The cosmological-meteorological writings of Paracelsus (1493-1541), presented here for the first time in the most reliable German versions with facing-page translations and thorough text-based and historical commentary, are essential documents of the transition from the medieval to the modern era.

The enigmatic sixteenth-century Swiss physician and natural philosopher Philippus Aureolus Theophrastus Bombastus von Hohenheim, called Paracelsus, is known for the almost superhuman energy with which he produced his innumerable writings, for his remarkable achievements in the development of science, and for his reputation as a visionary and alchemist. Little is known of his biography beyond his legendary achievements, and the details of his life have been filled in over the centuries by his admirers. This richly illustrated anthology presents (...) in modernized language a selection of the moral thought of a man who was not only a self-willed genius charged with the dynamism of an impetuous and turbulent age but also in many ways a humble seeker after truth, who deeply influenced C. G. Jung and his followers. (shrink)

The Swiss natural philosopher, physician, and radical reformer Theophrastus of Hohenheim (1493–1541), known as Paracelsus, endeavoured to reconcile his various perspectives in his extensive biblical exegeses. Symbolizing this effort were the two lights of nature and the Holy Spirit, which, on one hand, explored worldly and mortal aspects of nature and, on the other hand, led to eternal life. In response to the prevailing dispute between Luther and Zwingli over the interpretation of the Eucharist, Paracelsus developed his (...) own viewpoint, introducing the concept of the new human with a renewed corporeal body. His comprehensive interpretations of the Gospel of Matthew not only addressed theology but also engaged with the perspectives of a natural philosopher, physician, and advocate of natural magic. (shrink)

Focusing on the Astronomia Magna, the magnum opus of Theophrastus Bombast von Hohenheim, or Paracelsus, the dissertation provides a detailed look into Paracelsus ' oft-neglected and misrepresented views on the make-up of humans and the universe, and highlights the religious values fundamental to the formation, expression, and reception of his science, Robert K. Merton and Reijer Hookyaas have helpfully pointed to salient religious factors in the development of modern science, but they overemphasize seventeenth-century English Calvinism. A century (...) earlier, Paracelsus had molded a unique, influential, and thoroughly biblical and ethical system of the world, and with many of the same goals as the Puritans. Paracelsus ---whose ideas were often referred to and even incorporated by the likes of Isaac Newton, Robert Boyle, Francis Bacon, and Joan Baptista van Helmont---insisted that humans were created to research, discover, and utilize nature. ;Book I of the Astronomia Magna, highlighting the sidereal and elemental bodies of humans, is a systematic explication of natural magic, human nature, and cosmology. There are clear alchemical and Neoplatonic sources, but the discussion is rooted in Paracelsus ' Genesis exegesis. Book II---focusing on the soul and the immortal body, the latter acquired in baptism---contains a summary of Paracelsus ' soteriological and eschatological views, and reiterates Paracelsus ' eucharistic theology. Books I and II thus encapsulate Paracelsus ' universe of two analogous realms, mortal and divine---Book IV regards the demonic. ;Scholars point to the influence of Paracelsus ' theology in the seventeenth-century, but downplay its early reception. However, various sixteenth-century intellectuals eagerly produced Paracelsus ' works despite their divisive religious content, and some of his followers adopted his spiritualism, ethics, and heterodoxy. Toxites' preface to the first edition of the Astronomia Magna is largely a summary and endorsement of Paracelsus ' theology. ;Scholarly treatments of the Scientific Revolution, even within Paracelsus studies itself, fail to capture the unity of Paracelsus ' theological and medical-natural philosophical works and ideas, hence producing incomplete and flawed interpretations. Thus, it is essential to build on the insightful work of Kurt Goldammer, Hartmut Rudolph, Allen Debus, and Charles Webster, and to explore more deeply Paracelsus ' bible-based science. (shrink)

Philippus Aureolus Theophrastus Bombastus von Hohenheim, or Paracelsus, was a renowned physician and naturalist, reformer of Galenic medicine, and violent opponent of scholasticism. His writings and teachings were contemporaneous with the Lutheran reformation and the northern Renaissance humanism of Cornelius Agrippa and Erasmus. Paracelsus’s rejection of ancient wisdom and the classicist philology of his day as viable avenues of knowledge, however, contradicts the Renaissance humanist epithet sometimes associated with him. Though traditionally painted as a “lonely genius” and (...) a “martyr of natural science” for his fractious relations with the medical establishments of his day, and thereby crowned as an agent of progress and a precursor of modern science, Paracelsian natural philosophy owes far more to mystical intuition than to any experimental scientific method currently understood. In this respect he was as much an influence on German mystics such as Jacob Boehme and later German Romanticism as he was on J. B. von Helmont, the seventeenth century Paracelsian chemist who first articulated the concept of ‘gas’. However, Paracelsian thought does not readily conform either to the Reformation or to Renaissance humanism, the two landmarks convenient to a general appreciation of the intellectual landscape in his day. Of course, such historical labels are the products of hindsight, and held little or no meaning among thinkers of the day: any attempt to define Paracelsus’ thought according to such a continuum is moot. He is best appreciated as an iconoclast: an eclectic non-partisan. As the author of the present study claims, Paracelsus was “an errant star in the firmament of sixteenth century aspirations” ; later in the work he emerges as “an idiosyncratic creature of the early Reformation”. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:BOOK REVIEWS 127 les Paiens de leurs t6nebres,... de les fortifier de telle sorte contre les pr~jugez & contre les erreurs populaires qu'ils fussent incapables d'y tomber. Again, we learn that Bayle says "we do not know if a substance is by nature spiritual or corporeal, nor if the soul is immortal" with references to "Pyrrhon, B" and "Charron, O" (p. 112). Whatever Professor Mason means about substance, it (...) is not contained as far as I can see in "Pyrrhon, B"; and the point in "Charron, O" is that there is no irrefutable proof of the immortality of the soul. 2Professor Mason is following Voltaire's example more thanBayle's when he attributes to an author implications or attitudes not clearly expressed in the original. This is not to say that his conclusions are totally invalidated; on the contrary, they stand up despite his unreliability on Bayle, for his principal concern is Voltaire's reactions to the Scholar of Rotterdam. Apart from these reservations, it is good to have so important and so complicated a subject so compactly documented. CRAm B. BRVS~ Columbia University Das medizinische Weltbild des Paracelsus. Seine Zusammenhiinge mit Neuplatonismus und Gnosis. By Waiter Pagel. (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1962. "Kosmosophie", Forschungen und Texte zur Geschichte des Weltbildes, der Naturphilosophie, der Mystik und des Spiritualismus vom Sp~tmittelalter bis zur Romantik, ed. by K. Goldammer, Vol. I. Pp. xvi ~- 160. DM 24.) The new monograph series "Kosmosophie" couId not have been introduced more excellently than by Walter Pagel's work on Paracelsus which supplements and extends his earlier study Paracelsus, An Introduction to Philosophical Medicine in the Era of the Renaissance (Basel & New York: 1958). The new series is devoted to studies in the history of science, exploring the old traditions of a "sophic" understanding of the cosmos which always existed side by side with a "logical" one, i.e., the heritage from ancient mysticism, gnosticism, alchemy, and metaphysical speculation which so "disgracefully" characterizes the beginnings of modern science. In this book, Pagel tries to locate the great physician and philosopher Theophrastus of Hohenheim called Paracelsus (1493-1541) within the history of science at that turning point between the Middle Ages and the Renaissance and to understand him on the basis of the specific relationship of inheriting and modifying the traditions of neoplatonie and gnostic thought in his writings. After an introductory chapter about Paracelsus's position in the history of medicine and in contemporary times, the author investigates the neoplatonic and gnostic sources and presuppositions for the medical-physical world-view of Paracelsus. It should have been pointed out more clearly in this chapter, however, that the study of gnosticism and its effect upon the thinking of the later Hellenism is still in its beginning stages. He describes, then, Paracelsus's world of ideas as it is to be seen in the light of these neoplatonic and gnostic traditions: the doctrines of the invisible spiritual world, the astral powers, the astral body, dualism of sex, the two kinds of fire, the Logoi, the elements, primordial matter, etc. In each case, possible connections with the Hermetic writings, alchemy, gnosticism, neoplatonism, and their transmission through mysticism, cabbala, and the neoplatonic philosophers of the Renaissance (especially Marsilius Ficinus) as well as through St. Augustine have been discussed. Here are a few other distressing misrepresentations of what Bayle has to say: p. 30, on Jews; p. 30, n. 6, on the inspiration of scripture; p. 31, n. 2, on the same subject; p. 37, on miracles; p. 61, n. 1, on man's dominion over animals; p. 92, n. 4, on Christian and natural morality; p. 137, n. 4, on moral and speculative dogmas. Page 92, n. 9, refers to several pages in which Bayle's concluding remark flatly contradicts Professor Mason's interpretation. Spot checks in Moland have turned up no misrepresentations of Voltaire's thought, which is generally less qualified than Bayle's. 128 HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY The result is that this Hellenistic-Middle Age syncretism has had a far-reaching influence upon Paracelsus's thought. Because he was in no way a systematic philosopher, his writings are full of contradictions, developments, unitarian and dualistic tendencies, theistic... (shrink)

Theophrastus Bombast von Hohenheim (1493–1541), colloquially known as Paracelsus, emerges as a pivotal figure in the transition from medieval to early modern scientific paradigms. Within the realm...

A human life is not made up of measurable equal increments. There are crises, setbacks and advances, obstacles and pathways, highs and lows. The prevailing methods for the study of significant lives, insofar as there is any interest at all in the subject, are hampered by scientism and materialism. The means for understanding how we progress as individuals in relation to society and to the future of humankind cannot be found in the standard disciplines of psychology or sociology, which are (...) looking for measurable results and are dominated by the quest for objectivity. Guided primarily by the thought of Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy, we observe here the patterns in the life of two pioneering physicians, centuries apart, Theophrastus von Hohenheim, known as Paracelsus, and Sigmund Freud. Inspiration, revelation, conversion, orientation, grace are at the center, but none of these terms is reducible to material measurement. A new approach is suggested that better informs us about what makes the world go ‘round, the grammatical imperative, which subsumes even love. (shrink)

Bd. 1-2. Medizinische Schriften.--Bd. 3. Philosophische Schriften.--Bd. 4. Theologische, religionsphilosophische und sozialpolitische Schriften.--Bd. 5. Pansophische, magische und gabalische Schriften.

Paracelsus is commonly regarded as one of the great figures of sixteenth-century Europe and of German intellectual history. This book examines the content of his writings in order to clarify it and its historical context.

Not only did Paracelsus (1493-1541) censure the logic of the Aristotelians, but also their "Godless" approach to questioning nature. He declared that Aristotle was “a heathen whose work had rightly been condemned repeatedly in church councils." In this essay I elucidate some of the more salient features of Paracelsus’s "epistemology," and draw parallels between his notion of experientia (Erfahrung) and that of Hans-Georg Gadamer. I also discuss Paracelsus’s educational metaphor, his creation myth, and the mysterious doctrine of (...) signatures en route to uncovering his peculiar understanding of the relationship between theory, practice, and experience. (shrink)

This article analyses a central episode in the response of the Catholic bodies of doctrinal control to the emergence of Paracelsianism. More specifically, it discusses the censorial report written in 1616 by the physician Johannes Faber for the Congregation for the Index about the works of Paracelsus. This report was written in a time that Paracelsianism had become increasingly popular, but also a source of fierce debates. The complex context surrounding the report is investigated, with particular attention to the (...) broader social, religious, and scientific aspects as well as the precise historical situation in which it was written. Faber’s report and an English translation are provided in separate appendices. (shrink)

A Karger 'Publishing Highlights 1890-2015' title This 2nd, revised edition is still the reference work available in print and electronically on Paracelsus by the Paracelsus authority. Furthermore, it makes a very good read. See also Pagel's last book The Smiling Spleen on Paracelsianism as a historical phenomenon. '...a work in the brilliant tradition of biographical research... even the casual reader will be impressed to learn that, four centuries ago, the man who had the courage to burn in public (...) the writings of Avicenna, recognised pulmonary disease in miners as an occupational hazard, cretinism and goitre as endemic in certain areas, and chorea and hysteria as manifestations of disease, not demonic possession.' The Lancet. (shrink)

This volume offers a revisionist interpretation of Paracelsus and Paracelsianism. It points to the need for a new historiographical approach to the man and his ideas, while demonstrating the value of seeing them in their totallity, as well as in their proper historical text.

The preceding paper described how all-pervasive was the influence that Paracelsus designated ‘astral’. In what sense, then, is it true that he placed restrictions, on astrological powers? The restriction applies to the more limited and usual sense of astrology, referring to the control of events on earth by the stars in the sky. Paracelsus was not prepared to hand over our fates entirely to a distant autocracy of the stars quite beyond our control.

Paracelsus nahm in verschiedenen Kontexten Stellung zum facettenreichen Thema "Bild". Als radikaler Laientheologe attackierte er in reformatorisch gesinnten Schriften den Bildgebrauch der Römischen Kirche und umriss die Macht des Glaubens. Als Naturphilosoph und Mediziner verfasste er einen Bildertraktat, der nicht zum ästhetischen Genuss von Bildern anleiten, sondern ihre "Kraft" und "Tugend" zur Erkundung der Welt und zur Gewinnung des Heils eingesetzt wissen will. In seinem Hauptwerk Astronomia magna integrierte er seine Vorstellungen von wirkmächtigen Bildern in ein enzyklopädisches Wissenschaftsprogramm und (...) umriss seine Erwartungen an den wahren Künstler. (shrink)

Paracelsus was a transmutational alchemist: For most of his career, he believed that one metal could be turned into another. In an alchemical text, the De renovatione et restauratione, he explored the theoretical foundations of transmutation and hinted at recipes for bringing it about. He proposed that from plants, gems, metals, and minerals might be prepared a class of marvelous medicaments, which he called prima entia (first entities). Each primum ens had particular uses, but the entia were all supposed (...) to be able to revitalize the human body and cleanse it of disease. Certain entia could also transmute metals. The De renovatione et restauratione affirmed the metaphysical centrality, in goldmaking and medicine alike, not just of purification or alteration but of renewal and transformation. It expressed the author’s eschatological excitement at God’s works of wonder, whether within or above nature. (shrink)

In the opinion of the natural sciences and medicine of the Romantic Era Paracelsus represents a central step from the Middle Ages to Modern Times. Their interpretations of this perceived kindred spirit not free from criticism focus on metaphysical orientations, holistic approach to cosmology and anthropology, biochemical perspective, ethical dominance, immanent union of etiology, pathophenomenology and therapy.

In so curious, lively, and passionate an epoch as that of Theophrastus Paracelsus, the life and work of few other persons generated as much admiration, as many repercussions and so much influence as did his. At the same time, few others caused as much animosity and hostility. And yet, there are few others about whose work and thought we are less informed. Who was this infamous vagabond? Was he a profound scientist, whose struggles against Aristotelian physics and classical medicine (...) supposedly laid the foundations of modern experimental medicine? Was he a precursor to nineteenth century rational science? Was he an erudite physician, or an ignorant charlatan? A peddler of superstition and quackery, an astrologist, a magician, a gold maker? Was he one of the greatest minds of the Renaissance, or simply a latecomer to Middle Age mysticism, a ‘gothic’? Was he a pantheistic cabalist, an adept of a vague Neo-Platonism and natural magic? Or was he ‘the physician’, ever watchful over suffering humanity; a man who found and formulated a new conception of life, the universe, of God and humanity? Was he, with a deeply Christian mind, one who attempted his own ‘reformation’ in the solitude of the Swiss mountains, who preached an evangelical, sophisticated form of mysticism, without clergy, dogma, and rites? Or was Paracelsus ultimately a Christian who, in spite of his frequently heterodox, even heretical opinions, remained faithful to his Church, preferring Catholicism to the new Protestant churches? (shrink)

Paracelsus is an extraordinarily difficult author to interpret, in part because of the seemingly elusive boundary between literal and metaphorical levels of meaning in his work. The present paper argues for a literal reading of Paracelsus, based on comments that he makes in his late Philosophia de divinis operibus & factis & de secretis naturae. The article also includes a translated chapter from one of the treatises in that work, De lunaticis.

The present "Studienausgabe" is the fruit of over 40 years of labor on Paracelus [[sic]]. While Sudhoff's monumental edition continued by K. Goldhammer is intended to serve the specialist, Peuckert's aim is simply to make Paracelsus accessible to the philosopher and to the historian of ideas. Like Luther's, Paracelus's [[sic]] German is hardly comprehensible today; hence the editor had to "rewrite" it. The result is sound and easily understandable German. This welcome "vulgarization" should, however, have been compensated by notes: (...) as a matter of fact there are no critical or commenting notes in any of the volumes published as of now. We are promised a glossary at the end of the fifth volume, but even this will not mend the edition's essential shortcoming: a complete lack of any kind of scholarly apparatus. The first two volumes contain the major "medical" writings in chronological order. These earlier texts witness Paracelsus's emancipation from the ballast of medieval science: Galen, Avicenna, etc., and a significant turn towards a new conception of natural science in which speculation and experience are intimately interwoven. In the first volume there are several writings on Alchemy, among them the short treatise on the Three First Principles which was so heavily to influence the "pansophy" of the seventeenth century and even the great mystic of Görlitz, Jacob Boehme. The second volume contains the mature medical texts including the "Opus Paramirum," this herald of later bio-chemical thought. Obviously the real interest of the so-called medical texts lies in their speculative elements and they should be read together with the philosophical texts, making up the third volume. This third volume is rightly centered around the monumental "Philosophia Sagax," the major work of Paracelsus. This is the treatise whose influence reached far beyond the twilight of pansophy until the early and late Goethe and Romantic philosophy. Better than any other, this text demonstrates the uninterrupted continuity of German speculation throughout three centuries. If the resolution of the remaining two unpublished volumes turns out to be as fortunate as those reviewed here, these well-printed books should find their way to the shelves of any library, private or public, orientated towards the study of German philosophical thought.—M. J. V. (shrink)