The Hellenistic poet Lycophron, who wrote tragedies and assembled the texts of comedy under Ptolemy Philadelphus for the Library at Alexandria, was probably also the author of the long poem Alexandra, which deals mainly with the theme of Troy. Recent studies by Stephanie West have appreciably advanced our understanding of this rather difficult poet. For the passages where Lycophron surprisingly presents phases of Roman history she cogently adduces a later poet, a ‘Deutero-Lycophron, …to be sought among the (...) artists of Dionysus in southern Italy’. A theme in Graeco-Egyptian mythology is the subject of the present paper; and one of my main points is that recent Egyptological research has a clear bearing on one of the problems. (shrink)

This note argues that Ps.-Lyc. 874-6 alludes to Pind. Pyth. 6.7-14 and may, in turn, be pertinent as one of the intertexts of Hor. Carm. 3.30.1-5.

This paper argues that Lycophron'sAlexandrafollows earlier texts in presenting challenges to Agamemnon's power as metaphorical re-enactments of primordial theogonic conflicts between Zeus and the forces of chaos. TheAlexandrafigures Agamemnon as Zeus and portrays Achilles, Clytemnestra and Cassandra as chthonic monsters opposed to the Olympian order. Employing intertexts with epic and tragedy, the poem highlights these figures’ symbolic antagonism with Agamemnon–Zeus and their connections to each other. It presents a radically resystematized vision of the cosmos that champions the chthonic, the (...) disordered and the feminine over the Olympian, the ordered and the masculine. Cassandra uses this backdrop to reinterpret her own story, inserting herself into the cosmogonic narrative as a resister of Olympian patriarchy who triumphs over masculine domination. (shrink)

The present paper concludes that P. Oxy. 2463 contains remnants of a commentary on the Aitia of Callimachus. Identifying the commentary makes it possible to reconstruct the missing part of Heracles' conversation with Molorchus, confirming its place in the Victoria Berenices and settling the latter's relationship to the Aitia. The argument takes its departure from a vexed passage in Lycophron.

This paper seeks to shed fresh light on the aesthetic and stylistic affiliations of Lycophron'sAlexandra, approaching the poem from two distinct but complementary angles. First, it explores what can be gained by reading Lycophron's poem against the backdrop of Callimachus’ poetry. It contends that theAlexandrapresents a radical and polemical departure from the Alexandrian's poetic programme, pointedly appropriating key Callimachean images while also countering Callimachus’ apparent dismissal of the ‘noisy’ tragic genre. Previous scholarship has noted links between the openings (...) of theAetiaand of theAlexandra, but this article demonstrates that this relationship is only one part of a larger aesthetic divide between the two poets: by embracing the raucous acoustics of tragedy, Lycophron's poem offers a self-conscious and agonistic departure from Callimachus’ aesthetic preferences. Second, this article considers another way of conceiving the aesthetics of the poem beyond a Callimachean frame, highlighting how Lycophron pointedly engages with and evokes earlier Aristotelian literary criticism concerning the ‘frigid’ style: theAlexandraconstructs its own independent literary history centred around the alleged name of its author, ‘Lycophron’. The article proposes that this traditional attribution is best understood as a pen name that signposts the poem's stylistic affiliations, aligning it not so much with the Ptolemaic playwright Lycophron of Chalcis but rather with Lycophron the sophist and a larger rhetorical tradition of stylistic frigidity. Ultimately, through these two approaches, the article highlights further aspects of theAlexandra's aesthetic diversity. (shrink)

Besides the direct tradition, these verses are cited by Stephanus of Byzantium, s.n. Aγυς, who explains: λγος πρ ‘Eλυης Λακωυικς οὒσης κα ρρυ μτκοσης κα τ ’Aλζυδρω κα Δηϊøβω γαμηθσης Commentators have followed him both as to the identity of the three husbands and the sense of θηλπαις: ‘female-childed’.

The proverbial obscurity of the Alexandra discourages conjecture, and Lycophron's editors have not been given to bold emendation. It may indeed seem that much has been suffered to pass unquestioned which no-one would think tolerable if it stood in the MSS. of Aeschylus, whose style Lycophron clearly sought to emulate. Yet despite the prophetic form of his Rahmenerzählung his manner of expression is far removed from the deliberate opacity, all too often accompanied by defective grammar , characteristic of (...) genuine apocalyptic prophecy, whether bona fide or post eventum, nor does the appeal of this rather bookish poetry lie in that power to enlist our sympathies for impossible dreams and lost causes beside which animadversions on syntactical abnormality seem stony-hearted. (shrink)

Besides the direct tradition, these verses are cited by Stephanus of Byzantium, s.n. Aῖγυς, who explains: λγος π∊ρ ‘Eλυης Λακωυικς οὒσης καῷ ἂρρ∊υ μτ∊κοσης κα τ ’Aλ∊ζυδρω κα Δηϊøβω γαμηθ∊σης Commentators have followed him both as to the identity of the three husbands and the sense of θηλπαις: ‘female-childed’.

Lycophron’s riddling poem “Alexandra” is infamous for hardly ever calling anything by its proper name, but rather employing obscure and erudite metaphors, periphrases, and mythological allusions for people and events as well as local cult epithets for divinities. This article attempts to explain the fact that epithets for gods occur only rarely in isolation, but usually in clusters ranging from two to six different appellations. Assuming that this repetition of information is not merely empty redundancy, Hellenistic extravagance, or an (...) ostentatious demonstration of erudition, it is argued that the clustering also serves a communicative function: Since these epithets are often of regional rather than pan-Hellenic origin, the poet could not expect his readers to be familiar with all of them (and probably used a compilation himself), so by providing several riddling circumlocutions he could increase the chance of his audience’ being able to identify one of them and thus ensure understanding and enjoyment of his poem. (shrink)

Sophists were active participants in ancient discussions about being or what-is at the most general level. This chapter discusses the contributions of Gorgias, Protagoras, Xeniades, and Lycophron in the context of the Eleatic philosophers Parmenides, Zeno, and Melissus. All of these figures share a serious commitment to ontological inquiry as well as a concern with the problems that arise when discussing being or what-is. They also share an approach to these problems that is at times paradoxical and self-undermining. -/- (...) The chapter begins with a brief discussion of Parmenides’ poem, a work that serves as an important backdrop for later ontology. It then covers Gorgias’ On Not-Being, a response to the Eleatics and a unique contribution in its own right. Gorgias’ work is then compared with that of Zeno and Melissus. Finally, the more limited evidence we have of Protagoras, Xeniades, and Lycophron’s ontological theorizing is discussed. (shrink)

On Aen. 2. 277 DServius notes ‘non sine ratione etiam hoc de crinibus dolet Aeneas, quia illis maxime Hector commendabatur, adeo ut etiam tonsura ab eo nomen acceperit, sicut Graeci poetae docent.’ Fraenkel showed that the reference in Graeci poetae is to Lycophron , the source of the comment being provided by Eustathius 1276. 29, a scholion on Il. 22. 401 f. He adds a caution against supposing that Servius’ source referred not only to Lycophron but also to (...) other Greek poets, ‘e.g. some Attic comedians’. That such allusions were in fact made in Comedy is proved by Pollux. (shrink)

This paper analyses the meaning of μύκλος in two passages of Lycophron’sAlexandra. The thorough study of the contexts shows that the most likely interpretation of the word in both verses is “donkey”: μύκλοις γυναικοκλῶψιν “woman-stealing donkeys” and τὸν ἐργάτην μύκλον “the hard-working donkey”. The definition “lewd” of ancient scholia, assumed by modern lexica and scholars, is nothing but anad hocexplanation of the former passage which does not suit the latter. After refuting previous etymologies, I contend that μύκλος is originally (...) a deverbative adjective in *‑lo‑built on the onomatopoetic aorist μῠκεῖν “bellow”. (shrink)

This passage comes at the end of Diodorus' account of the archon year 357/6 and obviously contains a proleptic reference to the future fortunes of the tyrannicides, Tisiphonus, Lycophron,. Tisiphonus died probably in 355 or early in 354; Lycophron and Peitholaus were expelled from Pherae by Philip in 352.

Statius' Silvae 5.3 is a poem written in honor of the poet's dead father. In the course of the poem, Statius recounts his father's life and achievements. Prominent among these accomplishments are the years the elder Statius spent as a teacher of Greek poetry—a grammarian—in Naples. Statius tells us which Greek poets his father taught and to whom. The content and audience of Statius' father's instruction form the basis of this paper. A number of the Greek poets taught by Statius' (...) father are not obvious candidates for inclusion in a course of instruction in Greek poetry. Lycophron, Corinna or Epicharmus, for instance, are not commonly found in other accounts of Greek education in Roman Italy during the early empire. The elder Statius' pedagogical activity has thus been viewed as a Neapolitan peculiarity. Yet, I argue, the same authors taught by Statius' father were the focus of grammarians who were working in Rome itself. The curriculum of Statius' father is thus representative of Greek intellectual activity in early imperial Rome. The pedagogical activity of Statius senior is relevant to Roman intellectual history in a second way. His students consisted of aristocrats from around the Bay of Naples and southern Italy. Some of these students were likely Roman. So too the students of the Greek grammarians working in Rome likely encountered young Romans. How did the study of some mainstream and some recondite Greek poets fit into the élite discourse of the early empire? I argue that knowledge of the poets taught by the elder Statius was geared towards marking off the élite from the non-élite. Students of grammarians such as Statius' father were given the tools to engage in aristocratic discourse, which constituted a claim for prestige and honor in early imperial Rome. (shrink)

During the 1970s, Dinu Adamesteanu uncovered a small sacred place within the chora of Heraklea. It is an open-air sanctuary, constituted by an area bounded by a temenos wall, with an altar and a small naiskos inside. A votive deposit was located within the temenos, which was filled with a large quantity of ritual and votive material, placed in the hole when the sacred place was abandoned. The architectural structures and a selection of the finds were first published by Dinu (...) Adamesteanu himself. He identified this small sacred place with Chalcas’ heroon, which is recorded in Lycophron’s famous passage. The subject of this contribution is a comprehensive re-examination of this sacred place – architectural structures as well as published and un-published finds – which allows us to present a different scenario from that first proposed by Adamesteanu. Most of the Black-Glaze vases pertain to the practice of the symposium, while the common wares suggest that food was usually prepared in order to be given as a gift to deities. The Red-Figure vases present interesting figural depictions, which tend to refer to Dionysian subjects and to the theme of weddings. With regard to coroplastic objects, three fragmentary life-size terracotta statues have been found. At least two of these represent young, beautiful women, seated on thrones and wearing lavish clothes. A number of small terracotta figurines show diverse iconographies, which pertain to the spheres of kourotropheia and sanatio, but there are also “erotic” subjects, referring to the Aphrodisian sphere, and votive clay fruits, which suggest the chthonian aspect of this cult. In light of this comprehensive analysis of archaeological data, a clearer and more detailed picture emerges of the Contrada Petrulla sanctuary. The sacred area was probably dedicated to feminine deities, who can be identified with the Nymphs, peripheral figures of Aphrodite’s circle. These feminine deities who have chthonian characteristics, personify water (generally a water spring), oversee the passage from a virginal condition to the status of nymphai, have a kourotrophic nature, and are ultimately associated with the Dionysian world. Therefore, the life-size seated statues found in the votive deposit can be considered as cult statues (depictions of the Nymphs themselves?). Previously, the statues had been located in the small naiskos, which was placed within the temenos wall and was open to the altar. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Herodotus and Images of Tyranny:The Tyrants of CorinthVivienne J. GrayIntroductionThis paper considers Herodotus' presentation of the tyrants of Corinth (3.48–53, 5.92) and some recent readings of the same.1 The speech that Herodotus puts into the mouth of Socles of Corinth (5.92) is a main source for the tyranny of Cypselus and Periander, and also for the relations of the Spartans with their Peloponnesian allies and Athens, for it seems (...) to persuade the allies to oppose the Spartans in their desire to reimpose tyranny on Athens by offering a negative paradigm of tyranny.2 Yet historians agree that what Socles says about Cypselus and Periander is cast in the form of patterned stories of questionable value for "real history" and that the image of tyranny does not in all respects meet the aims of the persuasion.3 Socles has called tyranny "more unjust [End Page 361] and more murderous" than anything else in the world, yet they believe that he offers a sympathetic portrayal of the early history of Cypselus, the founder of the dynasty. The oracles that seem to say that he will bring justice to Corinth and the story of his survival as a babe, saved from death only by his smile, the pity of those sent to butcher him, and his mother's actions, should be explained, since they do not seem appropriate to a denunciation of tyranny. The usual explanation is that Herodotus has given too free a rein to his liking for a good story and has not succeeded in making Socles say what he ought to be saying. "The fairy–tale and the friendly oracles agree very ill with the general tendency of Herodotus' account, and we can best explain their presence in his text by supposing that they were already traditional elements in the stories before his time, and that he took them over without quite noticing how they told against his speaker's view of Cypselus."4 John Gould reads the speech as "narrative as persuasion," in which the narrative parts company with the persuasion and takes on an independent life of its own. Socles starts at the beginning and explains how the tyranny came to be, instead of proceeding to an ordered denunciation of its injustice.5 The general precedent for the practice is Homeric: Phoenix's use of the story of Meleager to persuade Achilles to return to battle seems to part company from the persuasion in similar ways (Iliad 9.527–99).6 The portrayal of Periander is generally agreed to serve the denunciation better, but even here the stripping of the women of Corinth has struck some as [End Page 362] anti–climactic.7 Gould believes that the narrative story of Periander and Lycophron, which is the other main evidence for the tyrants of Corinth (3.48–53), also drifts free of its author and context: "The story has a scale and a power and a weight out of all proportion to its overt function as an explanatory link in the larger narrative, and in this it resembles a whole range of other Herodotean stories."8 Christiane Sourvinou–Inwood finds it to be so patterned by mythic consciousness that the historical data are almost irrecoverable.9The first aim of this paper is to offer a reading of the speech of Socles in which the persuasion does not part company with the narrative, but remains firmly tied to it. The images of tyranny in the story of Cypselus, as in that of Periander and Lycophron, which has not had the same critical attention, are shaped by their context. The method will be to note the similarities and differences between their stories and other stories of similar pattern in Herodotus.10 Comparison will illuminate the adaptations that Herodotus has made to fit the pattern to the requirements of the various contexts and more clearly demonstrate the influence of context on the images of tyranny which they produce.The second aim of the paper is to emphasise the difficulties that the influence of context poses for the idea of a stereotype of tyranny in Herodotus. There is scholarly interest in whether Herodotus... (shrink)

Dr. G. S. Kirk suggested that the last line here referred to ‘a fantastically ithyphallic bridegroom’. Professor Lloyd-Jones , while professing uncertainty as to the rightness of this suggestion, thought it ‘quite likely’, and adduced in support of it a story from Tzetzes on Lycophron 1378 , a story told also, but in different words, in the Etymologicum Magnum s.v. , and containing in this second version the words ‘used in just the sense which Dr. Kirk ascribed to it (...) in Sappho’. (shrink)

Spécialiste reconnu de la poésie épique, à laquelle il a consacré plusieurs études et traductions commentées (ainsi celle de l’Alexandra de Lycophron aux PUR, précédant de quelques années l’édition d’André Hurst aux Belles Lettres), Gérard Lambin (GL) sort de sa zone de confort pour chasser sur les terres de Kernos, en commettant un essai consacré au « divin » dans le monde grec. En quelques deux cents pages de texte, complétées d’une bibliographie et d’une table des matières, GL développe (...) de... (shrink)

Abstract:This article examines the citation context of fragments from the Epic Cycle in scholia in order to re-assess its ancient reception. In contrast to negative comments like Callimachus', literary criticism in practice demonstrates that the Cycle held great authority among readers and critics. In the Homeric scholia, commentators vigorously debated whether Cyclical epics should aid in the interpretation of Homer. In the scholia to Pindar and Euripides, the Cycle was used to explicate and even to emend the text. For Hellenistic (...) poets like Lycophron, critics' presentation of the Cycle in scholia offered a generative model for continuing the Trojan War myth in dialogue with Homer. (shrink)

This article examines the verbτιθαιβώσσω, a Homeric hapax legomenon of unknown meaning and etymology: it reviews its use in Hellenistic poetry and strives to provide a contextually plausible meaning for the verb (‘to sting’), as well as for the related adjectiveθιβρός(‘stinging, mordant, piquant’). It argues thatτιθαιβώσσωis etymologically related to Latinfīgere‘insert, pierce’,fībula‘pin’, Lithuaniandíegti‘to poke, sting’, and Tocharian Btsākā- ‘to bite’.