Ernesto Laclau has blazed a unique trail in political theory and philosophy since the early 1970s. In so doing, he has articulated a range of philosophical and theoretical currents into a coherent alternative to mainstream models and practices of conducting social and political science.

In this hugely influential book, Laclau and Mouffe examine the workings of hegemony and contemporary social struggles, and their significance for democratic theory. With the emergence of new social and political identities, and the frequent attacks on Left theory for its essentialist underpinnings, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy remains as relevant as ever, positing a much-needed antidote against ‘Third Way’ attempts to overcome the antagonism between Left and Right.

Resumo: No início do século XX, várias congregações religiosas vieram ao Rio Grande do Sul para atender às necessidades da Igreja Católica, evidenciando, também, o zelo pastoral do clero gaúcho. Particularmente, na década de 1920, em meio a uma retomada da italianidade no estado, capitaneada pelos cônsules, observa-se a opção das autoridades pelas corporações religiosas de origem italiana, na medida em que promoviam as escolas étnicas e a manutenção de cursos de italiano. Os documentos analisados informam que tanto o cônsul (...) Luigi Arduini como o cônsul Manfredo Chiostri acompanhavam as ações das congregações religiosas e zelavam pela sua permanência nas colônias de imigrantes. O trabalho apresenta, ainda, elementos da tratativa da vinda da Congregação de São José, demonstrando a preocupação das lideranças com o esvaecimento da ideia de pertencimento à pátria de origem. Palavras-chave: Italianidade. Congregações religiosas. Escolas étnicas. (shrink)

Materialismo dialético, luta de classes e insights filosóficos sobre a educação a partir de Slavoj Žižek Resumo: O artigo aborda a concepção de luta de classes no atual cenário histórico, político e social. O dogma das democracias ocidentais sugere que vivemos numa era pós-ideológica. Isso implica que não há mais espaço para a ideia de luta de classes. Contudo, segundo Žižek, é esse discurso que deve ser enquadrado no campo ideológico. Žižek retoma o conceito de materialismo dialético a fim de (...) demonstrar a contradição interna ao campo ideológico de nossa sociedade dita pós-ideológica. Nesse momento, o conceito de luta de classes retorna à cena. A luta de classes não consiste num antagonismo entre dois polos num espaço comum, mas na fissura inerente ao próprio espaço. Para desenvolver o tema, cabe, antes, abordar o conceito de materialismo teológico de Walter Benjamin, que fundamenta, substancialmente, o conceito de materialismo dialético de Žižek. Importante, igualmente, retomar uma reflexão sobre o conceito de pulsão de morte em Freud, já que tal conceito exprime exatamente a fissura interna à realidade que condiciona a luta de classes. Convém, ademais, compreender como a ideia de educação pode ser pensada a partir da contradição que mobiliza a luta de classes.Palavras-chaves: Materialismo dialético. Luta de classes. Ideologia. Educação. Dialetic materialism, class struggle and philosophical insights on education from Slavoj Žižek: The article discusses the concept of class struggle in the current historical, political and social scenario. The dogma of Western democracies suggests that we live in a post-ideological era. This implies that there is no longer any room for the idea of ​​class struggle. However, according to Žižek, it is this discourse that must be framed in the ideological domain. Žižek takes up the concept of dialectical materialism in order to demonstrate the internal contradiction to the ideological field of our so-called post-ideological society. At this point, the concept of class struggle returns to the scene. The class struggle does not consist of an antagonism between two poles in a common space, but in the fissure inherent in the space itself. To develop the theme, it is first necessary to approach Walter Benjamin's concept of theological materialism, which substantially supports Žižek's concept of dialectical materialism. It is also important to resume a reflection on the concept of the death instinct in Freud, because this concept expresses exactly the internal fissure in reality which conditions the class struggle. In addition, it is important to understand how the idea of ​​education can be thought of from the contradiction that mobilizes the class struggle.Keywords: Dialectical materialism. Class struggle. Ideology. Education. Matérialisme dialetique, lutte de classe et insights philosophiques sur l'éducation de Slavoj Zižek Résumé: L'article aborde le concept de lutte des classes dans le scénario historique, politique et social actuel. Le dogme des démocraties Occidentales sugère que nous vivons à une époque post-idéologique. Cela implique qu'il n'y a plus de place pour l'idée de lutte de classe. Cependant, selon Žižek, c'est ce discours qui doit être cadré dans le domaine idéologique. Žižek reprend le concept de matérialisme dialectique afin de démontrer la contradiction interne au champ idéologique de notre soi-disant société post-idéologique. À ce moment, le concept de lutte des classes revient sur la scène. La lutte des classes ne consiste pas en un antagonisme entre deux pôles dans un espace commun, mais dans la fissure inhérente à l'espace lui-même. Pour développer le thème, il est d'abord nécessaire d'approcher le concept de matérialisme théologique de Walter Benjamin, qui étaye substantiellement le concept de matérialisme dialectique de Žižek. Il est également important de reprendre une réflexion sur le concept d'instinct de mort chez Freud, car ce concept exprime exactement la fissure interne à la réalité qui conditionne la lutte des classes. En outre, il est important de comprendre comment l'idée de l'éducation peut être pensée à partir de la contradiction qui mobilise la lutte des classes.Mots-clés: Matérialisme dialectique. Lutte des classes. Idéologie. Éducation. Data de registro: 09/02/2020Data de aceite: 28/08/2020. (shrink)

This article argues that Alain Badiou's theory of the subject offers conceptual resources that help make sense of ordinary life-experiences of ‘evental moments’ and enable the critique of hypertrophic forms of political or corporate agency. The article identifies a set of ideas through which Badiou's philosophy contributes to much-needed emancipatory thinking today. As it investigates the notions of horlieu and the event, the article stresses that true political change requires the emancipation of the ‘quasi-totality’, something that ‘reactive’ political or corporate (...) subjects would not be able to deliver. The piece emphasises that, for Badiou, universalist equality is the indispensable game-changer of politics, and that every single person can contribute to genuinely egalitarian projects. In Badiou's view, there are no meta-subjects and meta-events. Everyone can experience truth in their lives. (shrink)

Selon des auteurs comme Byung-Chul Han, la société contemporaine est une société de la transparence, où les espaces de secret et d’intimité diminuent. Cela devait, en principe, réduire la croyance aux théories du complot, étant donné que le complot est seulement possible sous le couvert du secret. Cependant, les théories complotistes disposent encore d’un public nombreux, et d’une large diffusion sur internet et les réseaux sociaux. Cet article examine ainsi comment la spéculation sur le secret et le complot se maintient (...) malgré la prétendue transparence de la réalité sociale, ou peut-être favorisée par elle. Cette étude prend appui sur la « théorie conspiratrice de l’ignorance » telle qu’elle fut définie par Karl Popper. Après avoir passé en revue les notions de « société transparente » selon Gianni Vattimo et de « société de la transparence » selon Han, nous tenterons d’identifier les espaces qui demeurent pour le secret et le complot, dans un monde où tout est censé être exposé au regard de tous. Ceci nous conduira ensuite à nous interroger sur la pertinence actuelle de la « théorie conspiratrice de l’ignorance » poppérienne. (shrink)

O presente texto narra a história de duas professoras rurais que atuaram em Caxias do Sul, no período de 1920 a 1950: Alice Gasperin e Irides Lourdes Rech. Entretecer a história da educação do município a partir das histórias ordinárias de vida dessas professoras nos permite compreender os cenários escolares rurais: os saberes ensinados, os fazeres cotidianos, as dificuldades para frequentar a escola, para se tornarem e, mesmo, para se manterem professoras. São histórias ímpares, mas que comungam da condição de (...) terem atuado em área rural, no Município de Caxias do Sul, como professoras leigas inicialmente. Considerando as contribuições da História Cultural e, metodologicamente, da História Oral, o artigo analisa asentrevistas e os relatos autobiográficos das docentes, evidenciando o reconhecimento simbólico do fazer docente nas comunidades rurais caxienses no período em estudo. (shrink)

Participatory Budgeting has by now been widely discussed, often celebrated, and is now instituted in at least 1,500 cities worldwide. Some of its central features—its structure of open meetings, its yearly cycle, and its combination of deliberation and representation—are by now well known. In this article, however, we critically reflect on its global travel and argue for more careful consideration of some of its less well-known features, namely the coupling of the budgeting meetings with the exercise of power. We disaggregate (...) PB into its communicative and empowerment dimensions and argue that its empowerment dimensions have usually not been part of its global expansion—and this is cause for concern from the point of view of emancipation. We thus discuss the specific institutional reforms associated with empowerment in the original version as well as its analytic dimensions. We also address some of the specific dangers of a communication-only version of PB as well as some suggestions for reintroducing empowerment. (shrink)

To think the relationships which exist between Marxism and psychoanalysis obliges one to reflect upon the intersections between two theoretical fields, each composed independently of the other and whose possible forms of mutual reference do not merge into any obvious system of translation. For example, it is impossible to affirm—though it has often been done—that psychoanalysis adds a theory of subjectivity to the field of historical materialism, given that the latter has been constituted, by and large, as a negation of (...) the validity and the pertinence of any theory of subjectivity . Thus, no simple model of supplement or articulations is of the slightest use. The problem is rather that of finding an index of comparison between two different theoretical fields, but that, in turn, implies the construction of a new field, within which the comparison would make sense.This new field is one which may be characterized as “post-Marxist” and is the result of a multitude of theoretico-political interventions whose cumulative effect in relation to the categories of classical Marxism is similar to what Heidegger called a “de-struction of the history of ontology.” For Heidegger, this “de-struction” did not signify the purely negative operation of rejecting a tradition, but exactly the opposite: it is by means of a radical questioning which is situated beyond this tradition—but which is only possible in relation to it—that the originary meaning of the categories of this tradition may be recovered. In this sense, effecting a “de-struction” of the history of Marxism implies going beyond the deceptive evidence of concepts such as “class,” “capital,” and so on, and re-creating the meaning of the originary synthesis that such concepts aspired to establish, the total system of theoretical alternatives in regard to which they represented only limited options, and the ambiguities inherent in their constitution itself—the “hymen” in the Derridean sense—which, although violently repressed, rise up here and there in diverse discursive surfaces. It is the systematic and genealogical outline of these nuclei of ambiguity which initially allows for a destruction of the history of Marxism and which constitutes post-Marxism as the field of our current political reflection. But it is precisely in these surfaces of discursive ambiguity that it is possible to detect the presence of logics of the political which allows for the establishment of a true dialogue, without complacent metaphorization, between Marxism and psychoanalytic theory. I would like to highlight two points, which I consider fundamental, concerning these discursive surfaces. Ernesto Laclau is a lecturer in the Department of Government and director of the Graduate Program in Ideology and Discourse Analysis at the University of Essex. He is the author of Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory and, with Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics . Amy G. Reiter-McIntosh is a lecturer and Ph.D. candidate at the University of Chicago. (shrink)

Name der Zeitschrift: Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie Jahrgang: 97 Heft: 2 Seiten: 135-159.

In 2005 the new Governor of Puerto Rico appointed a panel of experts to evaluate the healthcare system of Puerto Rico and make recommendations. Among other things, the panel recommended the creation of an advisory board on bioethics for the commonwealth of Puerto Rico.

Nombrar al mal: soberanía, seguridad y guerra ilegal Este artículo defiende la importancia fundamental del "nombrar al mal" como operación constitutiva del discurso político moderno. Para lograr este objetivo, el artículo llama primero la atención sobre cómo los discursos institucionales y públicos globales, y aparentemente consensuados, han definido al Estado Islámico de Irak y Siria como una forma contemporánea del "mal" y cómo la comunidad internacional ha concebido su posicionamiento de cara a esta entidad. Basándose en este análisis y en (...) la historia de las luchas de los primeros tiempos de la modernidad contra los piratas y los "enemigos de la humanidad", el artículo muestra que la modernidad política no ha logrado borrar la práctica "arcaica" de nombrar al mal, sino que se ha apoyado constantemente en ella. Para fundar esta afirmación, el artículo identifica los patrones discursivos y los efectos prácticos de la nominación del mal, y destaca la relación ambivalente entre la nominación del mal y la soberanía y la seguridad como piedras angulares de la modernidad política. El artículo concluye abordando la cuestión de si, y hasta qué punto, el concepto del mal puede ser criticado y descartado, como han argumentado algunos estudiosos. (shrink)

La visión tradicional del pensamiento crítico (PC) fundada en un enfoque racionalista ha sido puesta en duda a partir de fines del siglo pasado por la ‘segunda ola’ del PC, la cual, a pesar de no ser un movimiento del todo definido, ha incluido aspectos como la imaginación, la creatividad y el trabajo cooperativo en su comprensión y en su aplicación a la enseñanza. Paralelamente, perspectivas actuales en psicología moral como el modelo ‘intuicionista social’ propuesto por Jonathan Haidt, representan un (...) desafío al modelo racionalista de la moral que suponen gran parte de las éticas normativas canónicas. Siendo que tanto el PC como el fundamento moral representan factores fundamentales en la enseñanza de ética, se hace explicito que esta última precisa también ser revisada. Es por ello que el presente trabajo analiza una perspectiva del PC alternativa a la tradicional basada en el potencial aporte de la metacognición y del modelo intuicionista social, con el fin de abrir nuevas vías de investigación para la actualización del fundamento moral que se supone en la enseñanza de ética. Para ahondar en ello, se ejemplificará la relevancia y aplicabilidad de la metacognición en la enseñanza de ética con situaciones vinculadas a la actual pandemia por Covid-19. (shrink)

Discussion about the viability of democracy in what can broadly be called our `postmodern', technologically dominated age, has mainly turned around two central issues: does not the current dispersion and fragmentation of social actors — deriving partly from the overriding presence of the media in our civilization — conspire against the emergence of strong social identities which could operate as nodal points for the consolidation and expansion of democratic practices?; and is not this very multiplicity the source of a particularism (...) of social aims which could result in the dissolution of the wider emancipatory discourses considered as constitutive of the democratic imaginary?The first issue is connected with the increasing awareness of the ambiguities of those very social movements about which so many sanguine hopes were conceived in the 1970s. There is no doubt that their emergence has involved an expansion of the egalitarian imaginary to increasingly wider areas of social relations. However, it has also become progressively clear that such an expansion does not necessarily lead to the aggregation of the plurality of demands around a broader collective will. Even more: does not this fragmentation of social demands make it easier for the state apparatuses to deal with them in an administrative fashion — which results in the formation of all types of clientalistic networks, capable of neutralizing any democratic opening? The control of the media by powerful financial conglomerates is only one aspect — albeit a crucial one — of a far more general phenomenon.As for the second issue, its formulation runs along parallel lines. With the breaking up of the totalizing discourses of modernity, we are running the risk of being confronted with a plurality of social spaces, governed by their own aims and leaving any management of the community — conceived in a global sense — in the hands of a techno-bureaucracy located beyond any democratic control. With this, the notion of a public sphere, to which the very possibility of a democratic experience was always linked, is seriously put into question. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Diacritics 31.4 (2001) 3-10 [Access article in PDF] Can Immanence Explain Social Struggles? Ernesto Laclau Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri. Empire. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 2000. In a recent interview 1 Jacques Rancière opposes his notion of "people" (peuple) 2 to the category of "multitude" as presented by the authors of Empire. As is well known, Rancière differentiates between police and politics, the first being the logic of (...) counting and assigning the population to differential places, and the second the subversion of that differentiating logic through the constitution of an egalitarian discourse which puts into question established identities. "The people" is the specific subject of politics, and this term presupposes a sharp division in the social body which cannot be led back to any kind of immanent unity. Empire, on the contrary, makes immanence its central category and the ultimate ground of the multitude's unity.The main lines of Rancière's critique provide a good starting point for what we have to say about the book. The immanentism of Hardt and Negri would be linked, according to Rancière, to their Nietzschean/Deleuzian ethics of affirmation, which does away with any reactive or negative dimension. Empire would belong, in that respect, to the whole tradition of modern political philosophy, which is profoundly metapolitical: "the kernel of metapolitics is to lead back the precarious artifices of the political scene to the truth of an immanent power which organizes beings in a community and identifies the true community with the grasped and sensible operation of this truth" ["Peuple ou multitudes" 96]. From Hardt and Negri's rejection of any inherent negativity in political subjects, it follows that the power inherent in the multitude has to be a disruptive power, "lodged in all states of domination as its ultimate content, a content destined to destroy all barriers. 'Multitudes' have to be a content whose continent is Empire" ["Peuple ou multitudes" 97]. Disruptive forces operating through a purely immanent movement are what Marxist theory called "productive forces," and there would be, according to Rancière, a strict homology between the place of productive forces and that in which multitudes, as described in Empire, act. Rancière points out that productive forces should not necessarily be understood in any narrow productivist sense: there has been a constant widening of the concept from the strict economism of classical Marxism, to the recent attempts to introduce in it the ensemble of scientific and intellectual abilities, passing through the Leninist attempt to supplement via political intervention a role that productive forces refused to fulfill.I think that Rancière has rightly stressed what I see as the main source of several weaknesses of Empire, including a central one: that within its theoretical framework politics become unthinkable. So I will start from a discussion of its notion of immanence and move later to various other theoretical and political aspects of the book. [End Page 3]Let us start with the authors' discussion of the origins of European modernity. While the usual insistence is on the secularization process, that process would be, "in our view... only a symptom of the primary event of modernity: the affirmation of the powers of this world, the discovery of the plane of immanence. 'Omne ens habet aliquod esse proprium'—every entity has a singular essence. Duns Scotus' affirmation subverts the medieval conception of being as an object of analogical, and thus dualistic predication—a being with one foot in this world and one in a transcendent realm" [Empire 71]. Duns Scotus's insistence on the singularity of being would have initiated an assertion of immanence that the authors describe as a process whose representative names would have been Nicholas of Cusa, Pico della Mirandola, and Bovillus—other names quoted are Bacon and Occam—and whose point of arrival is Spinoza. "By the time we arrive at Spinoza, in fact, the horizon of immanence and the horizon of the democratic political order coincide completely. The plane of immanence is the one on which the powers of singularity are realized and the one on which the truth of the new... (shrink)

Increasing global competition has intensified the use of informal sector workforce worldwide. This phenomenon is true with regard to India, where 92% of the workers hold precarious jobs. Our study examines the dynamics of workplace dignity in the context of Indian security guards deployed as contract labour by private suppliers, recognising that security guards’ jobs were marked by easy access, low status, disrespect and precariousness. The experiences of guards serving bank ATMs were compared with those working in large reputed organisations. (...) The former reported loss of dignity though their inherent self-worth remained partially intact, whereas the latter reclaimed dignity despite the precarious working conditions and the absence of unions. Guards from large reputed organisations evolved strategies by which they took advantage of the client’s vulnerabilities, developed ‘thick’ relationships at work and immersed themselves in 'doing dignity work' to ensure that they are not disposable. ‘Doing dignity work’ was a visible device which involved actions that met or went beyond the norms laid down by the client and was used by security guards to limit the extent of their precariousness. Since the opportunity to reclaim dignity was facilitated by large reputed clients’ adherence to legal regulations, we see implications of the study for the moral economy. (shrink)

The paper is concerned with negation in artificial and natural languages. "Negation" is an ambiguous word. It can mean three different things: An operation(negating), an operator (a sign of negation), the result of an operation. The threethings, however, are intimately linked. An operation such as negation, is realizedthrough an operator of negation, i.e. consists in adding a symbol of negation to an entity to obtain an entity of the same type; and which operation it is dependson what it applies to (...) and on what results from its application.I argue that negation is not an operation on linguistic acts but rather anoperation on the objects of linguistic acts, namely sentences. And I assume that the negation of a sentence is a sentence that contradicts it. If so, the negation of a sentence may be obtained, in case the sentence is molecular, by applying the operation of negation not to the sentence itself but to a constituent sentence. To put it in a succinct and paradoxically sounding way we could say that in order to negate a sentence it is sufficient but not necessary to negate it.However that negation applies to sentences is true only for artificial languages, in which the sign of negation is a monadic sentential connective. In natural language, negation applies to expressions other than sentences, namely word sand non-sentential phrases. Still words and not sentential phrases are interesting and valuable only as ultimate or immediate constituents of sentences, as a means of saying (something that can be true or false) and the concern with negation is ultimately the concern with the negation of sentences. So the problem is what sub-sentential and non sentential expressions negation should apply to in order to obtain the negation of the containing sentence. The standard answer is that the negation of a natural language sentence is equivalent to the negation of its predicate. Yet, I argue, predicate negation is necessary but not sufficient, due to the existence of molecular sentences.Finally I notice that if to apply negation to an artificial sentence is to put the negation sign in front of it, to negate the predicate of a natural language sentencemay or may not be to put the negation sign in front of it. (shrink)

El artículo pretende analizar la metodología de los programas de investigación de Imre Lakatos a la luz de la ciencia contemporánea. Tomando como base las encuestas realizadas a un grupo de físicos del CERN, se constata que las sugerencias de Lakatos sobre el progreso en la ciencia, esto es, sobre cómo determinar el carácter progresivo o no de un programa de investigación, entran en colisión con la práctica cientí? ca. La conclusión es que el modelo lakatosiano no es un marco (...) adecuado para entender qué factores informan de facto el juicio de los investigadores sobre la progresividad de un programa de investigación. (shrink)

El presente ensayo examina los cms en términos de su potencial transformador respecto al mundo del trabajo. A tal efecto, se brinda una caracterización de este enfoque y un repaso de su desarrollo histórico. Se argumenta que los cms no se agotan en su versión británica, disciplinariamente limitada a escuelas de negocios, y que su objeto ha sido también abordado por académicos de diversos países con afiliaciones institucionales en ciencias sociales distintas a la administración. Finalmente, se concluye que la pluralidad (...) disciplinaria de los cms y el tipo de preocupación intelectual que los motiva permite identificar un rol transformador más afín a disciplinas como la sociología que al campo de la administración. Más que agentes de cambio organizacional, los académicos que trabajan dentro del ámbito de los cms, podrían convertirse en intelectuales públicos comprometidos con la denuncia de las ideologías gerenciales y económicas dominantes.This essay examines Critical Management Studies (cms) in terms of their transformative potential regarding the world of work. To this end, I briefly characterize cms and review their historical development in the uk. I argue that the main theoretical concerns of cms are not the exclusive purview of its British version, but that they have also been addressed by scholars from other countries and institutional affiliations in social sciences other than management. Finally, I conclude that the disciplinary plurality of cms and the intellectual concerns that drive them are clearly aligned with a transformative role more akin to fields like sociology than to management and organization studies. More than organizational change agents, cms scholars could become public intellectuals committed to unmasking the dominant economic and managerial ideologies. (shrink)

On the traditional view, Butler maintains that forgiveness involves a kind of “conversion experience” in which we must forswear or let go of our resentment against wrongdoers. Against this reading, I argue that Butler never demands that we forswear resentment but only that we be resentful in the right kind of way. That is, he insists that we should be virtuously resentful, avoiding both too much resentment exhibited by the vices of malice and revenge and too little resentment where we (...) merely condone the wrongdoer and leave ourselves open to future injury. I argue that this Butlerian approach offers us a more attractive account of forgiveness as a “virtue” than many recent discussions. In the final section, I address Butler’s challenging thesis that forgiveness is an unconditional moral duty. I argue against those who claim that forgiveness is supererogatory (Kolnai/Calhoun) or else merely morally conditional and even morally blameworthy in some cases (Murphy/Hampton/Novitz/Richards). By contrast, I defend a context-sensitive account of forgiveness which recognizes that it takes place on many different levels. I conclude by taking up the difficult issue of whether anybody can be ultimately “unforgivable”, offering some Butlerian and Strawsonian reflections that might help mitigate our judgments about such matters. (shrink)

The transition toward sustainability and the adjustment to climate change should involve the reduction of consumption behavior and the need to maintain social practices of frugality. This paper investigates the influences of consciousness for sustainable consumption, materialism, and the consideration of future consequences on frugal behaviors. Four-hundred-and-forty-four individuals responded to an instrument investigating these variables. Results of a structural model revealed that materialism significantly and negatively influenced the three dimensions of CSC: economic, environmental, and social. The consideration of distant future (...) consequences positively and significantly affected the economic dimension of CSC. Frugal behavior received significant and positive influences from the three CSC dimensions and from consideration of distant future consequences. The model explained 46% of variance in frugal behavior, revealing the importance of awareness of the consequences of resource consumption and the CFC has on promoting a moderate consumption of resources. (shrink)

¿Por qué construír al pueblo es la principal tarea de una política radical? -- Una ética del compromiso militante -- ¿Vida nuda o indeterminación social? -- ¿Puede la inmanencia explicar las luchas sociales? Crítica a Imperio.

In Radical Atheism: Derrida and the Time of Life, Martin Hägglund fails to proceed deconstructively in his conception of radical atheism, opting instead for one term of an opposition, between the desire for immortality and an irreducible mortality that structures all human desire, rather than exploring the contamination of one term of an opposition by the other. The paper also responds to Hägglund's criticism of the author's account of articulation.