From the contents:0K. Eggers / A. Stollberg: Vorwort? Antike und Mittelalter? M. Nanni: Musikalische Energeia? 17. bis 19. Jahrhundert? I. Mai Groote:?ut energiam habeat Musica?: Vorstellungen vom Zusammenwirken von Text, Rhythmus und Musik im 17. Jahrhundert? L. Holtmeier: La mécanique des doigts? Energie und Körperlichkeit in der französischen Musiktheorie? A. Stollberg: Schwunglinien und Wellenkurven. Zur Theorie der Melodik im späten 18. und frühen 19. Jahrhundert? M. Schneider: Tugend-Energie. Charakterkraft und Erzählform in Wielands Agathon und Schlegels Lucinde? B. Specht: Die?geheimere Werkstätte (...) des Physikers?. Naturdynamik und Fragmentästhetik bei Johann Wilhelm Ritter? C. Torra-Mattenklott: Die energetische Wirkung der Künste bei E. T. A. Hoffmann? N. Noeske: Dämonische Energien zwischen Arzt und Patientin: Virtuosität als magnetisches Fluidum 20. und 21. Jahrhundert? E. Neswald: Thermodynamik als Weltanschauung um 1900. (shrink)

: The aim of this paper is to analyse the status of Locke’s state of nature and to examine whether the distinction between different theoretical perspectives can help to resolve the apparent contradictions between Locke’s ‘peaceful’ and his ‘warlike’ description of the natural state, a claim that has been made by commentators such as R. Ashcraft, J. Dunn and H. Aarsleff. Though, it is argued, distinguishing different state of nature accounts in Locke is essential for an appropriate understanding of Locke’s (...) argument, the attempt to thereby free Locke of the charge of inconsistency fails. The reason is that the ‘peaceful’ and the ‘warlike’ description are equally part of Locke’s anthropological analysis. They can, therefore, not be reconciled by distinguishing between a ‘moral’ account of the state of nature on the one hand and an empirical account on the other. (shrink)

The General Theory defended Keynes's long‐held belief that capitalism could not achieve full employment without government help. The effects of wage rigidity were well known; Keynes tried to show that even price flexibility—contrary to Say's Law—could not reduce unemployment. Keynes did so by hobbling his decisionmakers with “psychological laws,”; like the consumption function, that linked nominal prices together. These produced a rigidity of relative prices that justified government intervention. Keynes's followers seem to have rejected his psychological theories, emphasizing instead nominal (...) rigidities or uncertainty, either of which is consistent with “classical”; thinking and Say's Law. (shrink)

Recent research has shown that psychological risk factors play an important role in the pathogenesis of cardiovascular diseases. The so-called coronary prone behaviour pattern predominates, an important part of which is the Type A behaviour pattern. This is characterized by a marked ambition, a constant feeling of being under pressure, due to latent aggression and to a striving to dominate. For cerebrovascular diseases the so-called pressured pattern as a risk factor has been found to be typical which is comparable to (...) the Type A behaviour. Psychological risk factors and their components are not equally important for different vascular diseases. Besides the explanation of the question as to how far psychological processes really are involved in the development of vascular diseases, the research on psychological risk factors serves as a foundation for psychosomatic theories. (shrink)

The Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben’s conception and critique of sovereignty has won him wide and well-deserved acclamation. In this article, however, it is argued that Agamben’s conception of sovereignty is somewhat misplaced, and, as a consequence, his positive political project of developing a ‘destituent power’ is highly deficient in terms of construing a popular and viable political alternative. The critique of Agamben is developed through a close reading of Aristotle’s Politics and his notion of kurion. It is argued that Agamben’s (...) flawed conception of sovereignty reemerges symptomatically in his extremely problematic reading of Aristotle’s Politics, and that a viable political alternative to both Agamben’s own project and the conception of politics that he criticizes can be developed through an alternative and closer reading of Aristotle. (shrink)

In the modern debate in metaethics and moral psychology, moral rationalism is often presented as a view that cannot account for the intimate relation between moral behaviour on one hand and feelings, emotions, or desires on the other. Although there is no lack of references to the classic rationalists of the 18th century in the relevant discussions, the works of these writers are rarely ever examined detail. Yet, as the debate in Kant scholarship between “intellectualists” and “affectivists” impressively shows, a (...) more thorough analysis of what the classic rationalists actually have to say about moral motivation is suited to cast serious doubts on the idea that moral rationalism must crucially neglect the affective–conative side of human psychology. The aim of this paper is to analyse the conceptions of moral motivation that were embraced by Kant's rationalist predecessors—Clarke, Wolff, Burnet, Balguy, and Price—which have not attracted a similar amount of attention by specialists so far. The claim I will defend is that none of those early rationalists actually embraces the motivational thesis that is often taken to be characteristic of moral rationalism, a thesis I shall refer to as strong rationalism about (moral) motivation. (shrink)

The aim of this paper is to critically review the game-theoretic discussion of Hobbes and to develop a game-theoretic interpretation that gives due attention both to Hobbes's distinction between “moderates” and “dominators” and to what actually initiates conflict in the state of nature, namely, the competition for vital goods. As can be shown, Hobbes's state of nature contains differently structured situations of choice, the game-theoretic representation of which requires the prisoner's dilemma and the assurance game and the so-called assurance dilemma. (...) However, the “state of war” ultimately emerges from situations that cannot be described by any of these games because they represent zero-sum games in which the outcome of mutual cooperation does not exist. (shrink)

This paper discusses the juridical interpretation of Hobbes’s state of nature argument, which has been defended by commentators such as Georg Geismann, Dieter Hüning or Peter Schröder. According to the juridical interpretation, the primary reason why the Hobbesian state of nature needs to be abandoned is not that everybody’s self-preservation is constantly threatened. It is that, due to the universal right to all things, the jural order of the state of nature includes some kind of logical contradiction. The purpose of (...) the paper is to show that the juridical interpretation does not do justice to Hobbes’s actual argument and that it starts from a false presupposition: being a Hohfeldian ‘liberty-right’, the right to all things can consistently be granted to all individuals at the same time. (shrink)

This essay deals with a particularly recalcitrant problem in the history of ideas, that of irrationalism. It emerged to full consciousness in mid-eighteenth century thought. Irrationalism was a logical consequence of individualism which in turn was a direct outcome of the Cartesian self-reflective subject. In time these tendencies produced the "critical" Zeitgeist and the "epoch of taste" during which Kant began thinking about such matters. Like Alfred Bäumler, I argue that irrationalism could not have arisen in ancient or medieval philosophical (...) discourse, as they both lacked a certain type of rationalism required as its conceptual antipode. Only after the Lisbon earthquake (1755), and the ensuing reason vs. passion debate acknowledging for the first time both human powers as equal contenders, did the specter of irrationalism arise and become a focus. Kant's revolution in thought produced "transcendental psychology" reconciling "pure" sensibility and "pure" reason and provided, I argue, the conceptual wherewithal to grant aesthetic feeling and irrationalism a philosophical niche. (shrink)

In the modern metaethical debate, the term 'non-cognitivism' is often used to describe a claim in moral psychology: the claim that moral judgments are constituted by desire-like mental states rather than beliefs. An argument tradi- tionally employed in defences of non-cognitivism is the 'motivation argument' which can be traced back to David Hume. The motivation argument combines the idea that moral judgments are motivationally efficacious states of mind with the idea that beliefs are incapable of exerting motivational force. The aim (...) of this paper is to take a closer look at the second premise of the argument, often re- ferred to as the orthodox Humean theory of motivation. I want to demonstrate that the orthodox Humean theory asks for a specific kind of contextualization and is most plausible if embedded into a variant of psychological hedonism. However, once the second premise is understood in this manner, the motivation argument can no longer give non-cognitivists what they are after. (shrink)

This book offers an examination of the political dimensions of a number of Jean-Luc Godard’s films from the 1960s to the present. The author seeks to dispel the myth that Godard’s work abandoned political questions after the 1970s and was limited to merely formal ones. The book includes a discussion of militant filmmaking and Godard’s little-known films from the Dziga Vertov Group period, which were made in collaboration with Jean-Pierre Gorin. The chapters present a thorough account of Godard’s investigations on (...) the issue of aesthetic-political representation, including his controversial juxtaposition of the Shoah and the Nakba. Emmelhainz argues that the French director’s oeuvre highlights contradictions between aesthetics and politics in a quest for a dialectical image. By positing all of Godard’s work as experiments in dialectical materialist filmmaking, from Le Petit soldat to Adieu au langage, the author brings attention to Godard’s ongoing inquiry on the role filmmakers can have in progressive political engagement. (shrink)

Das neue Buch des bereits mit zahlreichen Arbeiten besonders zum Vierten Kreuzzug hervorgetretenen Autors setzt sich aus drei unterschiedlichen, wenn auch eng miteinander verwobenen Teilen zusammen: einer Untersuchung zur Familie und zur Biographie des Dogen Enrico Dandolo, einer Darstellung von Politik und Verfassungsgeschichte Venedigs im 12. Jahrhundert und einer Geschichte des Vierten Kreuzzugs. Die Erzähl- und Argumentationsstränge der drei Teile sind vielfach miteinander verschränkt und verfolgen gemeinsam ein viertes Ziel: anschaulich zu machen, daß die politischen und verfassungsrechtlichen Entwicklungen des 12. (...) Jahrhunderts, besonders aber die mit der Person des Enrico Dandolo eng verbundenen Geschehnisse des Vierten Kreuzzugs die Stadt Venedig fundamental veränderten und sie von einer Kaufmannsrepublik (merchant republic) zu einer Seemacht (maritime empire) werden ließen. (shrink)

This article investigates the theory of an imperative mandate as presented in the radical French revolutionary Jean-François Varlet’s text Project for a Special and Imperative Mandate from 1792. This text is taken as, and shown to be, representative for a widespread understanding of radical democracy during the French Revolution in which deputies were not understood as ‘representatives’ but as ‘mandataries’ who were legally bound to follow the instructions of their commettants. As an essential part of this radical conception of democracy, (...) social movements were to be constantly mobilized and able to supervise the political system. This entails a shift in the balance of power from the state to the social movements, and as such it expresses a different conception of democracy than that of liberal democracy with its rule of law and state monopoly of violence. (shrink)

Denne artikel diskuterer de politiske idéer, som lå til grund for den radikale strøm- ning i Den Franske Revolution. Gennem kontekstualiserede læsninger af Elysée Loustallot, François Robert og Jean Varlet viser jeg, hvorledes franske revolutionære gradvist udviklede en teori om semi-direkte demokrati. Denne teori blev udviklet på baggrund af konkrete erfaringer i Paris’ lokalforsamlinger, klubber og borgermi- lits, men trak også på idéer – dog ikke ukritisk – fra tænkere som eksempelvis Jean- Jacques Rousseau. Fokus var på at udvikle en (...) teori og praksis om folkesuverænitet, hvori almindelige mennesker ville have den størst mulige grad af indflydelse og kontrol. Den lovgivende magt skulle udøves i netværk af lokalforsamlinger, politiet skulle være en demokratisk kontrolleret borgermilits, og Frankrig skulle regeres gennem imperativmandater, der ville tillade lokale forsamlinger at kontrollere den nationale regering. Som jeg viser, var denne radikale republikanisme ikke modstan- der af repræsentation, men i modsætning til et liberalt begreb om parlamentarisk repræsentation gennem nationale valg var fokus her på semi-direkte demokratiske modeller, der sikrede folkets aktive deltagelse. (shrink)

Mit diesem Buch führt Richard Egger in das komplexe Thema Ethik ein: in die Theorie der Menschlichkeit. Er richtet sich damit an Menschen, die Verantwortung für andere tragen – sei es als Vorgesetzte, als Ärztin oder Wissenschaftler, Mutter oder Vater, Lehrer oder in vielen anderen Rollen. Anhand von Beispielen aus unterschiedlichen Lebensbereichen zeigt Egger auf, welche Rolle Vernunft und Gefühl, aber auch unsere Gerechtigkeitsvorstellung für ethisches Handeln spielen. Sein Fazit: Menschlich handeln kann nur, wer einen Sinn für Fairness (...) und Gleichwertigkeit, persönliche Verpflichtung und moralische Integrität entwickelt. Eine solche Haltung durchdringt den ganzen Menschen und macht Verantwortungsträger erst zu wirklichen Leadern.Egger stützt sich dabei auf die Fragen und Argumente, Regeln und Instrumente aus der Geschichte der Ethik, aber auch auf seine langjährige Erfahrung als Berater von Menschen. Der Autor schreibt philosophisch fundiert und gleichzeitig fesselnd und verständlich. Der Inhalt Die Welt: Warum wir Ethik brauchen Regeln: Wie Ethik funktioniert Sie: Was Ethik aus Ihnen macht Natur: Wie Ethik sich ins Ganze fügt. (shrink)

As narrativas sobre mulheres, mesmo dentro dos estudos feministas, podem ser entendidas como normativas e colonizadoras, especialmente quando se dão a partir de um olhar ocidental sobre as mulheres do terceiro mundo. A partir da análise do pensamento da autora indiana Chandra Talpade Mohanty, este artigo busca relacionar seu discurso com exemplos de mulheres fotógrafas que buscaram desconstruir essa estrutura hierárquica do olhar, como Claudia Andujar, Graciela Iturbide, Nair Benedicto e Susan Meiselas, além das reflexões da artista interdisciplinar Grada Kilomba, (...) em diálogo com outros autores do campo da imagem. A fotografia pode ser considerada, assim, uma ferramenta de escrita de novas narrativas de resistência.Palavras-chave: Feminismo. Fotografia. Mulheres fotógrafas. AbstractNarratives about women, even within feminist studies, can be understood as normative and colonizing, especially when they are done from a western perspective on third world women. Based on the analysis of the thought of Indian author Chandra Talpade Mohanty, this article seeks to relate her discourse to examples of female photographers who sought to deconstruct this hierarchical structure of the gaze, such as Claudia Andujar, Graciela Iturbide, Nair Benedicto and Susan Meiselas, in addition to the reflections of the interdisciplinary artist Grada Kilomba, in dialogue with other authors in the field of image. Photography can thus be considered a tool for writing new narratives of resistance.Keywords: Feminism. Photography. Women photographers. (shrink)

Much in contemporary metaethics revolves around the two positions known as ‘motivational internalism’ and the ‘Humean theory of motivation’. The importance of these positions is mostly due to their role in what is considered to be the most powerful argument for metaethical non-cognitivism: the so-called ‘motivation argument’. In my paper, I want to argue that widely accepted renditions of the MA, such as the rendition recently forwarded by Russ Shafer-Landau, are flawed in two senses. First, they fail to sufficiently distinguish (...) between conceptual claims and empirical psychological claims, thereby somewhat obscuring the status of the argument and its conclusion. Secondly, they start from definitions of motivational internalism that are, in crucial respects, too strong. Motivational internalism is usually formulated as the claim that moral judgements necessarily motivate; as I want to argue, however, the claim that moral judgements potentially motivate is all the motivational internalism a noncognitivist defender of the MA is ever going to need. (shrink)

Rage in the ‘Nibelungenlied’ is a positive, aboriginal energy. The more easily the hero can access this energetic source, the more powerful he becomes. Marshal charisma is essentially associated with the primary emotion of rage – a fact supremely exemplified by Siegfried. However, charismatic army commanders are quite different from political leaders. The position of the ruler is characterized by a high degree of self-control. Yet the disciplined king depends on his warriors, since the buttressing of his own cognitive distance (...) is accompanied by a weakening of his physical power. Representatives of this position are Gunther in the first part, and in the second, Etzel and his vassal Dietrich. Suspense in the ‘Nibelungenlied’ is thus built around the ambivalent qualities associated with anger. As a basic affect, anger's power stems from the sheer power of life itself; it helps those who admire the hero to identify with him and even feel a sense of delight in doing so. But whilst wrathful devotion is largely celebrated, it emerges elsewhere as the ugly face of general social impotence. The ecstasy of battle, which suggests narcissistic invulnerability, leads to deeply felt mourning amongst the survivors. Thus in the ‘Nibelungenlied’, anger is celebrated and unmasked simultaneously and in equal measure. (shrink)

Die Rede ist von einer merkwürdigen Variante deutscher Italiensehnsucht: Dem Wunsch, in Rom begraben zu werden, der im Fall Wilhelm von Humboldts mit einem konkreten Glücksgefühl korreliert. Das ist schon deshalb bemerkenswert, weil Humboldts römischer Aufenthalt vom Sterben dreier seiner Kinder und seines Freundes Schiller überschattet wurde. Die Frage nach dem Niederschlag, den die Auseinandersetzung mit dem Tod in Humboldts Texten fand, rekonstruiert die vorliegende Untersuchung als Form einer Werkpolitik, die es unternimmt, den eigenen Nachruhm in verschiedenen Diskursen zu steuern. (...) Humboldts Terminologie, die den christlich besetzten Begriff,Unsterblichkeit? durch den Begriff,Unendlichkeit? ersetzt, wird in sechs privilegierten Lektüren nachgegangen. (shrink)