Mykhailo Drahomanov was an outstanding scientist, philosopher and leader of Ukrainian national movement in the second half of the 19th century. He has communicated actively with the Eastern-Galician intellectuals in the fields of polical and cultural affairs during more than two decades. One of main directions of cooperation there were contacts in the sphere of inlightening. The most fruitful stage of M. Drahomanov's participation in educational life of Eastern Galicia is related to activity of Ruthenian-Ukrainian Radical Party, which (...) was founded in 1890. First of all M. Drahomanov has became an author of row of works for people. These were the articles for radical periodical "Khliborob" and the series of brochures. The only idea of scientist's popular heritage was the conception of human rights and freedoms - the social, political, national and religious ones - and the struggle for them. The leading members of RURP - S. Danylovych, I. Harasymovych, M. Pavlyk, K. Tryliovskyi, I. Franko, R. Yarosevych - helped M. Drahomanov for realization of his ideas, published and distributed his works among the Galician peasants. M. Drahomanov's popular heritage has been reprinted during the period of the late 19th - the first one third of 20th centiries not only in the Western-Ukrainian lands. (shrink)

This paper focuses on the ethical and moral implications of findings from the authors? national survey of television news directors? policies, practices, and perceptions of good/bad news. In light of the potentially negative effects of excessive amounts of bad news on individuals and society, the authors ask whether television journalists have an ethical responsibility?beyond legal constraints and professional criteria?in the selection and presentation of bad news and good news. An earlier version of this paper, detailing the findings of the survey, (...) was presented to the Radio?TV Journalism Division of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication in August, 1986. (shrink)

Michael A. PetersBeijing Normal University, Beijing, PR China;There is an ecology of bad ideas, just as there is an ecology of weeds– Gregory Bateson (1972, p. 492)While there are classical anteced...

In this address to the president's plenary at the 2001 annual meeting of the Society for Social Studies of Science in Cambridge, Massachusetts, the author reflected on then recent international events and their possible implications for the research and teaching agendas of the social studies of science, technology, and medicine. He proposed the political engagement of science, technology, and society institutions and individual STS researchers while maintaining a strong commitment to the scholarly studies of science and technology. Drawing on the (...) work of René Gabriëls, the author elaborated a role for STS scholars as the new generation of “public intellectuals.”. (shrink)

ABSTRACTIn 1933, a number of European intellectuals among whom Paul Valéry, Johan Huizinga, Julien Benda, Hermann von Keyserling, met in Madrid and in Paris to discuss the identity and history of Europe under the initiative of the International Institute of Intellectual Cooperation of the League of Nations. During the symposia, the participants try to define a common European narrative beyond national differences, and some of them evoke the idea of a European ‘homeland’ or ‘nation’, as already advocated in those (...) years by Gaston Riou and Julien Benda. Salvador de Madariaga for example calls for a ‘European nationalism’; Georges Duhamel presents ‘Mother Europe’ as an opposing force to growing patriotism; Julio Dantas hopes for a ‘européenité’ as opposed to the individual ‘national’ feelings. What is the reason for insisting so repeatedly on those concepts, when trying to overcome the dangers of nationalism? This paper analyses the different formulations adopted by the participants in the symposiums to describe their idea of a European ‘nation/homeland’, and tries to identify the specific aspects and historical implications of these concepts. (shrink)

From Kosovo to Québec, Ireland to East Timor, nationalism has been a recurrent topic of intense debate. It has been condemned as a source of hatred and war, yet embraced for stimulating community feeling and collective freedom. Joan Cocks explores the power, danger, and allure of nationalism by examining its place in the thought of eight politically engaged intellectuals of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries: the antagonist of capital, Karl Marx; the critics of imperialism Rosa Luxemburg, Hannah Arendt, and (...) Frantz Fanon; the liberal pluralist Isaiah Berlin; the neonationalist Tom Nairn, and the post-colonial writers, V. S. Naipaul and Edward Said. Cocks not only sheds new light on the complexities of nationalism but also reveals the tensions that have inspired and troubled intellectuals who have sought to lead lives between detached criticism and political passion.In lively, conversational prose, Cocks assesses their treatment of questions such as the mythology of national identity, the right to national self-determination, and the morality of nationalist violence. While ultimately critical of nationalism, she engages sympathetically even with its defenders. By illuminating the links that distinguished minds have drawn between thought and action on nationalism in politics, this stimulating work provides a rich foundation from which we ourselves might think or act more wisely when confronting a phenomenon that, in fundamental and perplexing ways, has shaped our world. (shrink)

This article introduces a new, performative framework for analysing intellectuals and intellectual interventions. It elaborates on the strengths of this theoretical perspective vis-à-vis rival approaches and develops this frame of reference by exploring key constituent concepts, including positioning, script and staging. The article then exemplifies the framework and demonstrates its applicability by exploring a public intellectual performance by Jean-Paul Sartre. To conclude, the article reflects on recent shifts in public intellectual performances, especially changes that are relatively durable and connected (...) to the rise of new media. (shrink)

This article explores the problem of the political responsibilities of intellectuals and philosophers through an appraisal of Michael Walzer's work on the idea of “connected criticism.” The author elaborates the main elements of this theory, shows how it approaches various thinkers, like Herbert Marcuse and Jean-Paul Sartre, and shows where it fits into American intellectual life, particularly the intellectual history of Dissent Magazine and the democratic Left. Walzer's idea of a connected social critic contrasts to Sartre's idea of an (...) “engaged critic.” The article also examines Walzer's theory in light of some of the arguments made by “commonsense” moral philosophy, such as those of Irving Howe, John Rawls, Theodor Adorno, and Leo Strauss. Cohen defines Walzer's theory as part of a social democratic approach that also can serve in part as an antidote to intellectual hubris. Finally, this article presents a critique of Edward Said's understanding of intellectuals in his Representations of the Intellectual. The author argues that Said's book misrepresents Turgenev's novel Fathers and Sons. Cohen suggests that there are radical differences between Said's description of this novel's central character, Bazarov, and the world in which he lives, and those created by Turgenev. Said's approach is evaluated in relation to the notion of connected criticism and some criticisms of connected criticism are offered. (shrink)

The purpose of the study is to substantiate the socio-cultural contexts of the leading role of knowledge in the transformation of power and managerial relations in the knowledge society. The article analyzes the nature of the intellectual overstraat – a new power and management structure that is being formed in the conditions of the Knowledge Society, and identifies the socio-cultural prerequisites for the formation of this phenomenon. New spheres of cultural life, new social strata and strata, as shown in the (...) study, were the result of a" shift", a" shift " of power from the economy to knowledge. The "shift" in the structures of power and management undermines the traditional bureaucratic foundations. The overstraat of intellectuals is presented as embodying the power of knowledge. As a result, the functions of the intellectual overstrate in a knowledge - based society-social, economic, political and state-are identified and analyzed; the socio-cultural context of the leading role of knowledge in the transformation of power and managerial relations of the "Knowledge Society"is substantiated. (shrink)

The Russian philosopher and cultural theorist Mikhail Bakhtin has traditionally been seen as the leading figure in the group of intellectuals known as the Bakhtin Circle. The writings of other members of the Circle are considered much less important than his work, while Bakhtin's achievement has been exaggerated in proportion to the downgrading of the thinkers with whom he associated in the 1920s. This volume, which includes new translations and studies of the work of the most important members of (...) the Circle, sets out to correct the distortions in the established representations of its activity. The original contributions to literary and linguistic theory made by Valentin Voloshinov and Pavel Medvedev (but frequently credited to Bakhtin) are assessed, and the distinctiveness of their approaches is highlighted. (shrink)

The book discusses the role of intellectuals in the modern world. Bauman connects this with current analyses of modernity and post-modernity. The theme of the book is that the tasks of intellectuals change from being 'legislators' to 'interpreters' with the transition from modernity to post-modernity. The book discusses the role of intellectuals in the modern world. Bauman connects this with current analyses of modernity and post-modernity. The theme of the book is that the tasks of intellectuals (...) change from being 'legislators' to 'interpreters' with the transition from modernity to post-modernity. (shrink)

With respect to the responsibility of intellectuals, there are still other, equally disturbing questions. Intellectuals are in a position to expose the lies of governments, to analyze actions according to their causes and motives and often hidden intentions. In the Western world, at least, they have the power that comes from political liberty, from access to information and freedom of expression. For a privileged minority, Western democracy provides the leisure, the facilities, and the training to seek the truth (...) lying hidden behind the veil of distortion and misrepresentation, ideology and class interest, through which the events of current history are presented to us. The responsibilities of intellectuals, then, are much deeper than what Macdonald calls the " responsibility of people," given the unique privileges that intellectuals enjoy. (shrink)

Public intellectuals play an important role in shaping public perceptions and forming public opinions. One of the most important ways in which intellectuals affect and transform society is by promo...

Motto: “The purpose of freedom is to create it for others,” Bernard Malamud, The Fixer Dedication: To the memory of Michael Polanyi, for freeing inquiry from ideology..

The ArgumentMichael Polanyi is placed in the ongoing Enlightenment-reform tradition as one of the first twentieth-century scientists to propose a program to correct the gravest internal conflict of the modern Enlightenment project of radical criticism: scientific detachment and moral nihilism in conflict with humanist values. He held that radical criticism leads not to truth but to destructive doubt. Only the inclusion of the “personal element,” the judicial attitude of reasonable doubt and the acknowledgment of belief in the regulative principle of (...) truth can overcome this end. Freedom — to reason, to criticize the method of doubt, and freedom of scientific thinking — is a precondition to reach truth. His epistemology of nonsubjective personal knowledge has redefined scientific knowing and objectivity as grounded in tacit knowing. Debate is continuing on objectivity and freedom versus the social duty of science. Polanyi's Hungarian correspondence highlights his commitment to truth and the contemporary cultural-political situation of Jewish intellectuals. (shrink)

이 논문은 정인보의 저작 『陽明學演論』(이하 演論)에 주목하여 이 책 속에서 정인보가 어떻게 중국 명말청초기의 지식인들을 인식하고 평가했는지를 살펴보고자 하였다. 1933년 정인보는 해박한 양명학에 관한 지식을 가지고 동아일보에 『演論』을 게재한다. 이 『演論』은 민족주의 사학자이면서 동시에 국학 연구자로서 왕성한 활동을 하던 시기에 집필한 것으로 국민의식 고취라는 사명을 담은 저작이었다. 따라서 『演論』에 보이는 양명학의 전개과정은 다름 아닌 ‘양명학 정신의 전개사’ 혹은 ‘양명학 정신사’였다고 볼 수 있다. 이 논문에서 다룬 제5장 「陽明門徒 及 繼起한 諸賢」이 바로 그러한 특징을 확연히 보여주고 있는데, 양명학의 실천정신과 ‘절의(節義)’는 정인보가 (...) 중국 명말청초기의 지식인들을 이해하고 인식하는 두 가지 핵심코드였다. 그 때문에 제5장에 한정해서 보면, 사상적 내용이나 학문 방법상의 문제에 초점을 맞추었기 보다는 그들의 삶의 에피소드가 더욱 부각되고 있다. 삶의 에피소드도 일상생활에서의 삶의 태도는 물론이고 망국의 위기에 처한 지식인이 마땅히 행해야 할 모범으로서 ‘節義’에 중점을 두고 있는 것이다. 여기에는 민족적 위기의 시대에 실천하고 행동하는 지식인의 출현을 갈망한 정인보의 소망이 담겨있다고도 볼 수 있다. 그래서 이 논문은 『演論』의 전체 내용 가운데 제5장 「陽明門徒 及 繼起한 諸賢」을 실마리로 하여 거기에서 정인보가 논평을 가한 중국 명말청초기의 유자들, 즉 중국 근세사상사에서 주자학과 양명학을 통합하고 절충하려고 시도했던 대표적 유자인 유종주와 두 명의 문인 및 황종희(黃宗羲, 1610-1695), 손기봉(孫奇逢, 1584-1675), 이옹(李顒, 1627-1705) 등에 초점을 맞춰 이들에 대한 정인보의 이해와 인식의 양상을 탐구한 것이다. 이 논문의 구성은 전체 4장으로 되어있으며, 제1장에서는 문제제기와 함께 논문 전체의 방향성을 제시하였다. 본론으로 들어가 제2장의 첫 번째에서는 『연론』 제5장의 구성과 그 의의에 관해 분석하였고 두 번째는 정인보의 언설을 근거로 하여 구체적으로 유종주상(像)과 그 문인(門人)들에 대한 이해를 검토하였다. 본론의 제3장에서는 명말청초의 삼대유(三大儒)로 불리는 손기봉과 황종희 및 이옹에 대해 집중적으로 논의하면서 그 이해와 인식의 단서로서 그들의 인생과 학문의 배경에 존재했던 양명학 정신과 ‘절의(節義)’와 ‘충절(忠節)’이라는 것을 지적하였다. (shrink)

20세기 초 근대화 기획의 일환으로 서구에서 발명되었던 '근대가족'은 조선과 일본에서도 제도적, 관념적으로 도입이 추진되었다. 그러나 재일 조선 신지식인들의 근대가족 담론에서는 서구 및 특히 일본과도 유의미한 차이점이 확인된다. 이 논문에서는 1914년부터 1930년까지 발간되었던 재일 유학생들의 대표적 기관지인 『학지광』의 기사들을 대상으로 재일 조선 신지식인들의 독특한 근대가족 담론을 검토한다.조선 신지식인들은 민족과 사회의 재건 주체로서 각성된 개인을 '청년'으로 호명하고 또 자임했다. 이러한 개인에 대한 억압의 재생산 공간으로서 전통 가족은 해체되어야 할 구사회(舊社會) · 구도덕(舊道德)으로 지목되었다. 동시에 그 억압과 전제성의 사상적 배경으로 ‘효(孝)’ 관념이 신랄하게 비판되었다. (...) 그러나 독특하게도 전제성의 더욱 분명한 이념이라 할 수 있는 ‘충(忠)’에 대한 비판은 보이지 않는다. 이는 일본에서 효와 충을 결합시킨 ‘충효’를 전통의 이름으로 선전했던 것과 다른 양상으로서 이들의 독특성을 보여주는 지점이라 할 수 있다. 아울러 여성에 대해서도 기존의 담론이 가사와 자녀 교육을 아내·어머니에게 전담시켰던 것과 달리 여성 또한 해방되어야 할 청년으로 삼았다는 점에서 조선 신지식인들의 논의는 현대적인 의의마저 갖는다 할 수 있다. (shrink)

Historical criticism and academic inquiry have led a number of scholars in the nineties not only to change their value orientation and academic standpoint, but at the same time to switch to a different genealogy of learning, to derive an antiradicalist issue from this, and to establish an image of "true intellectuals. " When reading and analyzing these actions or documents, I have found that the natural extension of antiradicalism is self-reflective criticism of modernity. This has, in turn, become (...) the logical starting point for conversion to China's native tradition; that the "suturing up" by academics has perhaps concealed certain mental feelings and certain erroneous judgments with regard to the 1980s; that molding the image of the true intellectual depends on postenlightenment strategy, which has unavoidably been smeared with an embarrassing Western patina and a patina of pop culture. (shrink)