin and development of the term mukātaba will be researched. Finally, modes of transmission used while transmitting the aḥadīth obtained by this method in ḥadīth collections will be examined. As a result of the research, it has been seen that in the first centuries, kitāba/mukātaba was mentioned together with munāwala or ijāza, but later on, it began to be considered as a separate method. While it was mostly mentioned as kitāba until Ibn al-Salāh, it started to be called mukātaba later on. (shrink)

The “Averroism” of Ibn Ṭumlūs (d. 620/1223) has already been attested to by both biographers and textual evidence. Conversely, a close reading of a section in his Kitāb al-Qiyās of his Mukhtaṣar fī al-mantiq (Compendium on Logic) reveals that this “Averroism” has a specific resonance. Unlike Ibn Rushd (d. 595/1198), Ibn Ṭumlūs belongs to this group of philosophers who dedicated a special section to the examination of jurisprudential inferences, titled by him “al-Qawl fī al-maqāyīs al-fiqhiyyah”, which is a part of (...) his Kitāb al-Qiyās. In this article, first, I will introduce the text of Ibn Ṭumlūs, and present its teaching by placing it in its intellectual context, namely in the light of al-Fārābī’s, al-Ghazālī’s, and Ibn Rushd’s relevant texts. Then, I provide an English translation followed by a critical edition of the Arabic text. The purpose is to highlight the value (and limitations) of Ibn Ṭumlūs’s effort, based on al-Fārābī (d. 339/950), al-Ghazālī (d. 505/1111) and Ibn Rushd, to apply Aristotelian syllogistic model to the jurisprudential inferences. (shrink)

This chapter contains sections titled: Introduction Muslim or Islamic Philosophy of History? Islamic Concept of History Development of Muslim Philosophy of History and Historiography Two Muslim Philosophers of History: Ibn Miskawayh and Ibn Khaldun Muslim Philosophy of History and Encounters with the West Conclusion References Further Reading.

Çalışmada İslam tefsir geleneğinin erken dönem müfessirlerinden biri olan Mâtürîdî’nin (ö.333/944) İbn Abbas (ö. 68/687-688) rivayetlerine yaklaşımı incelenmektedir. Bilindiği üzere onun kaleme aldığı Te’vîlâtü’l-Kur’an dirayet ağırlıklıdır. Ancak eserdeki dirayet içerikli yorumları rivayetten yoksun değildir. Zira tefsirinde az da olsa Hz. Peygambere isnad edilen rivayetlere, bolca sahabe ve tabiine ait rivayetlere rastlanır. Sahabe nesli içerisinde tefsirde ilk sırada yer alan İbn Abbas, Te’vîlâtü’l-Kur’an’da da rivayet sayısı bakımından ilk sırayı korumaktadır. Tespitimize göre bu eserde İbn Abbas’a ait 579 rivayet vardır. Bu sayıyla (...) İbn Abbas Te’vîlâtü’l-Kur’an’da sahabe arasında ilk sırada yer almaktadır. İbn Abbas’ın önemi aslında rivayet bakımından ilk sırada yer almasıyla ilgili değildir. Mâtürîdî’ye göre genelde sahabenin, özelde İbn Abbas’ın tefsirde ayrı bir önemi vardır. Zira o, tefsiri ayetlerin inişine şahit olan sahabeye özgü bir alan olarak görmektedir. Bilindiği üzere Mâtürîdî, tefsir te’vil ayrımı yapmakta, tefsirin sahabeye te’vilin ise âlimlere ait olduğunu söylemektedir. Onun bu yaklaşımı çalışmada Te’vîlâtü’l-Kur’an’daki İbn Abbas’a ait 579 rivayet üzerinden incelenmektedir. Çalışma iki kısımdan oluşmaktadır. İlk kısımda Mâtürîdî tefsirindeki İbn Abbas rivayetleri biçim ve içerik açısından tanıtılmaktadır. Rivayetlerin uzun veya kısa oluşu, ayet içerip içermemesi, İbn Abbas’ın senedde Peygamberin sözünü aktaran biri olarak yer alması rivayetlerin biçimsel yönü olarak görülebilir. Rivayetlerin Te’vîlâtü’l-Kur’an’daki görünümü de bu bağlamda ele alınabilir. Bu hususta önce Mâtürîdî’nin İbn Abbas rivayetleri için hem te’vil hem tefsir ifadesini kullandığını belirtmeliyiz. O tefsirinin genelinde sadece sözü söyleyenin ismini zikrederek senedin geriye kalan kısmını hazfettiği için tefsirinde senedin yer alış biçimi üzerinde durma imkânı yoktur. Rivayetin metin kısmını ise Mâtürîdî bazen olduğu gibi alıntılamakta bazen özetlemekte bazen de başkasına ait sözü zikrettikten sonra İbn Abbas’a ait sözün, aktardığı söze benzediğini söylemekle yetinmektedir. Te’vîlâtü’l-Kur’an’da İbn Abbas’a ait rivayetlerin içeriğine gelince rivayetler, hurûf-ı mukattaa, sebeb-i nüzul, kıraat, nesh gibi Kur’an ilimleri, kelime açıklamaları, ayet yorumları şeklinde sınıflandırılabilir. O ayetin bazen bir kesitini bazen bütününü yorumlamakta, yorumlarını nüzul dönemi veya sonrası olaylar ile ilişkilendirebilmektedir. Çalışmanın ilk kısmı bu çerçevededir. İkinci kısımda ise Mâtürîdî’nin İbn Abbas rivayetlerini ayeti yorumlamada kullanışı ele alınmaktadır. Te’vîlâtü’l-Kur’an’a bu açıdan bakıldığında Mâtürîdî’nin farklı tavırlar sergilediği rahatlıkla görülebilir. Zira o, bir âyetin yorumu için İbn Abbas’ın görüşünü bazen benimsemekte, kendi görüşüne dayanak etmekte, bazen başka rivayet zikretmeksizin onun rivayetiyle yetinmekte, bazen onun rivayetini diğer rivayetler içerisine almakta ancak bunlara ilişkin bir değerlendirme yapmamaktadır. Bunun yanı sıra o bazen İbn Abbas tefsirini tercih etmemekte hatta eleştirmektedir. Mâtürîdî’nin İbn Abbas’ın yaptığı yorumu gereksiz gördüğü yerler de bulunmaktadır. (shrink)

Das Kitāb Sidrat al-muntahā des Pseudo-Ibn Waḥšīya: Einleitung, Edition und Übersetzung eines hermetisch-allegorischen Traktats zur Alchemie. By Christopher Braun. Islamkundliche Untersuchungen, vol. 327. Berlin: Klaus Schwartz, 2016. Pp. 160. €39.80.

While the transmission of Greek philosophy and science via the Muslim world to western Europe in the Middle Ages has been closely scrutinized, the fate of the Arabic philosophical and scientific legacy in later centuries has received less attention, a fault this volume aims to correct. The authors in this collection discuss in particular the radical ideas associated with Averroism that are attributed to the Aristotle commentator Ibn Rushd (1126-1198) and challenge key doctrines of the Abrahamic religions. This volume examines (...) what happened to Averroes's philosophy during the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Did early modern thinkers really no longer pay any attention to the Commentator? Were there undercurrents of Averroism after the sixteenth century? How did Western authors in this period contextualise Averroes and Arabic philosophy within their own cultural heritage? How different was the Averroes they created as a philosopher in a European tradition from Ibn Rushd, the theologian, jurist and philosopher of the Islamic tradition? (shrink)

Although Ghazzali in his Tahafut al- falasifeh has strongly criticised peripatetic philosophers but in both the two theories that he has offered about the resurrection of the body is under the influence of Ibn Sina’s science of soul. In his Tahafut al- falasifeh, he introduces the theory of a new body as a possibility for the resurrection of the body which is based on being, immateriality and immortality of soul as well as acceptance of soul as a standard for the (...) identity of character which are all peripatetic theories. His other theory is the theory of stimolation that for theologians has been a customary view and Ghazzali has introduced it in his al-Iqtisad fi-itiqad. Also in this theory we are witnessing points of difference between Ghazzali and theologians and the influence of Peripatetic philosophy on him. While for early Asharite theologians believing in stimulation, immaterial soul has no place, Ghazzali has offered the theory of stimulation in such a way that it has no contradiction with the immateriality of stimulation. On the other hand, although like most of the early theologians he considers life after death as a kind of accident but in the analysis of this accident he is not in agreement with them and like peripatetics he interprets these two as the relation and interruption of the soul and body. The influence of Peripatetic philosophy on him in the subject of punishment of grave is also evident. Reviewing the books and treatises such as Maarij al-Qods, al-Maznun behi ala ghir Ahlehi, Kimiyayi Saadat and Ihya Ulum Al-Din also reveals the influence of Peripatetic philosophy on him in the problem of resurrection from the topics of knowledge of self. (shrink)

Mankind have lamented for their deaths since their existence, wept for them and written poems and proses to utter their sorrows. Thus, history of lamenting goes back as far as the pain and tragedies occurring in their lives. Although it is challenging to determine the date of first elegy poem, it can be said that elegiac is one of the oldest genres among the poems. Sadness and joy are the two important emotions in human nature. Humans mostly experience two feelings (...) separately; yet sometimes together at the same time. It is possible to see reflections of this in some literary works. During the Umayyad period, the transformation of the caliphate into a structure inherited from father to son brought about some changes and transformations in Arabic literature and led to the birth of new literary genres. One of these types, elegy, is to express condolence and celebration at the same time, that is, both sadness and joy, in literary works. In Arabic literature, this type of elegy is considered a type of iftinā, the art of expressing two opposing themes at the same time. Although the art of iftinān had existed at a conceptual level before, it was first brought into the literature terminologically by Ibn Abi al-Isba'. These impressive examples, which constitute the type of elegy in question and are generally expressed by people with quick wit, are worth examining in many respects, thanks to their high literary quality. Literary material on the subject, which has an extraordinary theme due to sadness and joy being expressed together, is scattered in the sources. As far as we can determine from the examples that have survived so far, the addressees of this art are generally the administrative groups. When the examples in the sources are examined, it is seen that condolence and celebration are combined into a single expression on various occasions. These situations, which require mastery and quick wit in terms of language and literature, offer poets and writers the opportunity to display their skills and talents. This phenomenon, which is mostly directed to caliphs, princes, emirs and other statesmen, takes place in palace circles. There is different information in the sources about who was the first person to apply this art, emerging during the Umayyad period, in poetry and prose. In this study, samples of the relevant species found scattered in the sources will be analyzed. The main goal of the article is to analyze from various perspectives these examples in poetry and prose form, where condolences and congratulations, which are a special theme in classical Arabic literature, are expressed together. The importance of this genre, which emerged during the Umayyad period and transformed into a literary structure with its own characteristics in terms of form and content, will be emphasized through examples and its place in Arabic literature will be tried to be revealed. The absence of a separate study on the subject reveals the originality of the article and is thought to contribute to the field in terms of understanding and evaluating the development of the literary genre in question. The study will be conducted based on document analysis, which is one of the qualitative research methods. (shrink)

Islamic sects; Motazilites; early works to 1800.

Kitāb al-Mabādiʼ wa-al-ghāyāt fi-̄mā tataḍammanah ḥurūf al-muʻjam min al-ʻajāʼib al-āyāt -- Kitāb Mīm wa-al-wāw wa-al-nūn -- Kitāb al-Alif, wa-huwa kitāb al-aḥadīyah -- Kitāb al-bāʼ, wa-huwa Kitāb al-ḥaqāʼiq al-ilahīyah -- Risālat al-ḥarf wa-al-maʻná, wa-huwa tafhīm maʻānī al-ḥurūf -- Kitāb al-yāʼ, wa-huwa Kitāb al-hūw -- Risālat al-kalām fi ̄ḥurūf al-muʻjam wa-maʻānīhā -- Risālat al-ʻiqd al-manẓūm fī khawāṣṣ al-ḥurūf.

Muslims; Conduct of life; Quotations, maxims, etc.

اعتنى علماء هذه الأمة بسنة النبي _ صلى الله عليه وسلم _ عناية فائقة، وخاصةً بعد ظهور الفتن، فبرز رجال عظماء لحفظ السنة النبوية وتدوينها ودراسة أسانيدها، ومن هؤلاء إمام ليس له مزيد شهرة إلا أَّن له شأنًا عظيمًا في علم الحديث النبوي الشريف، ألا وهو الحافظ المُحدث الوزير أبو الفضل جعفر بن الفضل بن الحسن بن الفرات، المعروف بابن حِنْزابة، المولود عام (308هـ)، والمتوفى عام (391هـ)، فعمدتُ إلى التعريف به وذكر نسبه ومولده ونشأته، والحقبة الزمنية التي عاشها واستلم فيها (...) الوزارة في عهد الدولة الإخشيدية، ثم إبراز مكانته العلمية في علم الحديث الشريف، وأهم مصنفاته فيه، وثناء العلماء عليه، فقد اشتهر - رحمه الله - بالحرص على طلب الحديث، وحضور مجالس العلماء، فكان ملازمًا لأهل الحديث حتى أصبح محدثًا حافظًا شهد له أهل زمانه وغيرهم بذلك، وقصده الأفاضل من البلدان الشاسعة ليسمعوا منه ويأخذوا من علمه، وقد سمع أبو الفضل ابن حنزابة من عدد من المحدثين في العراق ومصر، وسمع منه كذلك كبار العلماء في زمانه أمثال الإمام الدارقطني، وُصف الوزير ابن حنزابة - رحمه الله - إضافة لما حباه الله من علم وحب للعلماء بأنه كان صاحب عبادة وتقوى ومن ذلك حرصه على قيام الليل، وكثرة الصدقات. ثم عُنِيْتُ بإبراز جهوده في علم الجرح والتعديل وذلك ببيان عنايته بهذا العلم، فقد تكلم الوزير أبو الفضل ابن حنزابة في بعض الرواة، وهذا ينبئ عن معرفته بالرجال وهو علم دقيق جليل لا يخوض غماره إلا من وهبه الله العلم الغزير والحفظ الدقيق، وقد وافق كلامه غالبًا كلام أهل النقد في الجرح والتعديل، كان- رحمه الله - ينقل بعض ألفاظ الجرح والتعديل عن الإمام الدارقطني وينقل أحيانًا أقوال بعض العلماء في الحكم على بعض الرواة ولا يعقب عليهم مما يدل على موافقته لهم، وقد رجع الأئمة الكبار لكتاب ابن حنزابة لمعرفة سبب جرح الراوي مما يدل على قدرته ومكانة كتبه بين العلماء، ثم تتبعت أقواله في الجرح والذي كان يستخدم فيه غالبًا لفظ "ضعيف"، وممن نقل أقوال ابن حنزابة في الجرح الحافظ ابن حجر - رحمه الله - وهو أمير المؤمنين في الحديث في زمانه وهذا يدل على مكانة الوزير ابن حنزابة - رحمه الله - ومعرفته بالرجال. وتتبعت أقواله في التعديل والتي تنوعت بين: ثقة، وشيخ صالح، وصدوق مغرق فِي الكتابة، وغيرها، مع مقارنتها بأقوال غيره من أئمة النقد، وقد تُعقِّب الوزير أبو الفضل ابن حنزابة في مسائل يسيرة كأسماء شيوخ بعض الرجال، ورجح بعض أقواله أئمة كبار. (shrink)

Bu çalışmanın amacı İbn Kesîr’in (öl. 774/1373) el-Bidâye ve’n-nihâye isimli tarih çalışmasının siyer bölümünde Sahîhayn hadislerini muhteva açısından tenkidinin araştırılması ve tahlilidir. Çalışmamızın konusu ise İbn Kesîr’in mezkûr eserinde yirmi Sahihayn hadisini Kur’ân-ı Kerîm (3 hadis), akıl (1 hadis), icmâ (1 hadis), sahih hadisler (7 hadis) ve sağlam târihî bilgilere (8 hadis) uygunluk/aykırılık kıstaslarını kullanarak tenkidi ve on dört hadiste izah getiremediği yanlışların birer hata olduğunu kaydetmesidir. İbn Kesîr’in incelenen hadislerin muhteva tenkidine müsait bir hâle gelmesine yol açan râvi tasarruflarına (...) dair verdiği bilgiler ayrıca kıymetlidir. Bu çalışmanın kapsamını oluşturan hadislerden yedi tanesi hem Sahîh-i Buhârî hem Sahîh-i Müslim, altı tanesi sadece Sahîh-i Buhârî, yedi tanesi de sadece Sahîh-i Müslim’de yer almaktadır. Hem Sahîh-i Buhârî hem Sahîh-i Müslim’de yer alan hadisler Hayber’de müt‘a nikahının yasaklanışı, Rasulullah’ın (s.a.v.) umre ve hacca niyeti, Hz. Peygamber’in gümüş yüzüğü atması, kıblenin değişimi haberinin Kubâ’ya ertesi sabah ulaşması, namazda konuşma yasağının zamanı, ye’cûc ve me’cûc’un seddinin delinmesi ve Hz. Peygamber’in (s.a.v.) miras bırakmaması konulu hadislerdir. Sadece Sahîh-i Buhârî’de geçen hadisler isranın vahiy gelmesinden önce vukuu, Hamrâülesed seferine katılanların sayısı, Sa‘d b. Ebî Vakkas’ın İslam’a girişi, Hz. Ali’nin Hz. Ebû Bekir’e biatı, Recî‘ vak‘asıyla ilgili bazı bilgiler ve mirac hadisinde Beyt-i Makdis’e yolculuğun zikredilmemesi konulu hadislerdir. Son olarak, sadece Sahîh-i Müslim’de yer alan hadisler ise Huneyn savaşında müslümanların sayısı ve Taif kuşatmasının müddeti, yeryüzünün yedi günde yaratılışı, Amr b. Abese’nin İslam’a girişi, Bedir için Sa‘d b. Ubâde ile istişâre, sahâbînin sıcak kumlardan şikâyeti, Ümmü Habîbe ile evlilik ve kurban bayramında öğle namazının yeri konulu hadislerdir. Araştırmamızın yöntemi kaynak taraması ve sonuçların diğer şarihlerinkiyle mukayeseli tahlilidir. Araştırmamızın sonucunda eleştirilen hadislerin büyük bir kısmında İbn Kesîr’in değerlendirmelerinin İbn Hacer ve Nevevî gibi muhaddislerinkinden farklı olduğu görülmüştür. Çalışmamızın önemi İbn Kesîr’in tenkitlerinin muhaddislerin senedin sıhhatinin metnin sıhhatini temin etmeyeceğine dair tespitlerinin uygulamadaki somut delillerini oluşturmasıdır. Kısaca İbn Kesîr’in, eserine güçlü tenkit zihniyetini, özgün görüşlerini ve geniş ilmî birikimini başarıyla yansıttığı görülmektedir. (shrink)

The Sunnah has an important role in the correct understanding and the protection from wrong interpretations of the Qurʾān. Accordingly, ḥadīth played a crucial role in shaping the opinions of the mufassirs. In this article, the tafsir titled Kur’an Yolu written by a group of scholars and first published by the Presidency of the Religious Affairs in 2003 which is widely read in Tur-key is examined from ḥadīth usage point of view. The problems in ḥadīth usage are classified under headings (...) such as insufficiency/incorrectness in the explanation of verses due to insuffi-cient usage of ḥadīth, not including ḥadīth which corroborate the verse, wrong conclusions derived from ḥadīth, problems with citations, ḥadīth translation problems, wrong explanation of ḥadīth, problems with some issues related to Sunnah. Over fifty examples where there were wrong citations of ḥadīth, wrong conclusions were derived, there was mixing up of ḥadīth and translation errors leading to wrong meanings were determined and the most important ones were studied. Due to these problems regarding ḥadīth usage, it was seen that sometimes the unity of Qurʾān and Sunnah was violated and some wrong explanations were given. The article is important due to determination of these mistakes and attracting attention to care and pre-caution in ḥadīth usage in this kind of works. This study indicates the importance of Qurʾān-Sunnah unity and shows the important role that ḥadīths play in understanding the verses. It is observed that in case hadiths related to a verse are not given or given in an insufficient or in-correct manner the verse in question is understood or interpreted incorrectly. Therefore, the correct translation and explanation of the ḥadīth, avoiding citation mistakes and making use of primary sources are very important. The factors that lead to wrong conclusions are not evalu-ating a ḥadīth in its entirety (taking into account only the first part of the ḥadīth), not evaluat-ing the ḥadīths related to a subject in entirety (taking into account only certain ḥadīths), not making use of commentaries in order to understand a ḥadīth correctly and wrong citation of a ḥadīth. The fact that the ḥadīth which is about the gladness of Allah due to the repentance of a person has been confused with another ḥadīth and an additional error has been made in the text of this ḥadīth indicates that the authors have remembered this ḥadīth incorrectly and they have not verified this ḥadīth in its source. Given the material mistakes in many other examples under the citation errors title, it has been concluded that the wrong citation of ḥadīths in a way that affects the meaning constitutes a serious problem for the work under examination. As to the translation problems, it is observed that they arise from wrong citation of the ḥadīth from its sources (for instance omitting a word or adding expressions that are not found in the ḥadīth) or not making use of commentaries in understanding the ḥadīth. It is necessary that for the analysis of the ḥadīth the authors make use of the tafsir of Ibn Kathīr who is a ḥadīth schol-ar along with the works of other scholars who are not specialized in ḥadīth in order to correct-ly determine the accuracy level and meaning of the ḥadīth. It seems necessary that a commis-sion that includes ḥadīth scholars review this work in order to correct the mistakes that are found and to make use of the suggestions that are put forward. This step is important for cor-recting the mistakes found in this prestigious and widely used work. Furthermore, since many readers gain knowledge about Qurʾān using this work, consideration of issues raised in this study will contribute to the forthcoming edition of the work. It is surprising that despite pro-posed corrections since its initial publication, so many material mistakes still exist in this valu-able work which is a product of great effort. It is hoped that it will continue to become useful for people by making necessary corrections. (shrink)

Al hilo de la nueva edición y traducción que estoy llevando a cabo del poema agrícola del almeriense Ibn Luyūn (s. XIV), ofrezco en este artículo un estudio sobre el conjunto de capítulos que tratan las plantas que son usadas como decoración por su belleza o su buen olor. En dicho estudio, realizo en primer lugar una nueva edición y traducción tanto de los capítulos citados como de las notas marginales que los acompañan. Para la edición he utilizado tres de (...) las cinco copias registradas de esta obra, lo que conlleva una nueva lectura más completa que la realizada anteriormente por Joaquina Eguaras. A continuación, analizo los datos que se encuentran en las notas marginales (no editadas ni traducidas en su día por la aludida arabista), las cuales son muy numerosas y de gran interés al abarcar temas muy variados y reflejar las diferentes fuentes que usa Ibn Luyūn. Este último aspecto, sin duda, permitirá profundizar en el conocimiento agronómico, tanto teórico como práctico, propio del periodo nazarí y la aportación del autor de Almería al mismo. (shrink)

Biography of ʻAbd Allāh ibn Muḥammad ʻAyn al-Quḍāh al-Hamadhānī, d. 1131, a Muslim saint from Iran.

Philosophy and religion were the two important sources of knowledge for medieval Arab Muslim polymaths. Owing to the difference between the nature of philosophy and religion, the interplay between philosophy and religion often takes the form of conflict in medieval Muslim thought as exemplified by the Al-Ghazali versus Averroes (Ibn Rusd) polemic. Unlike the Al-Ghazali versus Averroes (Ibn Rushd) polemic, the interplay between philosophy and religion in the political philosophy of Abu Nasr Alfarabi takes the form of harmonious co-existence. Although, (...) for Alfarabi, religion is an inferior form of knowledge as compared to philosophy, the present article will show that philosophy and religion play equally significant roles in Alfarabi’s virtuous city and that in the absence of either philosophy or religion, the political system proposed by Alfarabi cannot exist. (shrink)

Acknowledgements -- List of illustrations -- Table of transliteration -- Introduction: Shams al-Din Samarqandi: his life and training -- Works and thought -- Science of the cosmos and the soul ('Ilm al-afaq wa al-anfus) -- Manuscripts used in preparing this edition -- Sources -- Persian and Arabic texts [1-287].