The issue of acting on weak hadiths has been a debated issue throughout history. Scholars have adopted different views on this issue. While there are scholars who argue that weak hadiths should not be acted upon at all, there are also scholars who argue that there is no harm in acting upon them under certain conditions. While scholars such as Müslim, Yahya b. Ma'in and Subhi Salih in the modern period adopt the view that weak hadiths should not be acted (...) upon, Imam Şafiî, Imam Ahmed and Ebu Davud prefer the view that if there is no sound hadith on a subject, weak hadiths should be acted upon. Apart from these two groups, there are also scholars, such as Ibn Hajar, who adopt the middle path and emphasize that weak hadiths should be acted upon under certain conditions.It is seen that the approaches expressing their opinions on the issue of acting on weak hadiths generally differ depending on whether the topics are provisions or virtues. While some scholars do not consider it permissible to act on weak hadiths, whether they are subject to provisions or not; It is seen that some of them are of the opinion that, under certain conditions, virtues and even provisions can be acted upon when necessary. Although the Scholars are generally of the opinion that one should not act on a weak hadith regarding the provisions, some of them stated that there is no harm in acting on it if it meets certain conditions regarding the provisions. Acting with weak hadiths regarding virtue has been a subject mentioned by many scholars. It has been seen that many hadith scholars, from the early periods, have adopted a positive attitude towards hadith narrations regarding virtue. This shows that the idea of acting with weak hadiths has existed since then.Ulama who follow the Hanafi sect generally made inferences based on weak hadiths. It is seen that Hanafi scholars, who attach importance to ray and qiyas, prefer weak hadiths to ray and qiyas in some cases. This situation is mostly the result of the necessity of extracting the provisions regarding ta'abbudi issues from the hadiths. It is also possible that they use weak hadiths in order to encourage people to do good and avoid bad situations regarding the virtue of deeds. In some cases, the use of hadiths that are in accordance with precautions is a common situation among Hanafi scholars. For this and similar reasons, it is possible to see the use of weak hadith among Hanafi scholars.It would not be right to limit the issue of weak hadith and deeds only to Hanafi ulema. The issue of acting with weak hadith has been discussed a lot in the sources on the Sunni hadith method. Hadith scholars have examined these hadiths under two main headings: provisions and virtues. They did not see any problems in the narration of weak hadiths, provided that they were not on matters related to belief and rules; It is possible to say that they acted more inclusively when they narrated hadiths on subjects such as maw'iza, virtue of deeds and stories, as well as issues related to tafsir and megazi. Weak hadith narration and acting on weak hadith, and some scholars preferring weak hadiths to qiyas, indicate that this is because it is attributed to the Prophet Muhammad.Commentators generally give a lot of space to weak hadiths, fabricated news andİsraelites in their tafsir books. In particular, it is seen that the commentators of narration use every material they find about the virtues of the suras, without evaluating their authenticity. It is seen that Muhaddith scholars frequently resort to weak hadiths as well as sound narrations, especially on subjects such as fedailu'l-quran, fedailu's-suver, fedailu'l-ayat.In this context, if the hadiths used by Nasafi regarding the virtues of the suras in his work called et-Teysîr fi't-tefsîr are examined, it will be seen that he gives a lot of place to weak hadiths. It is important that, in addition to the scholars who adopt the view that weak hadiths cannot be acted upon, there are also scholars such as Nasafi, who believe that there is no harm in acting on weak hadiths on some issues, especially regarding virtues. As a matter of fact, although the fact that Nasafi was a muhaddith as well as a commentator gave the impression that he would select and use the hadiths more meticulously, it has been observed that he did not behave differently from other commentators and used weak hadiths and fabricated news about the virtues of the suras. In this respect, it is seen that Nasefi reflects the general attitude of commentators in his work. It is possible to see that a scholar who is knowledgeable in many fields resorts to weak hadiths, especially regarding virtues, shows a moderate approach to the status of these hadiths, and accepts that weak hadiths are suitable for narration and can be acted upon. (shrink)

The existence of ‘human-like’ attributes and actions in the Qur’an and Hebrew Bible entails to various interpretations towards anthropomorphic verses among the Muslim and Jewish counterparts. Al-Ghazali and Maimonides in their discourses strongly affirmed the unity of God and refuted anthropomorphism. Therefore, this study expounded al-Ghazali and Maimonides’ methods in affirming the incorporeality of God through outlining the similarities and differences in their interpretation. This study was qualitative in nature which analyses writings of al-Ghazali and Maimonides in encountering anthropomorphism. It (...) can be deduced that both scholars were found to be employing allegorical interpretation with different level of interpretations in their attempts to repudiate the corporeal form of God. Alternatively, they both agree on the literalist’s approach with conditions that one must not perceive God’s essence in a bodily figure. Consequently, believing so will lead one to heresy. In sum, their emphasis on an incorporeal God brought them to similar interpretation despite their different religion and theological or philosophical orientation.Contribution: This article contributed to comparative theological study in understanding anthropomorphic verses through the discourse of al-Ghazali and Maimonides in Islam and Judaism, respectively. (shrink)

The matter of the soul has been one of the most important and central matters in the history of Islamic science and thought. For the soul constitutes one of the two elements that make up the human being, and the issue of the human being has undoubtedly been one of the most prominent matters in Islamic civilization and has been a major preoccupation for Islamic intellectuals. In this context, the Islamic basin of knowledge and thought has constructed two main definitions (...) of the soul, one based on the Qur’anic teachings and the other inspired by Ancient Greek philosophy. Theologians conceived of the soul as a “subtle body”. Philosophers, on the other hand, conceived it as an “abstract substance”. This dispute between kalām and philosophy over the soul has not only been confined to the physical realm, but has also extended to the eschatological dimension, leading to a polemic that has lasted for centuries. As with many issues in post-classical Islamic thought, the influence of philosophy on this issue has been seen to be greater than that of other traditions. In fact, in the aforementioned period and later on, works on the soul from a theological perspective could not bypass the philosophical perspective. Within this framework, the theological perspective criticized the philosophers because they disagreed with it and especially because one end of the issue extended to the eschatological axis, and found it important to refute their conceptions in this regard. One of the most prominent figures of the aforementioned period, i.e., post-classical Islamic science and thought, was Abū Muhammad Rukn al-Dīn Ubaydallāh b. Muhammad b. ‘Abd al-‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-Samarqandī (d. 701/1301), a member of the Māturīdī and Hanafī sects. Samarqandī wrote many works and treatises on kalām, Qur’anic sciences, tafsīr, fiqh, hadīth, and mysticism. Among the author’s works/risālas/treaties that have reached the present day, there is a work titled “Risālat al-rūḥ” on the humanitarian-nātik (speaking) rational human soul (al-rūh al-nātiq al-insānī). Comprising an introduction and ten chapters, al-Samarqandī used a theological and mystical style, drawing on the teachings of the Qur’ān on the one hand, and partly on rational arguments on the other. The work includes the subject of the soul and the essence of the human being in this context, the definition and essence of the soul, the comparison between the views of the Ahl al-Sunnah and the philosophers in this regard, and the criticisms against the philosophers, the issue of ma‘ād (the end) in eschatology, the thoughts of the Sufis on the soul, the perception of Allah through the saying “Whoever knows himself, knows his Lord”, which the author considered as a hadith, and similar issues. As a mutakallim and following the line of Ahl al-Sunnah, the main problem of al-Samarqandī’s treatise revolves around what should be understood when it comes to “human being”, the nature of the soul, the manner in which ma‘ād will be realized, and his criticisms of philosophers over these issues. Based on our research and studies, it has been observed that the aforementioned treatise has not yet been analyzed and published. Furthermore, two manuscript copies of the treatise in question were found as a result of our investigations. This study covers the critical edition and review of al-Samarqandī’s Risālat al-rūḥ. (shrink)

This study will examine how Dāvūd al-Qarṣī, an 18th-century Ottoman scholar, resolved the paradox between human freewill and God being the creator of everything in his work Risālâh fi’l-ikhtiyārāt al-juzʾiyyah wa’l-irādāt al-qalbiyyah. In addition, in this study, the critical edition and translation of the risālah will also be provided. The treatise which is the subject of the present study is a link in the series of works written under the title of human acts in the Islamic thought tradition regarding al-irādah (...) al-juzʾiyyah, afʿāl al-ʿibād, khalq al-aʿmāl, qaḍā, and qadar. This risālah is one of the rare examples prepared with the method of “mamzūj annotation (sharḥ)”, which is a method in which “text” and “annotation” are intertwined. Qarṣī examines in detail a total of seven views, four of which are famous (mashhūr) and three of which are non-famous, about voluntary acts. Qarṣī interprets the approaches and views of the non-famous sects and includes them in the famous sects and allocates approximately 4/3 of the work to these sects. In the final stage of the work, the author states that the view of Māturīdīs is parallel with the predecessor’s (Salaf) view of “Neither jabr nor tafwīḍ; rather, it is merely a situation between these two approaches.” Qarṣī, who was inspired by Athīrī Maḥmad Afandī (d. 1092/1681), says that voluntary acts come about by the sum of “two powers (qudrat)”, “two wishes (mashīʾat)” and “one taqwīn”. Also, according to this, the first four of them are proximate causes, while the attribute taqwīn is the influencing factor. Qarṣī acts from the meanings of the term action (fiʿl) and the “theory of state (ḥāl)” in order to prove that human beings are true agents (fāʿil) on the one hand and to protect God’s attribute of creation on the other. In fact, the concept of “state (ḥāl)”, used in understanding divine attributes and some ontological issues, was applied to acts by the Māturīdī mutakallim Ṣadr al-Sharīʿa al-Thānī (d. 747/1346). Thus, a doctrine of action was developed, and this doctrine was accepted and used by the later period Māturīdī mutakallims. With reference to Ṣadr al-Sharīʿa, Qarṣī tries to justify the issue based on the meanings of the the term action and the modes of existence of these meanings. He says that action has two implications; one of them is the “infinitive meaning” (al-maʿnā al-maṣdarī) and the other is “the thing that comes with this infinitive meaning (al-ḥāṣıl bi-maṣdar)”. The infinitive meaning of the act constitutes the “non-thing aspect” of the action, and the meaning of the action that is created with the infinitive indicates “the thing aspect” thereof. Thus, because the aspect of the action that is not existentand therefore not a thing is not subject to creation, the agency and responsibility of human beings are grounded. Similarly, Qarṣī maintains that the mashīʾat, which means will, qaṣd and al-irādah al-juzʾiyyah, was not created because its existence in humans is in the form of succession and it is of a state-like (ḥāl) existenceOn this account. Qarṣī manages to preserve both human freewill and the absolute creativity of God due to the non-existent and non-thing aspect of the act on the one hand, and will (irādah), mashīʾat and qaṣd not being subjected to creation on the other. (shrink)

In this study, after a short introductory information on the etymology, origin, and transition of botanical knowledge in Medieval Islamic Civilisation, we made a comparison of illustrated botanical works in Maghreb and Masriq through two illustrated books. We studied on randomly selected illustrations from Kitab al- Hashaish at-Tibb li-Diskuridus al-Aynzarbi translated by Istefan ibn Basil & Hunayn ibn Ishaq from Dioscorides’ Materia Medica, and Kitab al-Adwiyat al-Mufradat of Abu Ja’far Ahmad al-Ghafiqi, the Andalusian physician, pharmacist, and herbalist. We made comparisons (...) on the illustrations of nine plants and one lichen, chosen from Codex Osler of al-Ghafiqi, and Codices Ayasofya of Istefan-Hunayn, with real photos of plants and lichen, via the methods used currently in the science-art of botanical illustration. With this «botanical illustrative method», we conclude that in the same century, the work of al-Ghafiqi has been copied in a more accurate way than that of Istefan-Hunayn translation. -/- تخصص هذه الدراسة - بعد تقديم معلومات تمهيدية موجزة عن علم أصل الكلمات، وأصول وتطور المعرفة النباتية في الحضارة الإسلامية في العصور الوسطى - للتحليل المقارن للمؤلفات في علم النبات المصور في المغرب والمشرق، من خلال كتابين مصورين. و لهذه الغاية، قمنا بتحليل سلسلة من الرسوم، إختيرت بشكل تلقائي، أُخذت من كتاب النباتات الطبية لصاحبه دِيُسوفُورِيدس، و من ترجمة ابن استيفان ابن باسل و حنين ابن إسحاق لدراسة المادة الطبية لديسوفوريدس، و من كتاب الأدوية البسيطة لأبو جعفر أحمد الغافقي، و هو طبيب و صيدلي و عشاب أندلسي. لقد أجرينا مقارنات لرسوم تسعة نباتات و أشنة وقع الإختيار عليها من كتاب أوسلر للغافقي و من كتب أياصوفيا لإستيفان و حنين، مع صور حقيقية لعينات من هذه الأنواع، باستخدام الطرق المطبقة في وقتنا الراهن في فن وعلم الرسوم النباتية. و بعد تطبيق هذا المنهج التصويري النباتي، نستطيع أن نخلص إلى أنه، و على الرغم من إنتاجها في نفس القرن، فإن نسخ رسوم الغافقي النباتية كانت أكثر دقة من تلك الموجودة في ترجمة استيفان - حنين. الكلمات المفتاحية دِيُسوفُورِيدس، الغافقي، تاريخ علم النبات، الأندلس -/- Este estudio –tras una breve información introductoria sobre etimología, orígenes y evolución del conocimiento botánico en la civilización islámica medieval– está dedicado a un análisis comparativo de los tratados botánicos ilustrados en el Magreb y en el Máshreq, a través de dos libros ilustrados. Para ello, hemos analizado una serie de ilustraciones, elegidas al azar, extraídas del Libro de plantas medicinales de Dioscórides por Anazarba, traducción de Istefan ibn Basil y Hunayn ibn Ishaq del tratado De materia medica de Dioscórides, y del Libro de los medicamentos simples de Abu Ya'far Ahmad al-Gafiqi, médico, farmacéutico y herbolario andalusí. Hemos llevado a cabo comparaciones de las ilustraciones de nueve plantas y un liquen, escogidos del códice Osler de al-Gafiqi y de los códices Ayasofya de Istefan-Hunayn, con fotografías reales de especímenes de dichas especies, acudiendo a los métodos aplicados actualmente en el arte y ciencia de la ilustración botánica. Tras este «método ilustrativo botánico», podemos concluir que, aunque llevadas a cabo en el mismo siglo, las copias de ilustraciones de al-Gafiqi han resultado más precisas que las de la traducción de Istefan-Hunayn. (shrink)

The foundations of almost all Islamic sciences were laid in the first and second centuries of hijra. With the expansion of the Islamic world since the first century of hijra, the existence of a collective effort to transfer oral information into writing is notable. With the invitation of the prophet Muḥammad to Islam, an unprecedented increase in the culture of writing has been observed. Since the emergence of Islam, the world history scene has witnessed feverish writing activity. Especially in the (...) 2th/8th century, when the transition from oral culture to written culture accelerated, the founding texts of the science of language and religion, which were the carriers of these sciences related to aqāid-kalām, fiqh and uṣūl al-fiqh, tasawwuf, tafsir, and hadith, were compiled. Thanks to the founding texts containing the basic principles, the sciences have had the opportunity to develop by deepening. In this study, the contribution of Fiqh al-akbar, the founding text of the science of creed, to the science of kalam, which has made significant progress, will be discussed. In order for a text to be considered a founding and root, there must be a system that it establishes as the fruit of the tree. In this sense, Fiqh al-akbar established a moderate and defensible belief system. There is an organic link between the most concise faith texts and the most voluminous kalām books. While the creed texts, which consist of writing the goals at the end of the road, are the counting of the principles of faith, the texts of the kalām represent the walking of the road that leads to the goal of faith. Fiqh al-akbar, which marks the end of the road by finishing the roads to be walked, is the first and most important of the milestones of Islamic thought. In this study, the contribution of Fiqh al-akbar, the founding text of the science of aqāid, to the science of kalām will be discussed in the context of its belonging to its author. This text gave direction to Ahl al-Sunna theology, which would be written in the later stages of Islamic thought. In this study, the internal and external contexts of the founding text mentioned will be confirmed in terms of its relative acumen to Abū Ḥanīfa. In addition, the reason for the increase in the commentaries (Sharḥ) of Fiqh al-akbar during the Ottoman period will be shown. As a matter of fact, each annotation strengthens that it belongs to the author. In the annotations, there is no sentence stating that the text does not belong to Abū Ḥanīfa, on the contrary, the authenticity of the belonging is emphasized. Of course, not all the annotations of the relevant text will be included here, but mostly printed works will be emphasized. Theology, prophecy and the hereafter are discussed in Fiqh al-akbar. Here, how theological debates and problems related to the history of theological concepts are handled in the commentaries will be shown. In this article, within the framework of the method discussed as an example, a preparation will be made for further studies to evaluate the topics and concepts of prophecy and the hereafter in the context of commentaries. The point that should be emphasized here is that none of the scholars who commented on the text pointed out that the subject or concept was not discussed in the period of Abū Ḥanīfa. Moreover, from the early period until as late as the 7th/13th century, both theology and bibliography books did not have any doubts about the belonging of Fiqh al-akbar to Abū Ḥanīfa. Moreover, since the early period, both theological and bibliographical works did not have any doubts about Fiqh al-akbar’s belonging to Abū Ḥanīfa. (shrink)

This study discusses the treatise of Jalāl al-Dīn Davvānī (d. 908/1502) named Risāla fī taʻrīf ʻilm. This treatise criticizes a definition of knowledge adopted by some theologians in the late period (mutaʾakhkhirīn). The definition of knowledge at issue consists of three components: Attribution, discernment, no possibility of contradiction. Knowledge is an attribute as a category and with this attribution, a discernment is obtained. As a result of this process knowledge is acquired and there should be no possibility of this knowledge (...) to be inconsistent. Davvānī examines eight possibilities of the definition on knowledge. In each of these eight possibilities a different problems arises. According to Davvānī, the definition mentioned is problematic in all probability. Nonetheless, Davvānī does not propose another definition of knowledge that can replace the definition of knowledge that he criticizes. This article represents the process of reaching the definition of knowledge stated in the history of theological thought. The definitions on knowledge made from the first period (al-mutaqaddimīn) are summarized and the strengths and weaknesses of these definitions are explained. There are two main approaches regarding the nature of knowledge in Islamic thought: According to the first approach pioneered by Fakhr al-Dīn Rāzī (d. 606/1202), absolute knowledge is a priory (badīhī) and undefinable. According to the second one, the nature of absolute knowledge is a posteriori (naẓarī) and definable. The first part of this article includes the definitions and criticisms of knowledge in Islamic thought. The second part discusses the claim of originality. In the second part, Davvānī’s treatise will be evaluated for the first time. According to the conclusion of the treatise, the definition made to find the essence of knowledge is unfounded in all respect. It is important to evaluate the treatise as a reflection of anti-essentialism in the history of Islamic thought. Most contemporary studies do not count this treatise among Davvānī’s works. In the biography book al-Aʿlām written by Khayr al-Dīn al-Ziriklī (d. 1976), Risāla fī taʻrīf ʻilm is counted among the works of Davvānī. In the introduction of more than one manuscript, the work is clearly attributed to Davvānī. As a result of the double-sided research, it has been ensured that the work belongs to Davvānī. However, in other two manuscripts containing the same treatise, the work is shown as belonging to an unknown person named Şāirzāda. But there is no information found about this person. This name seems more like a copyist (mustansıh) than an author. Possibly, such a mistake occurred as a result of confusing the two names. Davvānī’s small volume treatise sheds light on the intellectual atmosphere and level of its period. The definition of knowledge mentioned in the classical theology book of ‘Aḍud al-Dīn al-Ījī (d. 756/1355) called al-Mawāqif is superior to other definitions of knowledge. Instead of this definition of knowledge, which is presented as perfect, Jurjānī (d. 816/1413) preferred the definition of knowledge attributed to al-Māturīdī (d. 333/944) in the Sharḥ al-Mawāqif. This preference has been accepted as an implicit criticism for future generations, including Davvānī. Those who claimed that Jurjānī did not taken a random choice, carried on their criticism by going over the definition. The fine craftsmanship revealed in the treatise reveals that critical thinking is used intensively. The properly understanding of the treatise depends on knowing the science of logic and following it with intense attention. The definition of knowledge is examined from various angles with the help of concepts such as conception, ratification, judgment and contradiction (nakz) of the science of logic. In the science of logic, every layer of knowledge such as certainty, conjecture, imitation, doubt is investigated one by one. In the science of kalām, attention is paid that the ideal level of knowledge is precise. An uncertain knowledge is not considered knowledge according to kalām. Because the main goal of theologians is to build religious beliefs on the obtained certain knowledge. It is not accepted to base knowledge to a probable information on imprecise knowledge. For a knowledge among the knowns to reach the level of certainty, it must be correct and exclude other possibilities. Another condition is required for certainty in the definition of knowledge that Davvānī examines in his treatise is that the opposite is wrong. The fact that a piece of information is considered true depends on the fact that its reverse is false. In this treatise, it is discussed how to look for the contradictions or discrepancy that are wanted to be excluded. Knowledge is inseparable from the human mind, from outside of the world, or from the relationship between the two. (shrink)

The subject of general utterances (al-lafdh al-āmm) being certain or presumptive in their usage as an indication to all their members is controversial amongst the methodists. Ḥanafī methodists suggest that the indication of general utterances to all of their members as certain and unless they are specified with a certain evidence, they can’t be specified with a presumptive evidence. Like the ḥanafī methodists, the ẓāhirī methodists also suggest that the general utterance is certain indicant for all of its members and (...) can be specified only with another evidence in the same rank. The main difference between the two groups focuses on whether al-khabar al-wāhid (single prophetic narration) is a certain or a presumptive evidence in terms of certitude. According to ḥanafīs, al-khabar al-wāhid is a presumptive evidence and unless the general utterances in Qur’ān are specified initially with another certain evidence, they can’t be specified with al-khabar al-wāhid. However, al-khabar al-wāhid is a certain evidence according to ẓāhirīs and it can specify general utterances in Qur’ān. In this study, the comparison of the views of the methodists of two schools regarding the indication of general utterances in Quran and their specification (takhsīs) with al-akhbar al-wāhid is made and their influence on Islamic Law regulations is studied afterwards. In this study, the two sect’s approaches are compared over the provision of reading al-Fatehah during prayer, the number of milk sucking to establish the kinship, the rights of women divorced with bain talaq and the execution of the death penalty in the Harem region.Summary: The purpose of this study is to try to demonstrate that an assertion in the Ph.D. thesis, The History and Doctrine of Ẓāhirī Madhhab, completed by Amr Osman in 2010 is incorrect. It can be summarized that in his study, Amr Osman claims that the affiliation of the schools to ahl-al-hadith and ahl-al-ra’y in conventional classification is wrong. According to him, contrary to what is known, the School of Ẓāhiriyya is closer to School of Ḥanafiyya rather than schools coming out of ahl-al-hadith. In this study, one of the arguments that he relied on to support his claim is studied in order to prove that his claim was inaccurate. Osman claims that ẓāhirīs are closer to ḥanifīs, based on the view that in both schools the general utterances embrace all of their members in their usage and they are a certain indicant to all of their members. At this stage, although the views of both schools are common, the ḥanifīs don’t accept the idea that the general statements of Qur’ān can be established with al-khabar-al-wāhid, those which they acknowledge as presumptive as of certitude. However, according to the ẓāhirīs, the certitude of al-khabar al-wāhid is as precise as the narrated report, so it can specify the general statements of Qur’ān which are in equal power. The related dispute between the schools has been reflected on many Islamic law regulations. Some of them are:1. Ḥanafīs state that the correct Quranic prayer may be performed by reading any or a few verses of the Qur’ān in prayer, which is a practice based on the verse “Read what you can read from the Qur’ān now”. On the other hand, the ẓāhirīs have established the related order based on the report “There is no prayer without reading Umm Al-Quran (Surah al-Fatehah)” and it is obligatory (fardh) to read Surah al-Fatehah in prayers.2. Because that the terms milk-mother and milk sister are in general form in the verse “It is forbidden to you to marry these people...Your milk-mothers who nursed you, your milk-sisters who nursed you” the ḥanafīs clarify that it is sufficient for a child to breastfeed only one time in order to form a milk-kinship. They do not act in accordance with the solitary report (al-khabar-al-wāhids) which indicate that the milk kinship specifying the verse shall only be formed with at least three or five breastfeeding. However, one of the ẓāhirīs, Dāwūd al-Ẓāhirī, has specified the verse with the report indicating that the kinship shall not be formed with less than three breastfeeding by the child, and Ibn Ḥazm has specified it with Salim hadith which indicates that the kinship shall be formed with five breastfeeding.3. According to ḥanafīs, there is an alimony and inhabiting right of the widow woman to be procured by the husband within the period of delay who divorced her either with irreversible divorce (talāq al-bāin) or reversible divorce (talāq al-ric‘ī) according to the generalization of the verse “Give shelter to them (the women you have divorced) in some part of your household within your capacity.” They did not act with the report of Fātima binti Qays, who specified the generalization of the verse. On the other hand, the ẓāhirīs recognize the abovementioned rights only for the women who got divorced with irreversible divorce or the ones who are pregnant, specifying the verse with the report indicating that His Holiness the Prophet does not grant alimony and inhabiting to the woman who was divorced with reversible divorce.4. According to ḥanafīs, the criminal who committed a crime that would require a death penalty and took refuge in the Harem region could not be executed while in Ḥarem, according to the common statement of the verse, “Whoever enters there, will be safe.” Dāwūd al-Ẓāhirī, one of the ẓāhirīs has specified the verse with the report indicating that His Holiness the Prophet has authorized the execution of the sentence to Ibn Khattal in Ḥarem on the day of the conquering of Mecca and he states that the death sentence can be executed wherever the criminal is caught, even if it is inside the Harem. Ibn Ḥazm shares the same view with ḥanafīs regarding the provision of this issue. However, the reason for his opinion stems from the fact that the report about Ibn Khattal was an event specific to that day. As it is seen, even though the ḥanefīs and ẓāhirīs share the same opinion about the general utterances being a certain indicant to all their members, they have disagreements upon the argument about the general utterances of Quran being specified by al-khabar al-wāhid and many Islamic Law regulations have been issued by these schools based on such disagreements. According to us, in the final analysis, Amr Osman’s claim must be met with caution. (shrink)

It is known that the science of recitation is one of the important branches of Islamic sciences in terms of its subject. It is stated that the science of recitation is intertwined with the Qurʾān and has an important place in terms of tafsīr, ḥadīth and law sciences. In this respect, it is understood that the recitation of Yaʿqūbis one of the ten sound recitations accepted as authentic and mutawātir (Consecutive). Although there are comparative works in whichYaʿqūb's recitation is mentioned (...) together with other recitations, it is striking that there is no study in whichYaʿqūb's recitation is handled separately. In this study, it is aimed to clarify the issues in Yaʿqūb’s recitation, even though they are not in other recitations. It is understood that Yaʿqūb’s recitation has some differences compared to other recitations and contains some unique features. In this respect, these issues specific to Yaʿqūb reading are frequently encountered in dictionaries and tafsīr sources. In this article, it is planned to evaluate the recitation of Yaʿqūb in two parts. In the first chapter, the procedural rules of Yaʿqūb recitation are given and the subjects are explained with the sampling method. In the second part, attention is drawn to the points where Yaʿqūb recitation differs from other recitations. What is meant by the rules of procedure in the science of recitation is the set of general rules that take place when conditions such as madd, qasr, izhār, idghām and iqlāb are met. Farsh, recitation on the other hand, is the different reading of certain words independent of these rules. There are different views on the reading of the pronoun hā, which is evaluated within the framework of the rules of procedure. Recitation imams state that it is controversial whether the pronoun hā in the dual and plural pronouns which comes after the silent letter, can be read with damma (u sound) or kasrah (i sound). When the recitation of Ya'qūb is examined, it is understood that all pronouns of this type are read with damma and this view is preferred. It is stated that there is no consensus on the use of the letter mīm, which is a sign of plurality with kasrah or damma. In this regard, Ya'qūb subordinates the letter mīm to the letter hā, Where the letter hā is pronounced damma, it reads the letter mīm as damma, and where the letter hā is pronounced as damma, it reads the letter mīm with kasrah and does not go beyond this limit. Idghām, which is used as a concept in the science of recitation, is the combination of two letters that are mutamasil, mutaqārib or mutajānis, transforming them into a single letter and forming it. It is stated that Abu 'Amr was the imam of the recitation, who practiced İdghām-ı kabir, which is one of the important subjects of the science of recitation and tajwīd (the rules of recitation), and that Ya'kūb came later. It is seen that some recitation imams on the subject of waqf (stopping) did not make any changes regarding the words dedicated on it, by complying with the way it was written in the musḥaf (the Qur’ān). However, it is striking that there are some changes in the recitation of Ya'qūb. As a concept used in the science of recitation, farsh is the reading of the words in the Qur'ān in different ways by the recitation imams and attributing each recitation to its owner. Therefore, these differences take place in all recitations and this subject is also known as Farshu'l-Khurūf or al-Furū'. When we look at the difference between farsh and usūl in the science of recitation, it is seen that the usūl is realized within the framework of certain rules, while the farsh is formed independently of these rules. (shrink)

There is no common working style followed in the preparation of the editorial critiques of the ĥāshiya. The overwhelming majority of the ĥāshiya works written on at least one text and commentary, were produced in the Ottoman science-culture basin and period. Ĥāshiya style of writing is an area neglected by the academic community until recently. A claimant is obliged to prove his claim by scientific, legal and moral principles. However, studies that prove or at least support the said judgment have (...) not been completed. The final objective decision should be postponed to the research of manuscripts. Otherwise, the judgment will not go beyond the pre-judgment. The article is intended to give momentum to academic studies on the sharḥ-ĥāshiya writing style. Muqaddimāt al-Arba‘a is a text in which Ṣadr al-Sharī‛ah [die. 747/1346], considered one of the pioneers of the contractor Māturīdī school, analyzes human verbs. Since its establishment, the Māturīdī school has remained sensitive to human freedom and human-centred moral principles. According to the claim, thanks to the four premises, the ontological status of the will has attained a structure that can exist or disappear in terms of expression. The understanding of free God and free man depends on the acceptance of the will in this structure. Otherwise, man and God will not be considered free. The representative of the Ashʿarī thought system Taftazānī [die. 792/1390], critically commented on the text. According to him, the conclusion of the four premises in terms of Ash‘arī doctrine consists of a door creak and a fly hum. There is also Ḥāccī Hasanzāda’s [die. 911/1505-1506] among the scholars who wrote on the order of Fatih Sultan Meḥmed, who wondered the basis of the thought and scientific tension. His work is a product of ĥāshiya style. The article of Ḥāccī Hasanzāda points out the deficiencies and weaknesses of the premises and discusses the connection of the will with the moral principles within the framework of schools. In this article, Ḥāccī Hasanzāda’s work titled Ĥāshiya ‘alā Muqaddimāt al-Arba‘a will be introduced and its critical edited publication will be presented. (shrink)

Sunnah, one of the two basic sources of the Islamic religion, has survived to the present day through transmission. The Messenger of Allah, the first interpreter of the Quran, explained the obscurities in the verses, the reason for their revelation and their context. Because, in addition to his duty to convey, he also has a duty to inform. For this reason, the Sunnah is considered a basic source, just like the Qur’an. The Qur’an was revealed fourteen centuries ago, gradually over (...) twenty-three years. It came to life with the life of the Prophet. After his passing into the afterlife, Muslims began to strive to understand the Qur’an and Sunnah correctly and to make them dominate their lives. For this reason, they made great scientific journeys and produced various works. At the beginning of these works are commentaries. Commentaries in which the verses of the Qur’an are explained with the words of the Prophet, his companions, and the followers are called narration tafsir. Maâlim at-tanzîl is an important commentary written by Baghawi (d. 516/1122) using this method. Baghawi, who lived during the founding and rise of the Great Seljuks, was born in 433/1041 in a small town called Bagshur or Bag, located between Marwarruz and Harat in the Khorasan region. In reference to this place, he was called Baghawi. He died in Marwarruz in 516/1122. He received a very good education and trained himself to produce works in the sciences of tafsir, hadith, fiqh and recitation. He narrated the Bukhari's al-Jâmi al-Sahîh from Abu Omar Abdulwahid el-Melihi (d. 463/1071), Abu Dawud’s Sunan from Abu Tahir Omar b. Abdelaziz ibn Ahmed al-Marwazi al-Fashani (d. 463/1071), Malik b. Anas’s Muwatta’ from Abu’l-Hasan Muhammed b. Muhammed ibn Saîd al-Shrazi (d.?). So much so that it can be seen that a significant part of the attributed narrations he narrated in his work called Sharhu's-sunna, as well as Maâlim at-tanzil, were the narrations he heard from the mentioned teachers. Baghawi's knowledge of isnad is also at a high level and he knows very well the narrations of the hadiths he narrated and the situations of the narrators in these narrations. In addition to criticizing the hadiths he narrated, he also evaluated their authenticity and showed that he was an authority on this subject. Maâlim at-tanzil is Baghawi's most well-known work and explains the verses with hadiths, the views of the companions, followers and later scholars. Since he was also a good haddith, he criticized the weak and fabricated narrations in the previously written commentaries. In Maâlim at-tanzil, before starting the commentary, the name of the sura, the number of verses, whether it is Meccan or Medinan, where and about what event it was revealed, are stated. First, explanations were made on the verses in terms of dictionary. Then, the interpretation of the verse with other verses and hadiths was started, the views of the companions and the followers were used, the explanation of the recitation aspects was given in detail, the different recitations were mentioned, the grammatical and syntax analyzes were made. The authority of the author in the field of hadith is clearly seen in the interpretation of the verses. The main feature of the work is that it is frequently referred to hadiths, unlike Masâbihu’s-Sunnah, most of the hadiths are narrated with their sources and almost all of them are based on the author himself. Although Israeli news were included in Maâlim at-tanzil, the author sometimes criticized them and rejected some of them. The aim of the article is to determine the author's method of using narrations in the interpretation of Surah al-Sajdah and the authenticity of these narrations. In this context, first Baghawi’s life and commentary are introduced. Later, the extraction and authenticity of the 16 narrations that the author conveyed while interpreting the surah were evaluated. The narrations have been researched in al-Kutub al-Tis'a and other reliable hadith books, especially Sharhu's-sunnah and Masâbihu's-sunnah. Based on the opinions of critics and scholars, the authenticity values of the narrations have been revealed. According to our findings, 12 of the 16 narrations were narrated with isnad and 4 without isnad. While 12 of the narrations are located only in Sharhu's-sunnah, 9 of them are only included in Masâbihu's-sunnah. The remaining 4 narrations are not included in either of his works. The distribution of the narrations in terms of the main hadith sources they are included in is as follows: 15 out of 16 narrations are located in al-Kutub al-Tis'a. 5 of these are in Bukhari, 7 in Muslim, 4 in Abu Dawud, 6 in Tirmidhi, 2 in Nasai, 2 in Ibn Majah, 1 in Darimi and 1 in Malik b. Anas’s Muwatta’ and 10 of them in Ahmed b. Hanbel. In terms of the end of the isnad, 1 is kudsî and 15 is marfû‘. In terms of authenticity, out of 16 narrations, 10 are sahih, 3 of which are muttefakun aleyh, 2 are hasan and 4 are weak. (shrink)

The fact that the mystical experience is a repetitive phenomenon in different social, cultural and religious structures in different periods and has a mysterious element in it has caused that mysticism has taken its place among the basic subjects of the field since the first periods of psychology of religion. One of the sections of The Varieties of Religious Experience, which is regarded as the main source of the area, is mysticism. In general, "mystical experience" is considered as a subcategory (...) of "religious experience", which is a wider area. For this reason, it also carries the characteristics of religious experience. Due to these common features, it can be seen that they are used in place of each other in the literature. If the religious experience is defined as the experience of the individual at the time of encounter with the sacred, such experience can be obtained in two ways. In the “religion-based mystical experience”, which is the first way, institutional or established religious thoughts and understandings and holly writings are influential. The second way, “non-religious or natural mystical experience”, can be said to be spiritual quests that individual needs play an important role in them are effective. Personality is used as one of the basic variables in social and health sciences in general, and in psychology because it is among the main subjects in particular. The common emphasis of research on personality is that the phenomenon is extremely complicated. Despite its widespread use, the abstraction of the concept has been influenced by the diversity of the researchers' perspectives and this has led to a lack of clear consensus on the definition. However, in order to investigate the phenomenon in recent periods, dimensional approaches that their basic assumption is personality can be categorized under certain factors have begun to be preferred. In this study, HEXACO was used, because it was thought that it could make a more detailed measurement of personality. The sample of this study is composed of 345 students studying at Erciyes University Theology Faculty in 2017-2018 academic year. When looked at the gender distribution of the sample, the rate of male students was 21.2% (n=73); and the rate of female students was 78.8% (n=272). This reflects the current situation in the faculty. The average age was 21,13 (sd=1,761). The age range is 18-26. Class distribution was 23,5% (n = 81) in Preparatory class; 15.4% (n = 53) in first-grade; 19.4% (n = 67) in second-grade; 18.3% (n=63) in third grade (n = 63); and 23.5% (n = 81) in the fourth grade. It has been noted that distributions are homogeneous in terms of class variables. The "Mystical Experience Scale" which is developed by Ralph W. Hood to measure the criteria which are offered by Walter T. Stace and which must be in the mystical experience has been used in determining the tendency of mystical experience. Hood et al. have reported reasonable reliabilities for subscales based on 3-factor solution. Alpha coefficients of the original scale were ,76, ,69, and ,76 for the extrovertive mysticism, introvertive mysticism and religious interpretation respectively. The adaptation of the scale to Turkish culture and the validity and reliability study were carried out by Mehmet Süheyl Unal as a graduate thesis and it was stated that the Alpha coefficient was ,89. In this study, the Cronbach Alpha reliability coefficient of scale is ,91. HEXACO, developed by Lee and Ashton, was used to determine personality traits. The scale was adapted to Turkish by Wasti, Lee, Ashton and Somer. The scale consists of Honesty-humility (H), Emotionality (E), eXtraversion (X), Agreeableness (A), Conscientiousness (C), and Openness to experience (O) factors. Pearson Moments Multiplication Correlation Analysis was performed to determine if there is a relationship between mystical experience tendencies and personality traits when the data were analyzed in accordance with the aim of the study. Later, it was tried to determine the power of explaining the variables with Multiple Linear Regression Analysis. In addition, One-way ANOVA was used to determine whether there was any relationship between significance levels. Moreover, descriptive statistics of relevant variables are included in the study. Findings show that participants have the highest average to Positive Affect (m=3,69; sd.=,77) and the lowest average to Temporal/Spatial Quality (m=2,94; sd.=,89) factor in terms of mystical experience. Additively, they obtained close values in Ego Quality, Noetic Quality and Ineffability factors. When the students were evaluated in terms of gender, it was seen that there was a difference in level of significance only in terms of Unifying Quality (t=1,770; p=,028). ANOVA analysis was carried out to determine whether there was any variation in class variable. As a result of this analysis, it is seen that all of the factors are significantly differentiated in terms of class variable. From the standing point of class variable, it is seen that the first grades differed negatively compared to the other classes. According to the data, the scores on the mystical experience scale for preparation and first grade are high while the averages for the next grade are falling. There is no difference on level of significance between age and mystical experience factors, the last independent variable. When looked at the correlations among mystical experience factors, it is understood that all of the factors are in a meaningful relationship with each other. The highest correlation is between Religious Quality and Ineffability (r=,661); the lowest correlation is between the Unifying Quality and the Temporal/Spatial Quality (r=,346). Among the six factors of HEXACO that have been developed to determine the personality traits, the students have the highest average on Humility-Honesty (m=3,76; sd.=,55); the lowest average on eXtraversion (m=3,04; sd.=0,65). In terms of gender, there is a statistically significant difference in factors of Humility-Honesty (t=,606; p=,004), Emotionality (t=,334; p=,000), and Constientiousness (t=,022; p=,033). There is no significant difference between class and age variables and personality traits. According to Linear Regression analysis, Agreeableness, Constientiousness and Openness to Experience factors of personality traits are predictive of mystical experience in a significant level statistically. Personality dimensions that are most related to mystical experience as a result of analysis are Conscientiousness and Openness to Experience. When the mystical experience is compared with the personality traits, it is concluded that Openness to Experience factor is related to all the factors of the mystical experience except for the Ineffability. Although the relationship is regarded as weak in terms of correlation, it is an important finding that there are positive relations in between. In other words, as personality traits evolve, the mystical experience level also increases. The lack of a similar work in the literature in this respect removes the possibility of making comparisons. (shrink)

Yûsuf b. Hussein al-Kirmāstī (d. 900/1494), a figure who lived in the 15th century, studied under scholars of his time such as Khujazāda Muṣliḥuddīn Efendi (d. 893/1488). Kirmāstī was from the district of Kirmāstī (Mustafakemalpaşa) in Bursa. Yûsuf b. Hussein al-Kirmāstī was a qadi (judge) during the reign of Sultan Bâyezid II (1481-1512). Kirmāstī, originally from Kirmāstī (Mustafakemalpaşa), Bursa, established a medrese (theological school) in Istanbul named Kirmâstî. After serving as a lecturer in various madrasahs, he transitioned to the judicial (...) field, carrying out qadi duties in Bursa and Istanbul. His just decisions and courageous stance during his tenure as a qadi earned him the appreciation of Sultan Bâyezid II. Kirmāstī, who had a mosque, a madrasah, and a school in Istanbul, is known to have had an additional school in his hometown of Kirmāstī. He passed away in 900/1494 and was buried next to the school he built in Fatih Mosque. This study aims to reintroduce Kirmāstī to the contemporary academic world from a fresh perspective, considering his proficiency in religious and linguistic sciences of the time, including rhetoric, badiʿ, bayān, uṣūl, fiqh, debate and ʿaqāid. The focus is on this study the stylistic elements of literary technique styles (al-muḥassināt al-maʿnewiyyah) within his specific work titled “al-Mukhtār fi-l-maʿānī wa-l-bayān”. Through this exploration, the significant Ottoman scholar and his works are presented, followed by an analysis of the literary technique styles in “al-Mukhtār fi-l-maʿānī wa-l-bayān” bringing attention to interested parties. (shrink)

Abū Ishāq al-Ṣaffār was one of scholars of the Western Qarakhānids’ period who followed the Kalām thought of al-Māturīdī (d. 333/944). His theological works Talkhīs al-adilla and Risāla fī al-kalām, his method in kalām, and frequent reference to his works by Ottoman and Arab scholars indicate that al-Ṣaffār is a respected and authorative Māturīdī theologian. The article focuses on his defense of the kalām. By adding a long introduction to Talkhīs about the naming, importance, and religious legitimacy of the science (...) of kalām, Saffār asserted that the kalām should be learned. When systematical vindication of the science of kalām is examined, it is understood that al-Ṣaffār is the first theologian who reserved a private and voluminous part for defensing the kalām among Ḥanafī-Māturīdīs. Even though he does not state its systematic, it can be understood that vindication of kalām in al-Ṣaffār divides into three parts as of explanation, demonstration and refutation. Al-Ṣaffār’s defending the science of kalām shows that there were opposite thoughts against kalām in the 4th/10th and 5th/11th centuries throughout in Transoxania. In this period Aṣḥāb al-Ḥadīth and Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾ were the opposite fronts of kalām. In addition, he was trying to go beyond the oppositions of Ḥanafī jurists. His vindication is consistent and has scholarly depth because it is able to be against a strong opposition. -/- SUMMARY: Abū Ishāq Ibrahīm b. Ismāil Zāhid al-Ṣaffār al-Bukhārī is a scholar belonging to the Ḥanafī theological tradition which was improved by the contribution of Ḥanafī theologians who used thinking system of Abū Ḥanīfa (d. 150/767) as base and adopted Abū Manṣūr al-Māturīdī (d. 333/944) and his thoughts in historical process. The contents of his theological works Talkhīs al-adilla li-qawāʿid al-tawḥīd and Risāla fī al-Kalām, the method that he used, and references to his works made by Ottoman and Arab scholars indicate that he is an important Māturīdī theologian. The article focuses on his defense of the science of Kalām. -/- In Talkhīs al-adilla, there are two sections including the subject of naming, and importance and necessity of Kalām discipline. Here, the necessity of learning Kalām and its value are defended in detail. -/- Besides, rumors “Abū Ḥanīfa turned away from the science of Kalām in his doomsdays” and that “He prohibited to make occupation with Kalām completely” are evaluated. -/- When systematical vindication of the science of Kalām is examined, it is understood that al-Ṣaffār is the first theologian who reserved a private and voluminous part for defensing the Kalām among Ḥanafī Māturīdīs. Even if Abū Manṣūr al-Māturīdī, Abū al-Yusr al-Bazdawī (d. 493/1100) and Abū Muʿīn al-Nasafī (d. 508/1115) defend that the science of Kalām is not wrong for religion; yet, the vindication of Kalām does not take a place under a separate title and in a detailed manner in any of Māturīdī theologians works. -/- The method that al-Ṣaffār used when he is defending the science of Kalām, differs from strategy of Abū Ḥanīfa. While Abū Ḥanīfa has mentioned that there is a need for the science of Kalām under these new circumstances, al-Ṣaffār has defended theologians who were charged with being Ahl al-Bidaʿ, by trying to prove that the prophets especially the Prophet Ibrāhīm, even the Companions of the Prophet Muḥammad (Ṣaḥāba) and the Successors of the Companions (Tābiʿūn) scholars use their minds and make arguments in religious matters. In this respect, he emphasizes that the Qurʾān orders to think and discuss gently, not to be stay in silence: “And dispute with them, using what is best” (16.125-126). Therefore, he states that this discipline which took a mission to explain and defend the creed of Islam (ʿaqīda), cannot be characterized as an innovation (bidʿah) or illicit. -/- His vindication method can be defined as a more developed type of method that Abu’l-Ḥasan al-Ash’arī’s (d. 324/935) used in Risāla fī istiḥsān al-khawḍ fī ʿilm al-kalām. Even though he does not state its systematic, it can be understood that vindication of Kalām in al-Ṣaffār divides into three parts as of explanation, demonstration and refutation: -/- a) Explanation: Explaining the necessity and importance of the science of Kalām by giving information about its definition, names, value and place among other principles. -/- b) Demonstration: Revealing the religious basics of the science of Kalām from the Qurʾān, the Sunna of the Prophet Muḥammad, the Companions of the Prophet, and the Successors of the Companions thus specifying that it is legitimate for religion. -/- c) Refutation: Replying the claims having aim to weaken the value of Kalām principle and its religious legality. -/- Al-Ṣaffār describes ‘the science of Kalām’ as ‘Knowing the Real with the evidences which help to reach the absolute information’. By allocating the concept of 'Ḥaqq', he repeats the definition of Kalām as “it is to know God with certain evidences” in a part of his work, and “it is to know the principles of religion (uṣūl al-dīn) with certain evidences” in another part. He describes Kalām as “Knowing ḥaqq / God / uṣūl al-dīn by depending on evidence”, and tries to prove that it is wrong to consider a science which performs the stated duty, as illicit and abominable and thus turn away from it. -/- Al-Ṣaffār thinks that it is right to call this principle as ‘Kalām’ because of the certain evidences leading to the truth that this science has used. This thought was defended by other theologians as well. -/- For example, according to Saʿd al-Dīn Masʿūd al-Taftazānī (d. 792/1310) it seems like to say “This is the word (kalām), not the other knowings” by the way of the power of evidences used in Kalām.Thus, it is appropriate to give name Kalām for this science which based on certain evidences. -/- Al-Ṣaffār’s explanations revealed in scope of vindication of the Kalām are adopted by some of following scholars. Ḥusām al-Dīn al-Sighnāqī (d. 714/1314) in his book called al-Tasdīd sharḥ al-Tamhīd fī qawāʿid al-tawḥīd quotes Saffâr’s explanations as the same. -/- Al-Ṣaffār indicates that the method told in the Qurʾān is to reply questions about religion, beliefs and rejection instead of remaining in silence. The duty taken on by Kalām is this vindication activity performed by the prophets whose examples are described in the Qurʾān and which is legal and demanded. His way of thinking and vindication of the Kalām resembles that of Abū Manṣūr al-Māturīdī. Al-Māturīdī says, “Prophets and we were ordered to invite infidels to Islam. When this invitation happens, the respondents will ask for evidence and explanation, and discussion will be inevitable. Therefore, discussing and talking about subjects of Kalām is not objectionable”. -/- Thoughts of al-Māturīdī and al-Ṣaffār regarding the vindication of the Kalām were repeated by Nūr al-Dīn al-Ṣābūnī (d. 580/1184), and Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī (d. 606/1210) later. According to al-Ṣābūnī, the evidences put against deniers and especially the discussion made by the Prophet Ibrāhīm to defend his own belief, prove the legality of Kalām discipline. Likewise, according to al-Rāzī, the duty of Kalām is just an activity performed already in the Qurʾān and ordered to the prophets. At this point of view, since the prophets were leading to Kalām, banning this activity is nonsense. -/- According to al-Ṣaffār, the reason for why Abu Hanifa avoids his son Hammād from these discussions is that Abu Hanifa does not like discussions based on obstinate. Otherwise, it cannot be that Abū Ḥanīfa prohibits to learn Kalām and make discussion about Kalām. According to him, this behavior of Abū Ḥanīfa results from that people discussing with him are ignorant about the subject of Kalām, discussion turns to an obstinate, and coming to an end of discussion seems impossible. This comment of al-Ṣaffār is quoted in Miftāḥ al-saʿāda wa-miṣbāḥ al-siyāda by ʿIṣām al-Dīn Aḥmed b. Muṣṭafā Tashköprüzāde (d. 968/1561) and in Minaḥ al-rawḍ al-azhar fī sharḥ al-Fiqh al-akbar by ʿAlī b. Sulṭān Muḥammad al-Qārī (d. 1014/1606) as same as his words. -/- Al-Ṣaffār’s defending the science of Kalām shows that there were opposite thoughts against Kalām in the 4th/10th and 5th/11th centuries throughout in Transoxania.In this period Aṣḥāb al-Ḥadīth and Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾ were the opposite fronts of Kalām. In addition, he was trying to go beyond the oppositions of Ḥanafī jurists (fuqahāʾ). Because some of the Ḥanafī jurists thought that Abū Ḥanīfa forsook occupation with the science of Kalām and even he prohibited his son to have interest in this discipline. But some of Ḥanafī theologians such as al-Māturīdī, al-Nasafī and al-Ṣaffār protested this thought which describes Abū Ḥanīfa as a banner for Kalām. -/- His vindication is consistent and has scholarly depth because it is able to be against a strong opposition. -/- His book Talkhīs al-adilla li-qawāʿid al-tawḥīd is a unique source in terms of containing vindication of the Kalām in detail and also influencing the approaches of the next period scholars. (shrink)

The subject of this article is the istishhād method used by Abû Ishâq al-Zajjāj (d. 311/923) in his work calledMa‘ānī al-Qur’ān wa i‘rābuh. Zajjāj, who lived in the third and fourth centuries of the Islamic calendar, is one ofthe leading scholars of the Arabic language. Zajjāj, who wrote various works in the field of Arabic language,wrote his most important work in the field of tafsir named Ma‘ānī al-Qur’ān wa i‘rābuh, in a long period ofabout sixteen years. In this work, Zajjāj (...) examined the verses in terms of language and rhetoric, and also includedexplanations about word structure and syntax rules. In his analyzes and evaluations, it is seen that Zajjāj madeistishhād from verses of the Qur'an, Qur’anic recitation, hadiths, poems and Arabic dialects. The verses of theQur'an are at the forefront of the istishhāds used by Zajjāj in his mentioned work. Zajjāj, who applied to poemsin the second place, made istishhād with nearly five hundred poems in his work. In the present study, Zajjāj’s lifestory, his tafsir named Ma‘ānī al-Qur’ān and the characteristics of the work are briefly mentioned. Followingthis, the concept of istishhād, the place and importance of istishhād in Arabic language are examined. Finally, theistishhād method used by Zajjāj in his work named Ma‘ānī al-Qur’ān has been tried to be explained with someexamples. (shrink)

In the study of _Lawāmiʿ al-Naẓar_, Ibrahim Safri presents a history of rational sciences in the Maghribī tradition in the seventeenth and eighteenth century. He also presents a critical edition of the work, which can be considered as an introduction to post-Avicennian studies in North Africa.

Aydınlanma, coğrafi keşifler, sanayi devrimi ve benzer etkenlerin tesiriyle doğuya hâkim olma ümidine kapılan batı emperyalizmi, istila ettiği toplumları tanıyıp iç dinamiklerini deşifre etmek için oryantalist çalışmaları başlatmıştır. 19. yüzyılın ilk yarısından itibaren başlayan ve farklı boyutlar kazanarak günümüzde de devam eden bu çalışmalar çok yönlü ve çeşitlidir. Arap edebiyat tarihi çalışmaları bu çalışmaların önemli bir kısmını oluşturmaktadır. Her ne kadar Arap şiiri hakkında bazı oryantalist iddialar polemik konusu olmuş ise de oryantalist telif tarzı Arap yazarlar arasında kabul görmüş ve (...) Arap edebiyatı tarihine dair yazılan kitapların genelini şekillendirmiştir. Bu makalenin konusu Mısırlı âlim ve edebiyatçı Mustafa Sadık er- Râfiî’nin Arap edebiyat tarihine dair oryantalist yaklaşıma ve yazım tarzına yöneltiği eleştirileriler ve bu eleştirilerin değerlendirilmesidir. Râfiî’nin bu alanda yazdığı kitabın başlangıç kısmından çıkardığımız bu eleştirileri terim eleştirisi, kalıp eleştirisi, niyet eleştirisi, pratik fayda eleştirisi başlıkları altında topladık. Bu başlıklar altında incelediğimiz eleştirilerin ortak noktası bunların esasında bir paradigma eleştirisi olmasıdır. (shrink)

It is an in-depth analysis of the concept of “hell” as it has been illustrated by Dante's Devine Comedy and Macarrî's Risâlat al-Ghufrân. The main focus of this study is the differences and similarities of the two works in regard to the concept of the hellfire. Each author has a guide who takes him in a tour in "hell". Each guide gained some sort of admiration of both Dante and Macarrî. It is worthwhile to study the characteristic nature of each (...) mentor and see if there are things in common between the two of them. Hell in both works consists of layers. In each layer there is a number of chambers, in which there is a number of people who are receiving their punishment for what they have done or said in their first life. It is interesting to know who are these people? and what did they do or day in their first life to deserve such a punishment? Dante and Macarri’s illustrations of “hell” are so graphic and vivid. It would be of great significance to see whether their illustrations are from their own intellectual contributions or they are influenced with some external philosophy. Finally, this study examines the purpose behind the two works, if there are any. Would it be a didactic lesson both of Dante and Macarrî trying to deliver? Or it is merely for the sake of creativity which dictated on the two authors to put in a philosophic yet literal form of works. This study is of great significance in the field of study of epics, philosophy comparative literature and, to a certain degree, in the field of comparative religions as well. The experience of human kinds in both works is similar; despite the difference between the two authors' places and the periods each of them lived in. There are several important lessons from these experiences definitely can be drawn. More interesting, however is the attempt to answer the question of how these similarities came into existence in both works, the Divine Comedy and Risâlat al-Ghufrân? (shrink)

Il contributo intende discutere alcune questioni legate alla diversa visione del profeta dell'Islam in una prospettiva interculturale. In particolare si tentano di evidenziare le radici del problema concentrandosi sullo contesto storico in cui la questione ha preso forma. Emerge una critica alla maggior parte degli studiosi arabi che, storicamente, hanno evitato di affrontare lo studio di fonti non musulmane che potessero proporre visioni contrastanti rispetto alle credenze religiose condivise. Il contributo ha affrontato quindi il problema della traduzione di opere letterarie (...) occidentali in arabo, in particolare le opere in cui è implicata l’immagine del profeta dell'Islam: emerge una censura piuttosto diffusa che tende a omettere le parti considerate "offensive" per la sensibilità religiosa dei musulmani. La Divina Commedia di Dante Alighieri rappresenta il caso esemplare di questo atteggiamento. Obbiettivo del contributo è affrontare il concetto di diversità in modo costruttivo in modo da non nascondere i fatti attraverso la censura o la non conoscenza ma invocando un nuovo modo di confrontarsi nel contesto multiculturale.This paper discusses the frequent intercultural problems related to the different cross-cultural vision of the prophet of Islam. In particular, the paper highlights the roots of the problem; in fact, focusing on the historical background of the problem is extremely important. Moreover, the paper delivered criticism to the majority of Arab scholars who, historically, seemed to lack the willingness to study non Muslim sources that have a contradicting vision to their believes. The paper tackled the issue of the translation of western literary works into Arabic, especially those that tackles the image of the prophet of Islam, where the Arabic translation usually skip any “offensive” part related to the image of the prophet. For example, The divine comedy of Dante Alighieri. The paper tries to face the concept of diversity in constructive way, by never hiding the facts, as this can never be considered a solution, but a way to transform it into a very complex problem. (shrink)

Grown up as versatile people, Ottoman intellectuals had holistic views towards science, art and literature, and wrote in a variety of disciplines. It was not uncommon for a mathematician to write in philosophy, for a ḥadīth (report of the words and deeds of the Prophet) scholar to write history books, for a statesman to be busy with calligraphy or for a Shaykh al-Islām (the highest ranking Islamic legal authority) to have a “Dīwān” (a collection of poems). However, possibly due to (...) specialization-based scientific understanding of modern researchers, one side of these people generally came to the fore and some capabilities of them remained unknown. Grown up in Istanbul, capital town of Ottoman Empire, in late 16th and early 17th centuries, Okchuzāde Mehmed Shāhī was also one of these personalities called “hezār-fan” (polymath). Mehmed Shāhī served in top level offices of the State, was busy with art and literature, and became known for inshāʾ (composition) kind of works written with elaborate prose. Mehmed Shāhī earned a deserved fame with these capabilities and he was also a poet. Indeed, due to poems he wrote in his early ages, he was noticed by some biography writers about poets and his poems were mentioned in some anthologies. In addition to poetry anthologies, he had some classical works, and some couplets, quatrains and verses included in his prose works. In the present study, a collection and evaluation of poems by Mehmed Shāhī were presented.Summary: Ottoman statesman Okchuzāde Mehmed Shāhī was born in 1562 AD (970 AH) in Istanbul. He was son of Okchuzāde Mehmed Pasha (d. 995 AH/1587 AD) and served as Kātib (scribe), Defterdār (treasurer), Reīs-ul-kuttāb (chief of the scribes), Governor General of Cyprus and Aleppo. His real name was Mehmed, but he was mentioned in different sources by names such as Mehmed Bey, Mehmed Shāh, Mehmed Shāhī, Mir Mehmed Shāhī and Okchuzāde Mehmed Shāhī. Starting at a young age, he was well educated in madrasah (college). With his vibrant character and superior genius, he came to the forefront among his peers. He was educated under the supervision of Māʿlūlzāde Nakīb Efendi (d. 993 AH/1585 AD) and graduated in 988 AH/1580 AD at the age of 18. When Nakīb Efendi became Shaykh al-Islām in the same year, he started his official duty as Dīwān-ı Humāyūn (imperial council) secretary. With the duty of Executive Assistant, he became the secretary of Damad İbrahim Pasha who started to his office in 1004 AH/1596 AD. He worked under the patronage of the Pasha until Pasha’s death in 1010 AH/1601 AD. Mehmed Shāhī succeeded Musa Chelebi as Reīs-ul-kuttāb and Basdefterdar (chief treasurer) in 1005 AH/1596 AD, and was appointed as title deed and cadastre director in 1006 AH/1597 AD. However, he was dismissed from this duty and was included among the officials to join military campaign. He was prosecuted and tried for imprisonment for the accusation of coming to Istanbul without permission. He succeeded Hamza Pasha as Nishanci (high-ranking bureaucrat) in 1007 AH/1599 AD and was assigned to military campaign. Mehmed Shāhī was dismissed from his duty in 1008 AH/1600 AD. Although he was reappointed to his duty in the same year, he was dismissed again in 1010 AH/1601 AD. While Hamza Pasha was reappointed to his office, Mehmed Shāhī was not assigned to any duty. He succeeded Murad Efendi as the Defterdar of Egypt in 1013 AH/1605 AD. After this duty, one of the vassal Sanjak (administrative district) Beyliks (principalities) in Egypt was given to him. When vassal Sanjak Beyliks were abolished by Kara Mehmed Pasha, Beylerbeyi (governor) of Egypt, in 1016 AH/1608 AD, he returned to Istanbul. He was not appointed to an office for a long time. In 1029 AH/1620 AD, he was appointed as title deed and cadastre director in 1029 AH/1620 AD, and became Nishanci again in 1030 AH/1621 AD. He served in military campaign to Poland, but was dismissed from this duty during the campaign. He was appointed as Nishanci for the fifth time during the second reign of Sultan Mustafa (1622-1623). He was dismissed in 1033 AH/1624 AD and retired. In early 1039 AH/1630 AD, he died at the age of 69 in Istanbul. His tomb is near Ekmekchioghlu tomb in the vicinity of Sunbul Efendi.What is known about his family is limited to his son named Vakʿi Ahmed Efendi (d. 1060 AH/1650 AD). Ahmet Efendi learned Naskh, Thuluth and tevkīʿi types of calligraphy styles from his father. He served as anthology writer for Shaykh al-Islām Bahāī Efendi. He died in 1060 AH/1650 AD when he was serving as teacher in Sulaymaniyah Madrasah. His tomb is around Shaykh Vefa tomb.In addition to his administrative duties, Mehmed Shāhī was also interested in poetry, prose, calligraphy, mysticism, ḥadīth and tafsīr (exegesis). Possibly also due to his dismissal of duties many times in his life, he produced many works. Among them are Aḥsan al-ḥadīth, an-Naẓm al-mubīn fī āyāt al-erbaʿīn, al-Maqām al-Maḥmūd, Tarjuma-i Tuḥfa as-ṣalavāt, Jāmiʿ al-ghāyāt, Mukhtār al-akhyār, Qānūn-i Jadīd-i Arāḍi, Munsheat ve Dīwān. Famed for his prose works, the author was also a poet. With his couplets which he wrote under pseudonym of Zaynī, he managed to get on the anthology of Kınalızāde at his twenties. He was celebrated with the expression of “Arrow of word from his bow of soul has reached the target of approval from masters; he is at a young age (at his twenties)”. Subsequently adopting pseudonym of Shāhī, the poet had some poems published within the works of Beyānī, Nevʿizāde and Mustaqimzāde as well as within his own prose works. Mustaqimzāde even mentioned that Mehmed Shāhī had a dīwān. Nevertheless, this work of him has not been found yet. A total of 30 poetry works of Mehmed Shāhī were found in various sources, except for his translations of 40 ḥadīth and 40 Qur’ān verses written in poetry. Of his 30 poetry works, 26 were written in Turkish and 4 in Persian. Various sections of ʿarūḍ (meter) were used in these works written as couplets, quatrains and verses. It could be stated that his poems rich in Persian and Arabic words had a rich rhyme frame. In his poetry works in which religious, literary, historical, legendary and mysticism themes were worked, concepts and figures such as Allah, the Lord, Messiah, Messenger, Risālet (messengership), intercession, Kāfūr al-Ikhshīdī (966-968), Mustaʿsim (d. 656 AH/1258 AD), Ibn Alkamī (d. 656 AH/1258 AD), Naṣīr-i Tūsī (d. 672 AH/1274 AD), Jamshīd, Keyumars, Uftade, Hudāyī, Majūsī, Kizilbash, Bayramī and muftī (jurist capable of giving a formal legal opinion). His poems were about intercession demand from the Messenger (PBUH), sin of serving to Persian, importance of an invention, praise of Uftade Sultan (d. 988 AH/1580 AD), effect of prayer, fate of administrator favoring his relatives, futility of envying the rich, importance of fighting with Zoroastrian, benefits of exhibition of sorrow, value of skillful people, resembling of the world to a bride with a thousand grooms, beauty of eloquence, ignominy of leaving chastity for lust, asking for forgiveness for sins, talent of understanding the words, not giving quarter to enemies, praise of Hz.ʿUmar, humbleness, value of lack of worldly things, sufferance due to the beauty of the beautiful, needing not to wonder why the beloved one is far away, evil of protecting the snot, richness of Arabic language, deeds of Anatolian fāḍils (virtuous), importance of endeavor in succeeding the closeness to God and respectability of ʿAzīz Maḥmūd Hudāyī (d. 1038 AH/1628 AD). Okchuzāde Mehmed Shāhī was an Ottoman statesman who also earned a well-deserved fame for his works written in inshāʾ (composition) genre of elaborate prose. In addition, he also had poetry works. Praised for the poems which he wrote in his early ages by anthology writers who included his poems in their anthologies, the poet also had some couplets and quatrains scattered among his own prose works. His poems in the form of couplets and quatrains within abovementioned works mostly were about religious, literary, legendary, historical and mysticism themes.Mehmed Shāhī was knowledgeable in tafsīr, ḥadīth, mysticism and calligraphy, and had good levels of Arabic and Persian. Writing poems in Persian, Mehmed Shāhī was decorated his prose works with Arabic expressions such as Qur’ān verses, ḥadīths and proverbs. It could be stated that such decorations made the language of his poems more difficult. Nevertheless, his poems are plainer and easier compared to his prose works. The poet who also had lyrical poems generally preferred ḥikamī (sapiential) style and wrote genres such as munacaat (prayer to God), shafaatnāme (intercession epistles), historical quatrain, medhiye (panegyric) and hicviye (epigram). His poems in anthologies were lyrical, those in Aḥsan al-ḥadīth and an-Naẓm al-mubīn were didactical and those in Munsheat were epic. Based on an evaluation of these poems, it could be stated that he was a poet with a style, though not a poet of first class. (shrink)

Lawami' al-Nazar fi Tahqiq Ma'ani al-Mukhtasar is Aḥmad b. Ya'qub al-Wallali's (d. 1128/1716) commentary on al-Sanusi's (d. 895/1490) compendium of logic, al-Mukhtasar. Al-Wallali was the first commentator on al-Sanusi's compendium after the author's autocommentary. In this publication, Ibrahim Safri offers a critical edition of this work, together with a study of the author's life and oeuvre. Safri also tries to show the indirect influence of Avicennism on logic in the Maghribi tradition in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. On the (...) basis of his writings on logic and philosophical theology, al-Wallali was considered a master of rational sciences by his contemporaries. (shrink)

This article examines four medieval views on the subject of theology. Thomas Aquinas, Giles of Rome, John Duns Scotus, and Peter Auriol were all confronted with an idea based on Aristotle’s theory of knowledge according to which any scientific discipline is unified by its proper subject. In defining this subject of theology, however, the theologians had to confront one thorny problem: God, whom they considered to be the subject of theology, cannot be grasped by any concept accessible to the human (...) mind. In their respective discussions, two distinct strategies to solving this puzzle emerged. Aquinas and Giles, on the one hand, argued for a concept proportionate to human cognition. This concept or ratio functioned as a placeholder for the quidditative concept of God. Scotus and Auriol, on the other hand, elaborated on a concept which they believed grasped God’s quiddity, albeit in a somewhat approximative way. Their theories, therefore, figure as attempts to find a concept, that is, the concept of being, that in itself was as boundless as to grasp God’s immensity. (shrink)

jild-i 1. [Without special title] -- jild-i 2. Shāmil-i mustadrakāt va muṣṭalaḥāt va kullīyāt-i falsafah -- jild-i 3. Ilāhiyāt -- jildi 4. Ilāhiyāt bi-maʻnī-i akhaṣṣ -- jild-i 5. Dar Ilāhiyāt bi-maʻnī-i akhaṣṣ.

In this paper, we provide an axiomatic foundation of pessimism and optimism towards ambiguity that emerges due to growing awareness. In our setup, this corresponds to a discovery of finer “descriptions” of the original contingencies. A decision-maker can form subjective probabilistic beliefs on the original state space and behaves as an expected utility maximizer. However, as finer contingencies are discovered, he may perceive ambiguity with respect to the newly identified states and thus be unable to extend her initial probabilistic beliefs (...) to the expanded state space in an additive way. As a result, the decision-maker’s new beliefs are now “ambiguous” and represented by a probability distribution combined, for each refinement of an original state, with a degree of confidence in this probability estimate. We provide a parametric representation of preferences, identify the DM’s degree of ambiguity as well as his attitude towards ambiguity as captured by the degree of optimism and pessimism. We illustrate the relation of our model to some well-known capacities, such as the E-capacities introduced by Eichberger and Kelsey, the JP-capacities of Jaffray and Philippe and the NEO-additive capacities developed by Chateauneuf et al.. (shrink)

There is no doubt that custard apple diseases are among the important reasons that destroy the Custard Apple plant and its agricultural crops. This leads to obvious damage to these plants and they become inedible. Discovering these diseases is a good step to provide the appropriate and correct treatment. Determining the treatment with high accuracy depends on the method used to correctly diagnose the disease, expert systems can greatly help in avoiding damage to these plants. The expert system correctly diagnoses (...) Custard Apple disease to make it easier for farmers to find the right treatment based on the appropriate diagnosis. Objectives: A specialized syllable language system was established for the diagnosis of Custard Apple plant disease. (shrink)

In this study, Muarrij al-Sadusi (d. 204/820 or later) and his Kitāb al-amthāl which he wrote in the field of proverbs, are focused on. In this context, first of all, Muarrij’s life, scientific and literary personality are mentioned, his teachers and students are pointed out, and information about his works is given. Then, Kitāb al-amthāl was discussed; It was examined in terms of its content, classification and commentary method, and its contribution to the proverb literature. After spending part of his (...) life in the desert and learning Arabic from Bedouin Arabs, Muarrij came to Basra and educated himself by taking lessons from various teachers in fields such as hadith, lineage and history, especially linguistics. Also, in addition to Kitāb al-amthāl, he wrote works such as Kitābu Hazf min nesebi Quraysh, Kitāb al’-Anvâ’, Ansâbu Şaybân, Cemâhîru'l-kabâ'il, Garîbü'l-Qur'ân, Kitābu al-Maʿânî and Maʿânî al-Qurʾân also sheds light on his competence in many fields. Although Muarrij is a scholar who has written works in various fields, he has come to the fore mostly in linguistic sciences. In this context, qualities such as being the greatest of linguists, a scholar in Arabic, and the leader of grammarians have been attributed to him. It was also said that he was a star among Halil ibn Ahmed’s students who knew vocabulary and poetry well. Unfortunately, only two couplets of Muarrij, who is said to have been a poet and the author of many poems in addition to his knowledge of poetry, have survived to the present day. It has been stated that these two couplets are the best poems ever written on the subject on which they were written. Muarrij’s Kitāb al-amthāl is the second book written in the field of proverbs that has survived to the present day. In addition to proverbs, this book contains Arabic words, unfamiliar words, itbaʿ type words, poems, hadiths and a verse from the Quran. Although the author usually explained the unfamiliar words, he included in his work by bringing witnesses from the poem, he rarely mentioned the parable in which it was included. While it is seen that he used the hadiths and itbaʿs in his book as proverbs, he brought the verse of the Quran as a witness to the meaning of a word. The author mentioned many poems in his work, used poems as a source of istishhad for the explanation of unfamiliar words while explaining proverbs or to show that the proverbs he mentioned in his work were mentioned in poems. Apart from these, it is also seen that he included poems without any purpose and did not provide an explanation for them. For a long time, in the writing of proverbs books, the historical method, which corresponds to including events and stories related to the proverbs, or the lexical method, which envisages commenting on the strange words in the text, touching on the nuances between word groups, including grammatical analysis and making istishhad for them, have been followed. Kitāb al-amthāl, which was written by using the lexical method of these two methods, is accepted as the first work that has survived to the present day written with the lexical method in proverb literature. It can be said that Muarrij’s identity as a grammarian and lexicographer was effective in writing the work with this method. Due to these features, Kitāb al-amthāl is a book that has played a pioneering role in the formation of some understandings and traditions in proverb literature. As a matter of fact, it is the first book of proverbs in which a proverb was classified according to the time and geography in which it appeared, the hadiths that became proverbs were included for the first time, the tradition of accepting itbâʿs as proverbs was started. Kitāb al-amthāl is a work that is accepted in the proverb literature and continues the understandings it puts forward. This is demonstrated by the fact that scholars such as Abu Ubayd al-Qasım, Al-Mufaddal ibn Salama, Abu Bakr ibn Anbari, Abu Hilal al-Askari and Maidani, who wrote books on the subject, quoted and benefited from this book in their works. In addition, when the quotations and transfers made by the mentioned scholars from Kitāb al-amthāl are compared with the current version of the work, it is concluded that some of the transfers are not present in the work we have or are incomplete. This situation reveals that Kitāb al-amthāl was more voluminous and comprehensive and has not survived to the present day in its original form. (shrink)

Öz: Bu çalışmama İslam’da bireyin kamuya karşı sorumluluk alanı ile bağlantılı bir ilkesini; “Emr-i bi’l- Ma’ruf ve Nehyi Ani’l-Münker”i İslam İnanç Ekolleri içerisinde nasıl algılandığını ve nasıl uygulandığını ele alacaktır. Bundaki amacım birey- kamu ilişkisinde, bireyin özgürlük alanlarının ihmal edildiği yönündeki varsayımımdır. Bu girişten sonra, çalışmada İslam inanç ekollerinin konuya ilişkin yaklaşımları ve bu yaklaşımlarına kaynak teşkil eden metinlere yer verilecektir. Çalışmamızda ekollerin kronolojik tarihlerini göz önünde bulunduran bir sıralama takip edeceğiz. Bundaki amacımız özellikle “Emr-i bi’l- Ma’ruf ve Nehyi Ani’l- (...) Münker” ilkesinin ekollerde ele alınışının erken dönem İslam Siyasal Tarihi ile önemli oranda bir ilişkisi olduğu anlayışımız sebebiyledir. İslam siyaset kuramının birlikte yaşam, özgürlük ve adalet iddia ve idealleri çerçevesinde konuya İslam teolojik mezhepleri yakın ilgi göstermişlerdir. Ekollerin “Emr-i bi’l-Ma’ruf ve Nehyi Ani’l-Münker” ilkesine yoğun ilgilerine karşın, farklı yaklaşımlar gösterdikleri de söylenebilir. İslam geleneği içerisinde bu kurucu ilke birey özgürlüğü ve kamu düzeni arasındaki gerilimler nedeniyle politik yorumları da beraberinde getirmiştir. “Haricî” ekoller her bir Müslüman için gereken bir sorumluluk olarak yorumlamış ve “ayn-i vacib” olduğunu dile getirmişlerdir. Diğer ekoller ise bu ilkeyi ” kifa-i bir vucûb” olarak kabul etmişlerdir. Diğer yandan Mu’tezile ekolü bu ilkeyi usulu’l-hamse’ den biri olarak kabul etmiştir. İslam siyaset geleneğinin önemli bileşenlerinden olan ilke mezhepler arasında farklı uygulamalara konu olmuştur. (shrink)

Soon after the first COVID-19 positive case was detected in Wuhan, China, the virus spread around the globe, and in no time, it was declared as a global pandemic by the WHO. Testing, which is the first step in identifying and diagnosing COVID-19, became the first need of the masses. Therefore, testing kits for COVID-19 were manufactured for efficiently detecting COVID-19. However, due to limited resources in the densely populated countries, testing capacity even after a year is still a limiting (...) factor for COVID-19 diagnosis on a larger scale and contributes to a lag in disease tracking and containment. Due to this reason, we started this study to provide a better cost-effective solution for enhancing the testing capacity so that the maximum number of people could get tested for COVID-19. For this purpose, we utilized the approach of artificial neural networks (ANN) to acquire the relevant data on COVID-19 and its testing. The data were analyzed by using Machine Learning, and probabilistic algorithms were applied to obtain a statistically proven solution for COVID-19 testing. The results obtained through ANN indicated that sample pooling is not only an effective way but also regarded as a “Gold standard” for testing samples when the prevalence of the disease is low in the population and the chances of getting a positive result are less. We further demonstrated through algorithms that pooling samples from 16 individuals is better than pooling samples of 8 individuals when there is a high likelihood of getting negative test results. These findings provide ground to the fact that if sample pooling will be employed on a larger scale, testing capacity will be considerably increased within limited available resources without compromising the test specificity. It will provide healthcare units and enterprises with solutions through scientifically proven algorithms, thus, saving a considerable amount of time and finances. This will eventually help in containing the spread of the pandemic in densely populated areas including vulnerably confined groups, such as nursing homes, hospitals, cruise ships, and military ships. (shrink)

Çalışma, Muhammed b. Mustafa el-Alâî’ye (ö. 1234/1818) nispet edilen Şerḥ-i İrâde-i cüzʾiyye risâlesinin ona aidiyeti üzerine yoğunlaşacaktır. Muhammed b. Mustafa el-Alâî’nin kendisine ait olduğunu söylediği ve ona nispet edilen Şerḥ-i İrâde-i cüzʾiyye risâlesi aslında Dâvûd-i Karsî’nin (ö. 1169/1756) Risâle fi’l-iḫtiyârâti’l-cüzʾiyye ve’l-irâdâti’l-ḳalbiyye adlı risâlesinin kısmen değiştirilmiş bir versiyonudur. Alâî, Karsî’nin risâlesinden ihtiyaç duymadığı bazı bağlam ve konuları çıkararak ve gerekli gördüğü bazı başlıkları da Ebû Saîd el-Hâdimî’nin (ö. 1176/1762) el-Berîḳatu’l-maḥmûdiyye eserinden eklemeler yaparak oluşturduğu Şerḥ-i İrâde-i cüzʾiyye risâlesi, içerik açısından (...) dikkate alındığında intihalin en bariz görüldüğü bir eser niteliğindedir. Osmanlı ilim düşüncesi dikkate alındığında irade ve insan fiilleri konusunda büyük bir literatürün ortaya konulduğu ve bu metinlerin konu hakkında belli bir fikrin yerleşmesinde etkisi olduğu bilinmektedir. Belli bir dönemde telif edilen risâlelerin muhteva olarak sonraki risâle ve eserlerin muhtevasını etkilemiş olması ve bu nedenle kısmî tedâhüllerin olması sıkça karşılaşılan bir durumdur. Fakat başkasına ait bir telif üzerinde tikel bir değişiklik yaparak eseri kendisine nispet etmek ilmî olarak kabul edilemez bir durumdur. Araştırmanın konusu olan Alâî’nin risâlesi de ikinci türden bir risâle hüviyetindedir. Risâlenin tamamına yakın bir bölümü Karsî’nin konu hakkındaki risâlesi kısmen değiştirilerek oluşturulmuş ve Dâvûd-i Karsî’ye herhangi bir atıfta bulunulmamıştır. Bu çalışmada amaçlanan ise Alâî’nin kendisine nispet ettiği bu risâlenin aslında Karsî’ye ait olduğunu karşılaştırmalı tablolar üzerinden ortaya koymaktır. Bu bağlamda hem Karsî hem de Alâî’ye ait her iki metin tablolar üzerinden baştan sona kadar karşılaştırılmış; ortak ve farklı noktalar tespit edilerek gösterilmeye çalışılmıştır. Karşılaştırmalar neticesinde risâlenin Karsî’ye aidiyeti kesin şekilde tespit edildiğinden bahsi geçen intihal olgusunun bizzat Alâî tarafından mı, yoksa başka birisi tarafından mı yapıldığı sorusuna dikkat çekilmiştir. Ayrıca Alâî’nin Ebû Saîd el-Hâdimî’den kaynak göstermeden alıntı yaptığı yerler de tespit edilerek metin üzerinde farklı bir renkle gösterilmiştir. Son olarak bütünsel bir bakış imkânı sunması için Alâî’ye ait risâlenin tahkiki de yapılmıştır. Metnin tahkikinde Karsî’nin metninde mevcut olup Alâî’nin metninde olmayan ve anlamı tamamlayan kelimeler ile cümleler köşeli parantez içinde gösterilmiştir. Ayrıca Karsî’nin metninde metin-şerh ayrımı olduğundan Alâî’nin risâlesindeki bu ayrım da tespit edilmiş böylece metin bold ve parantez içinde gösterilirken şerh ise normal yazı stiliyle gösterilmiştir. Çünkü bu metin-şerh ayrımının gösterilmesi, metnin anlaşılması ve bütünlüğü açısından elzem bir durum arz etmektedir. (shrink)

On dietry laws for Muslims, permitted and the prohibited things in Islam.

El presente artículo ofrece una traducción anotada del _Tratado acerca de las reglas del arte de los poetas_ (_Qawānīn fī ṣināʿat al-šuʿarāʾ_) de Abū Naṣr al-Fārābī. Acompañamos esta traducción de una introducción dividida en tres partes. En primer lugar, se ofrece un contexto general acerca del lugar del Qawānīn en la obra de al-Fārābī y en la tradición filosófica árabe. En segundo, se plantea una posible división temática del texto. Y finalmente, en tercer lugar, se especifican las peculiaridades de la (...) traducción, referente al texto tomado como base y las principales decisiones de traducción. (shrink)

El presente artículo se centra en explorar una cuestión fundamental del pensamiento de al-Fārābī, específicamente su comprensión de la potencia de la poesía y su papel político y social en el contexto del mundo árabe clásico. La lectura de este filósofo implica una reinterpretación innovadora de la Poética y la Retórica de Aristóteles, destacando el carácter productivo de la imaginación en términos de evocación de imágenes y creación de semejanzas. Se explora, asimismo, la influencia de la filosofía de al-Fārābī en (...) otros filósofos árabes e islámicos, como Avicena y Averroes, quienes se convirtieron en principales referentes en la reivindicación de la filosofía en este contexto cultural. (shrink)

On the doctrine of recognition (Patyabhijñā philosophy) in Kashmir Saivism.