Where does Neo-Confucianismâe"a movement that from the twelfth to the seventeenth centuries profoundly influenced the way people understood the world and responded to itâe"fit into our story of Chinaâe(tm)s history? This interpretive, at times polemical, inquiry into the Neo-Confucian engagement with the literati as the social and political elite, local society, and the imperial state during the Song, Yuan, and Ming dynasties is also a reflection on the role of the middle period in Chinaâe(tm)s history. The book argues (...) that as Neo-Confucians put their philosophy of learning into practice in local society, they justified a new social ideal in which society at the local level was led by the literati with state recognition and support. The later imperial order, in which the state accepted local elite leadership as necessary to its own existence, survived even after Neo-Confucianism lost its hold on the center of intellectual culture in the seventeenth century but continued as the foundation of local education. It is the contention of this book that Neo-Confucianism made that order possible. (shrink)

This article analyzes the influence of Chinese Neo-Confucianism on the development of German idealism. Information obtained by Leibniz from Jesuit missionaries included key concepts in Neo-Confucian philosophy that not only confirmed Leibniz’s belief in the universality of his organic image of the cosmos but also influenced Leibniz’s later writings. Such influence is also exhibited in Kant’s work, especially in his crucial noumenon-phenomenon distinction, as well as in Hegel’s phenomenology and philosophy of history. Recognition of these influences, unacknowledged by (...) either Kant or Hegel, enhances our assessment of the import of both Neo-Confucianism and German idealism in international religio-philosophical discourse. (shrink)

ABSTRACTThe proper role of intuitions in philosophy has been debated throughout its history, and especially since the turn of the twenty-first century. The context of this recent debate within analytic philosophy has been the heightened interest in intuitions as data points that need to be accommodated or explained away by philosophical theories. This, in turn, has given rise to a sceptical movement called experimental philosophy, whose advocates seek to understand the nature and reliability of such intuitions. Yet such scepticism (...) of intuition or introspective methods can be found in earlier periods and across philosophical traditions. Indeed, the Neo-Confucian philosophers of the Song and Ming dynasties seem to exemplify this very tension, as they can be divided into an intuitionistic school on the one hand and an investigative school on the other. In this paper, I argue that, notwithstanding some obvious d... (shrink)

The formation of the discourse of Neo-Confucianism 1 in the Song period was a result of the interactions between many social and cultural trends. In the development of the Neo-Confucian discourse, the Cheng brothers (Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi) played key roles with their charismatic thoughts and impelling personalities, while Zhu Xi pushed Neo-Confucian thought and discourse to a pinnacle with his broad knowledge and precise reasoning. In the warm discussions and debates between different schools and thoughts, the Neo-Confucian (...) discourse proceeded towards completion and perfection, and evolved as contemporary topics and thinking modes changed. The essay argues that “ ding xing 定性 (stilling the nature)” was an important Neo-Confucian topic during the Song period. The doctrine of “stilling the nature” involves much central Neo-Confucian discourse such as the definition of xing 性 (human nature), the interior and exterior aspects of human nature, nature and qing 情 (feelings, sentiments), nature and xin 心 (mind, heart), nature and ren 仁 (benevolence, humanity, humaneness) and yi 义 (righteousness), nature and shi 事 (affair) or wu 物 (thing, object), the practice of preservation and cultivation, etc. Therefore, an examination of the formation, development and evolution of Neo-Confucianism is of great importance to the study of its early history. (shrink)

진덕수(眞德秀)는 남송시대 주자학사에 있어서 매우 중요한 인물로 평가받는다. 따라서 그의 철학사상, 경세사상, 문학사상 등 학술적인 측면에서의 다양한 논의들이 이루어져 왔다. 본 연구는 이러한 선행적 연구 성과를 기초로 진덕수의 『대학』 이해에 관하여 총체적으로 살펴보고자 한다. ‘수기(修己)’와 ‘치인(治人)’이라는 중심 개념을 통하여 알 수 있듯이, 『대학』은 유학자의 수양서로서 혹은 제왕의 정치철학으로서 그 기능을 담당해왔다. 진덕수(眞德秀) 역시 이러한 유학의 입장에서, 『대학』을 지성인이 갖추어야 하는 수양론의 기초로 이해하고 있으며, 개인의 인격적 수양을 통한 학문과 정치의 도리를 밝히고 있다. 진덕수는 성리학의 관학화 과정에서 커다란 역할을 하였다. 남송시기, (...) 주자의 후학들은 교육과 정치라는 현실참여 방법으로 주자학을 전파하였다. 그들은 적극적으로 정치에 참여하여 사회개혁에 관한 혁혁한 치적을 올렸으며, 물러나서는 서원교육을 통하여 향촌의 교화에 힘씀으로써 현실적인 시대의 문제를 타개하여 갔다. 이는 주자 성리학의 심화이자 당면한 현실을 의식한 실용적 사고이기도 하다. 유학의 학문적 전통은 덕목을 통한 덕성(德性) 함양과 실천적인 덕행(德行) 교육이라는 측면에 있어서 현재까지도 직접적으로 우리의 학문과 교육 및 문화에 영향을 주고 있다. (shrink)

현대신유학은 5.4운동 이후 중국사상의 근본정신 계승을 토대로 서양사상을 받아들여 중국의 현실적 문제를 해결할 것을 주장하며 형성된 학파이다. 중국의 학술계는 현대신유학을 마르크스주의, 자유주의와 함께 중국근(현)대 3대사상으로 지칭한다. 1949년 중화인민공화국 성립이후 현대신유학자들은 대부분 홍콩, 대만 등지로 옮겨 활동하면서 그들의 철학과 문화보수주의를 이어갔다. 1978년 이전에는 금기시되었던 이들 사상은 1980년대 중반 현대신유학자들이 중국에서 활발한 강연, 저술 활동을 펼치면서 다시 주목받게 된다. 그리고 현대신유학에 대한 대규모의 연구가 1987년 국가의 지원을 받아 진행된다. ‘전통과 현대화’의 문제를 고민하고 있던 중국은 현대신유학에 대한 연구를 통해 전통의 고양과 현대적 전화의 (...) 가능성을 찾고자 했던 것이다.중국의 현대신유학 연구는 학술적으로는 단절되었던 전통사상을 계승하고 그 현대적 전화를 모색하는 것, 사회적으로는 이를 통해 자본주의의 폐단을 차단하고 통제하는 것, 정치적으로 사회주의의 중국화를 강화하는 것 등을 목적으로 한다. 1980년대 현대신유학 연구는 이러한 목적을 위한 초보단계로 주로 현대신유가의 사상을 소개, 정리, 이해하는 것에 집중된다. 그리고 이는 마르크스주의자들에 의해 주도되고, 마르크스주의의 입장, 관점, 방법을 견지하며 진행된다. 짧은 시간 안에 이루어진 수용과 이해라는 한계를 지니고 있지만, 1980년대 현대신유학 연구는 현대신유가 사상을 보급하고, 전통의 비판적 계승에 관한 논의를 확대하고, 현대화가 곧 서구화를 의미하는 것만은 아니라는 인식을 제고하는 등의 성과가 있었다. (shrink)

본 연구는 성리학과 문화예술이 밀접한 관계에 있다는 데에서 출발하며, 특히 송대에 흥성한 산수화의 발전에 이론적 근거가 되었음을 연구하였다. 성리학은 고대 동양사회의 정치, 경제, 사상, 문화 예술 심지어 생활에 전반에 걸쳐 근간을 이루어 왔던 유학의 새로운 경향이다. 성리학은 중국의 북송(北宋)대 다섯 학자인 주돈이, 소옹, 장재, 정호, 정이가 그 기틀을 새우고 남송(南宋)의 주희가 집대성한 학문이다. 중국의 원(元)나라를 통해 고려후기에 우리나라에 전래되어 조선의 건국의 기틀이 되었고, 퇴계 이황, 율곡 이이를 거쳐 ‘문화 전반’에 미치지 않은 곳이 없게 되었다. 본 연구에서는 성리학과 예술론과 관계하여 격물치지, (...) ‘리’, 우주의식, ‘생의’, ‘기상’, ‘예’와 ‘도’의 관계 등이 산수화와 산수화론을 통해 어떻게 표현되었는지를 연구하였다. 산수화나 화조화에서도 신유학에서 말하는 천지의 ‘생의’의 미와 ‘어진 사람은 만물과 더불어 하나’라는 사상을 화폭에 표현하고자 노력하였다. 또한 시와 회화의 통일을 주장하였다. 동양에서는 송대 이전부터도 시와 회화의 관계를 중시했지만, 송에 이르러 시와 회화의 통일을 이루게 된다. 예를 들어, 명나라 때 조성된 졸정원(拙政園)과 같은 강남 정원 문화는 송대 산수화로부터 기인했다. 산수에서 등장하는 산속의 작은 정자나 가옥들이 정원에 옮겨진 것이다. 이는 곽희가 『임천고치』에서 말한 “가볼 수 있고, 바라볼 수 있을 뿐만 아니라, 노닐 수 있고, 살 수 있는 곳”을 화폭 속에 그려야 한다는 것이 명⋅청대에 이르러서는 현실로 옮겨진 것이다. 또한 현대에 있어서는 환경디자인에 이르기까지 그 영향을 미친다고 할 수 있다. 이와 관련된 지속적인 연구는 앞으로 가상현실, 증강현실 등 디자인 발전 연구, 더 나아가 문화산업의 기초자료로서 복합학문, 학제간 교류에 있어서 없어서는 안 될 중요한 기초자료가 될 것이다. (shrink)

이 글은 조선후기 기호성리학파의 「역학계몽」연구가 어떠한 특징을 지니는가를 고찰한 것이다. 자료의 측면에서 기호성리학파의 「역학계몽」연구는 대체로 한원진을 중심으로 그의 동료, 문인들에 의해 연구되었음을 볼 수 있다. 또한 퇴계학파의 「역학계몽」연구가 이황 「계몽전의」이후, 16세기말로부터 19세기에 이르기까지 지속적으로 이어진데 비하여, 기호성리학파의 「역학계몽」연구는 18세기에 집중적으로 논의되고, 그 이전과 이후에는 비중있는 연구저작들이 거의 발견되지 않는다. 기호성리학파의 「역학계몽」연구의 특징을 고찰하기 위해 본고에서 채택한 주제는 3가지로, 그들의 태극론, 하도와 8괘형성에 관한 이론, 「본도서」의 이른바 ‘오위상득설’이 그것이다. 태극론의 경우 기호성리학파는 「역학계몽」의 상수적 태극을 이기지묘의 이기론과 인기질의 인성론을 바탕으로 해명하는 독특성을 (...) 보여준다. 하도와 8괘형성에 관한 이론에 있어서는 기호성리학파내부에서도 논의가 분분하여 명쾌하게 일치하지 않는다. 결국 그들은 종래 주희와 호방평이 하도와 복희팔괘횡도, 복희팔괘원도를 종합하여 하나의 원리로 설명하려던 시도를 유보한다. 한원진은 하도와 원도의 관계를 중심으로 양자의 관계를 보다 명쾌하게 설명해내는 방식을 취하고, 이는 그의 동료문인들에게 지지를 받는다. 이러한 과정은 전통적 진리체계의 보편성에 대한 의식의 균열을 내포하며, 이러한 기류는 홍대용과 같은 기호실학자들에 의해 전통과학과 진리체계가 부정되면서, 19세기 「역학계몽」연구가 지속되지 못하는 한 원인이 되었다는 것이 필자의 가설이다. (shrink)

This study analyzes and evaluates the social thought of Dai Zhen. It interprets Dai’s thought in terms of a critique of ideology that problematizes Song dynasty Neo-Confucian moral vocabulary. Dai thinks that social critique is the ultimate goal of scholarship and he was explicit about this belief. This study will show that he analyzes the negative social consequences of Song Neo-Confucian moral discourse in sociologically sophisticated ways, and that he has developed this understanding through a series of works that began (...) with Yuanshan (The Origin of Goodness) and ended with Mengzi Ziyi Suzheng (Commentaries on the Meaning of Terms in Mencius). Contemporary social theorist and cultural critics should find Dai’s work relevant because his deconstruction of the reified moral vocabulary of his times is postmodern in spirit and he elucidated how discourses can concretely impact on society. (shrink)

본 연구는 現代新儒學의 창시자라고 할 수 있는 梁漱溟과 熊十力의 사상을 그들의 문화관과 철학관을 중심으로 살펴보는데 목적이 있다. 양수명과 웅십력은 ‘西勢東漸’의 시대상황 속에서 민족적문화적 위기의식을 절감하였다. 전통문화와 사상을 부정하고 서양문명을 적극 수용해야한다는 西化論者들과는 달리, 양수명과 웅십력은 佛敎와 서양철학을 비판적으로 수용하여 전통문화와 儒家哲學을 새롭게 해석함으로써 ‘中國의 進路’를 개척하고자 하였다.양수명은 ‘文化’를 ‘생활방식’으로 정의하고, 생활방식의 차이에 따라 서양인도중국문화가 형성되었다고 주장하였다. 그리고 수많은 문제를 야기한 서양문화를 대신하여 장차 중국문화가 부흥하고 인류는 중국문화가 지향하는 길을 걷게 될 것이라고 주장하였다. 웅십력은 철학의 연구대상과 영역은 본체론에 관한 것이고, 性智로써 (...) 本體를 깨달아야 한다고 생각하였다. 그러나 서양철학은 과학을 연구하는 태도로써 철학의 문제를 탐구하기에 본체에 대한 이해가 결여되었다고 주장하였다. 웅십력에게 있어 본체는 만물의 생성변화의 근원이며 동시에 인간의 本性참된 自我를 의미한다. 웅십력은 본체와 본체의 작용이 둘이 아니라는 ‘體用不二’의 사상을 통해 儒學과 불교서양철학 사이의 차이점을 분명하게 나타내고자 하였다. 양수명과 웅십력은 모두 ‘生命’을 중시하였으며, 그것은 ‘道德’의 문제와 불가분의 관계가 있다. 두 사람은 중국문화와 儒學을 통해 서양문명의 병폐를 극복할 수 있다고 주장하였는데, 이들의 사상 속에는 중국문화와 민족의 우월성과 자존심을 회복하려는 의도가 내포되어 있다. 양수명과 웅십력의 사상은 우리의 전통문화와 철학을 어떻게 이해하고 현대화할 것인가라는 문제를 해결하는데 하나의 참고가 될 수 있을 것이다. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:The Great Synthesis of Wang Yang Ming Neo-Confucianism in Korea: The Chonŏn (Testament) by Chŏng Chedu (Hagok) by Edward Y.J. ChungMaria Hasfeldt Long (bio)The Great Synthesis of Wang Yang Ming Neo-Confucianism in Korea: The Chonŏn (Testament) by Chŏng Chedu (Hagok). By Edward Y.J. Chung. Landham: Lexington Books, 2020. Pp. vii+ 351. Hardcover $137.00, isbn 978-1-7936-1469-8. The Korean Neo-Confucian tradition during the Chosŏn dynasty (1392–1910) was dominated (...) by the orthodox Sŏngnihak (School of Human Nature and Principle), which is also known as the Chŏngjuhak (Cheng–Zhu School). This school of Neo-Confucianism followed the doctrines and teachings of the Great Synthesizer Zhu Xi (1130–1200) to such a point that other Neo-Confucian schools were labeled as wrong and even persecuted until the late nineteenth century. One of these schools was Simhak (School of the Mind/Heart) established by the Chinese scholar Wang Yangming (1472–1529), which during the Ming dynasty (1382–1644) had grown to rival the Cheng–Zhu school. However, the academic-political power of the Cheng–Zhu school in Korea managed to suppress Yangming scholarship and maintain dominance throughout the dynasty. Despite that, a few scholars did take up the scholarship of Simhak in Korea, with the most influential being Chŏng Chedu, also known as Hagok (1649–1736) (p. 4). In his book, The Great Synthesis of Wang Yang Ming Neo-Confucianism in Korea: The Chonŏn (Testament) by Chŏng Chedu (Hagok), Edward Y.J. Chung presents not only an annotated translation of Hagok's main writings but also a look into intellectual scholarship that opposed the orthodoxy of the Cheng–Zhu school of Korea. This in-depth study and translation of Hagok into English was motivated by the lack of attention in Western scholarship on Korean Neo-Confucianism. It presents a study that goes beyond the three most famous scholars, Yi Hwang T'oegye (1501–1570), Yi I Yulgok (1536–1584), and Chŏng Yagyong Tasan (1762–1836), who founded the three mainstream schools of the Chosŏn dynasty. According to Chung, Hagok's writing not only represents important aspects of intellectual history but also serves as a fourth and lesser-known school of Korean Neo-Confucian thinking that should be placed on the same level as the other three. Unlike other Korean scholars who tried to take up the Yangming doctrine, Hagok did not care that the doctrine was prohibited. This set him apart from other scholars. Despite the Cheng–Zhu school being the "right learning," Hagok did not agree with the majority of it and based his theories on the Yangming doctrine. Although Hagok openly followed the Yangming doctrine, he did not do so blindly. [End Page 1] Hagok was aware that Yangming's theories had their flaws and he agreed with some theories of the Cheng–Zhu school (p. 7–8). This resulted in him trying to synthesize the two schools into one harmonious doctrine, which is why Chung believes Hagok to be important and has undertaken the task of bringing attention to this Korean scholar. Consisting of two distinct parts, Chung gives the reader a solid introduction to Hagok and his main theories via the selected translations from his most influential text, Chonŏn, which can be translated into "testament" or "living words." The first part of the book is divided into notes on the translation itself, such as transliteration, citation style, abbreviations, and, more importantly, how and why Chung selected the sections of the Chonŏn that have been translated. Through the selection, translation, annotation, and discussion of forty-one important essays from Chonŏn's three parts, Chung wishes to show the heart of Hagok's Neo-Confucian thought (p. x). The Chonŏn is not organized according to any thematic system and consists of different paragraphs, notes, and comments. Chung has, therefore, chosen which parts to translate in order to best portray Hagok's interpretation of the key concepts, the theories found in the Yangming Neo-Confucianism, and Hagok's criticism of Zhu Xi and T'oegye. All of this is properly introduced and explained in... (shrink)

진단은 도교 내단이론의 정립자이며, 북송 이래 사상계에서 가장 큰 영향력을 남긴 인물이다. 그는 다른 종교의 장점을 자신의 이론체계에 받아들이고 있음을 분명히 선언하고 있다. 그는 도교 수련과정의 논리적 부족함을 메우기 위해 유교의 易學을 도교 秘傳의 역학으로 대치하고, 육신과 정신의 이중구조를 통합하는 방법을 모색하는 과정에서 선불교의 마음수행법을 자신의 체계 속으로 끌어들였다. 진단의 내단이론은 精氣神의 개념에 기반하여 ‘연정화기’ ‘연기화신’ ‘연신환허’의 단계로 수련하는 도식이다. 진단이 말하는 내단수련이란, ‘도교 방식으로 해석한 『주역』의 근본원리에 바탕을 두고서 마음을 고요하게 하는 禪의 수행으로부터 시작하여, 그 고요함의 끝에서 온갖 변화에 (...) 신묘하게 통할 수 있고 지혜가 충만한 상태에 이르게 되면, 미묘한 精의 흐름을 간취하여 이것을 기로 변화시키는 과정을 거쳐서 결국 복귀무극의 상태로 돌아가는 것’이라고 할 수 있다. 이러한 과정을 그는 「무극도」를 그려서 표현했다. 동양철학은 인간을 ‘현상적 존재’와 ‘본원적 존재’로 구분한다. 이러한 ‘존재 규정’으로부터 수도론의 논리가 성립된다. ‘자아’ 또는 ‘자기’라는 개념을 어떻게 규정하느냐에 따라서 ‘현상적 존재’로부터 ‘본원적 존재’로의 회귀 내지는 도약 방법이 결정된다. 도교 내단이론의 정립자라 할 수 있는 진단은 이런 측면에서 독특한 내단수련론과 삼교회통론의 체계를 확립한 인물이다. 오늘날은 ‘자아상실의 시대’ 또는 환경오염으로 인하여 생기는 ‘난치병의 시대’라고 할 수 있다. 자아의 회복과 건강한 삶을 위해서 몸과 마음을 연결짓는 진단의 수련론에 대한 검토와, 여기에 기초한 새로운 수련법의 모색은 여전히 의미 있는 일이다. (shrink)

This book explores Neo-Confucianism and its relationship to politics by examining the life and work of the two iconic figures of the Joseon dynasty Yi Hwang, (1501-1570, Toegye) and Yi I (1536-1584, Yulgok).

ONE INTRODUCTION: NEO-CONFUCIANISM AND TOKUGAWA DISCOURSE BY PETER NOSCO Modern scholarship on the intellectual history of the Tokugawa period ...

Addresses Ming Dynasty philosopher Wang Fuzhi’s neo-Confucianism from the perspective of contemporary ecological humanism. In this novel engagement with Ming Dynasty philosopher Wang Fuzhi (1619–1692), Nicholas S. Brasovan presents Wang’s neo-Confucianism as an important theoretical resource for engaging with contemporary ecological humanism. Brasovan coins the term “person-in-the-world” to capture ecological humanism’s fundamental premise that humans and nature are inextricably bound together, and argues that Wang’s cosmology of energy (qi) gives us a rich conceptual vocabulary for understanding the continuity (...) that exists between persons and the natural world. The book makes a significant contribution to English-language scholarship on Wang Fuzhi and to Chinese intellectual history, with new English translations of classical Chinese, Mandarin, and French texts in Chinese philosophy and culture. This innovative work of comparative philosophy not only presents a systematic and comprehensive interpretation of Wang’s thought but also shows its relevance to contemporary discussions in the philosophy of ecology. “This is a fine study of Wang Fuzhi’s complex and fascinating neo-Confucian cosmology. I learned an immense amount about one of China’s last great Confucian intellectuals.” — John Berthrong, author of Expanding Process: Exploring Philosophical and Theological Transformations in China and the West. (shrink)

명재 윤증의 성리학은 율곡의 성리학을 그대로 계승하거나 변형하는 형태로 전개된다. 본고에서는 이를 율곡성리학의 수용과 변전으로 나누어 고찰하였다. 율곡성리학의 수용에서는 율곡성리학의 특징인 ‘이기지묘(理氣之妙)’, ‘이통기국(理通氣局)’, ‘기발이승일도(氣發理乘一途)’의 측면에서 명재가 이러한 논리를 철저히 계승하고 있음을 밝히었다. 하지만 명재는 율곡성리학을 자신만의 독창적인 설법을 제시하며, 율곡의 학설을 변전 계승하고 있다. 첫째, 명재는 리의 주재성을 강조한다. 이것은 ‘이용사(理用事)’라는 용어를 통해 도심, 인심, 인욕을 세 단계로 이해하는 데서 분명히 드러난다. 둘째, 명재의 격물치지설(格物致知說)은 주자나 율곡의 격물치지의 큰 틀 안에서 말하고는 있지만, 그 논법에 있어서는 양명학적 요소를 엿볼 수 있다. (...) 셋째, 명재는 도심의 ‘기발’이나 인심의 ‘기발’, ‘기용사’를 모두 부정적인 의미로 보지 않는다는 점에서 특징적이다. 그것은 그가 리의 주재성을 고려하여 ‘기용사(氣用事)’를 이해하기 때문으로 보인다. 결국 명재는 기호유학자로서 율곡의 ‘기발이승일도’와 ‘이기지묘’적 입장에서 성리설을 더욱 정합화하고자 하였던 의도로 율곡성리학을 변전하여 계승 발전시키고 있다고 할 수 있다. 그것은 그가 사변적인 성리논변 자체를 꺼리고, 실심에 기반하여 실공을 추구하고자 한 인생철학과, 선현들의 학설은 이미 풍부하므로 그 책들을 읽고 진지를 실천할 일이지, 그와 관계없이 저술에 힘쓰는 것은 무실의 학문이 아니라고 말했던 학문관과 일치한다. 다만 그 성향이 율곡학파 내에서도 ‘리’의 주재성을 가장 많이 강조한 학자군으로 분류되면서, 기호 소론이라는 새로운 학맥을 형성하게 되었다. 이것이 기호성리학에서 명재성리학이 갖는 가장 중요한 의의이다. (shrink)

Neo-Confucianism of the Han and Tang dynasties is an indispensable part of the history of Chinese philosophy. From Han dynasty Confucians to Tang dynasty Confucians, the study of Confucian classics evolved progressively from textual research to conceptual explanation. A significant sign of this transformation is the book Lunyu Bijie 论语笔解 (A Written Explanation of the Analects), co-authored by Han Yu and Li Ao. Making use of the tremendous room for interpretation within the Analects, the book studied and reorganized (...) the relationship between the study of literature and the Dao and principles. It clearly shows an inevitable development of Confucianism, shifting its focus from phenomena to the nature of the heart-mind in order to comprehend nature and heavenly Dao, both of which cannot be heard (from Confucius). (shrink)

The popularity of Confucianism is on the rise, not only in China, but also internationally. Confucian values are praised as the (universal) way, especially in the face of current political, social, and economic crises. The philosopher's legacy has now endured for over 2,500 years, and Confucian ideas have gained recognition as an Eastern alternative to Western concepts. This return to China's very own tradition and values can be seen as symbolizing China's new self-confidence. This volume focuses on the resurgence (...) of Confucianism in order to examine the role played by Confucian ideas in the present and the past, as well as the potential future form of a new Confucian culture. The articles range from the perception of Confucianism in Europe at the time of the Enlightenment to Neo-Confucian debates and approaches. (Series: Chinese History and Society - Berliner China-Hefte - Vol. 41). (shrink)

I show that Neo-Confucianism is practiced in two ways: (1) deontologically and (2) as a virtue ethical theory. When fully appreciated, Neo-Confucianism is a virtue ethical theory, but to set out on the path of the sage and behave like a junzi, Neo-Confucianism must first be practiced deontologically. I show this by examining the importance of Neo-Confucian metaphysics to ethical practice and by drawing out the major practical differences between “lesser learning” and “higher learning.” In my view, (...) Neo-Confucianism can be practiced deontologically because some adherents may never move to practicing Neo-Confucianism as a virtue theory. (shrink)

This two-volume set is a seminal work on contemporary New Confucianism in China, focusing on ten leading thinkers of this intellectual movement in the 20th century, discussing their divergences in thought and contemporary relevance. Contemporary New Confucianism refers to the Confucianism or Confucian thought that has emerged in China since the 1920s, which aims to revive the spirituality of Confucianism in a changing society. The first volume reviews the development of this intellectual trend and analyzes the (...) cultural context, logical approach, major themes, and problems of New Confucianism before delving into individual thinkers. It then examines and compares the philosophical thoughts of four key figures of contemporary New Confucianism, including Liang Shumin, Xiong Shili, Ma Yifu, Qian Mu. The second volume focuses on six other representative philosophers of New Confucianism, including Zhang Junmai, Feng Youlan, He Lin, Fang Dongmei, Tang Junyi, and Mou Zongsan. This set will appeal to scholars and students of modern and contemporary Confucianism, intellectual history, philosophy and thought of contemporary China, and comparative philosophy. (shrink)

In his critical examination of the most interesting and significant case, As the title shows, Of ideological 'love and hate' in the whole history of chinese philosophy and religion, The author first points out the mahayana influences on the formation of neo-Confucian philosophy. He then shows the neo-Confucian vehement attacks upon mahayana buddhism, Based on the three confucian principles inseparable and complementary to one another. After a philosophical clarification of mahayana thought against the neo-Confucian attacks, He concludes that, Despite (...) their lack of understanding buddhism in terms of the middle way, The neo-Confucianists' ethico-Social criticism is very hard-Hitting and requires a mature philosophical reflection on the part of mahayana buddhists themselves. (shrink)

Neo-Confucianism was a vast intellectual movement that was launched in Song China and that continued to exert great influence in the countries of East Asia, including Japan, Korean and even Vietnam. By the mid-Ming period in China, it found itself in the midst of a major intellectual transformation, undergoing its most lively philosophical effervescence since its formative stage. My dissertation explores the Neo-Confucian discourse of this time. ;Methodologically, I have attempted to overcome various limitations in existing scholarship, which tends (...) to be devoted to individual thinkers, and sought to provide a wide-ranging contextual treatment of various currents of thought during this period. Also, to explicate what Neo-Confucianism meant to its practitioners, I explore in depth a cardinal philosophical assumption of Neo-Confucianism that was particularly important in mid-Ming Neo-Confucian discourse: the unity between self and world. Without this philosophical underpinning which allows an individual moral agent to contain within himself the whole world, the Neo-Confucian project, which upholds personal morality as the main fulcrum of social well-being, cannot be theoretically sustained. ;By combining these approaches of history and philosophy, I offer a new lens for understanding each of the remarkable thinkers that emerged at that time---Chen Xianzhang , Hu Juren , Zhan Ruoshui , Luo Qinshun , Wang Tingxiang , and Wang Yangming . My account of each thinker seeks to prove that each thinker's philosophy can best be understood as varying responses to the crisis of the moral self in the mid-Ming. In general, mid-Ming thinkers enriched Neo-Confucian thought in the sense that they managed to articulate new conceptual modes by which to recuperate the moral self. ;Although mid-Ming thinkers' philosophical gymnastics represented their endeavor to save Neo-Confucianism, their philosophies, taken together, reveal certain features of the general intellectual milieu at that time. That is, intellectuals contested the idea of the unity of the world---the assumption that made it possible to conceive the individual self as more than an isolated ego. With this shift in the way in which individuals thought about themselves, Neo-Confucianism found itself not just in transformation but also in crisis. (shrink)

This essay elucidates special features of I Eonjeok’s Jungyong gugyeong yeonui and Yeonui byeoljip, mainly in comparison with Zhu Xi’s interpretation of the Zhongyong. It also explores the significance of these two works in I Eonjeok’s entire thoughts on Confucian classics. I Eonjeok understands the Daxue in accordance with Neo-Confucianism, especially when he regards the investigation of the principle [窮理] as the precondition for correcting the mind [正心]. In addition, he interprets ‘one’ [一] as the sincerity [誠] of the (...) way of Heaven and discusses it in the context of the theory of the heavenly principle and human desire [天理人欲論]. I Eonjeok understands that reverence [敬], one of the core concepts of Neo-Confucian moral cultivation, is in line with sincerity and the sagely mind. In the Jungyong gugyeong yeonui, I Eonjeok emphasizes the Nine Rules [九經] of the Zhongyong as the key principles on which one governs the world. He believes that one can fulfil this task through sincerity, and as a way of cultivation, he recommends the investigation of things, expansion of knowledge, sincerity, and correcting the mind [格致誠正] instructed in the Daxue. According to him, sincerity is construed as the way of Heaven and the King can observe the Nine Rules by getting a firm grasp of the way of Heaven. The Jungyong gugyeong yeonui was intended to be presented to the King; therefore, it exhibits strong characteristics as the disciplines of kingship [帝王學]. The Jungyong gugyeong yeonui and Yeonui byeoljip, both of which explain the Nine Rules, provide complementary explanations to each other. I Eonjeok interprets Confucius’ saying that the King should appoint a person who has the virtue of cherishing people's lives as emphasizing that the King is able to benefit the people with pity only when he is assisted by the subject with this virtue. He stresses the significance of appointing the prime minister and other ministers from the perspective of the disciplines of kingship. In addition, he believes that fortune or misfortune from Heaven depends on whether the King has consistent virtue or not. I Eonjeok is under the influence of Zhu Xi’s Neo-Confucianism in that he contrasts the heavenly principle and human desire when discussing the virtue of the King. Besides, his interpretation of the Nine Rules is deemed as the disciplines of kingship in that he underlines the pure mind of the King. (shrink)

This paper is a article of Pojeo Cho Yik (浦渚 趙翼: 1579~1655)’s point of view related to the book of Doctrine of the Mean (中庸) in the mid-Joseon Dynasty, when Neo Confucianism was overwhelming. At the age of 24, he wrote the Article of Doctrine of the Mean (jung yong seol 中庸說) which was explained the basic lines of the books related to the book of Doctrine of the Mean (中庸) to be written later. He wrote the Indivisual Opinion (...) of Zhongyong (jung yong sa ram 中庸私覽) at 29, and wrote the Hard-earned Zhongyong (jung yong gon deuk 中庸困得) at 37. This paper examines the transitions and consistency of his point of view of the Doctrine of the Mean (中庸) in Korean History of Classical Learning, focusing on the Indivisual Opinion of Zhongyong (中庸私覽) and the Hard-earned Zhongyong (中庸困得). The early research on his scholarship started from the work of clarifying the relationship between Wang Yangming (王陽明) and it has been mistaken as one of the schools derived from the teachings of Wang Yangming, but it turns out to be absolutely irrelevant. His thoughts and arguments are so strong in the colors of Neo Confucianism, whicd is derived from the teachings of Zhu Xi (朱熹). And the scholars who knew him at that time absolutely did not define his study as the study of Wang Yang-ming. We can not say that he is the opposite of Zhu Xi, just because his way of distinguishing sentences of the book of Doctrine of the Mean (中庸) is different from Zhu Xi. Because Zhu Xi had already mentioned it in his other works. And although he had been associated with the Yangming scholars, they had never mentioned him as a Yangming scholar. Cho Yik regarded Zhu Xi as the best person after Confucius, and genuinely admired him. His submission of opinions different from Zhu Xi only added to his meticulousness to further strengthen Zhu Xi’s neo Confucianism. (shrink)

Carsun Chang (1886-1968) zahlt zu den bedeutendsten chinesischen Philosophen des 20. Jahrhunderts und zu den wichtigsten Bruckenbauern zwischen dem Konfuzianismus und der Moderne. Er war neben seiner philosophischen Arbeit ein eminent politischer Denker und Aktivist, der zur Zeit der Republik nach dem Vorbild der westlichen Sozialdemokratie einen "dritten Weg" zwischen der rechtsnationalistischen Guomindang und der kommunistischen Bewegung suchte. Zugleich wurde er zu einem der wichtigsten chinesischen Theoretiker des demokratischen Verfassungsstaates. Die bis heute liberalste chinesische Verfassung, jene der Republik China von (...) 1947, tragt seine Handschrift. So verkorpert er wie kein anderer die den Konfuzianismus seiner Ansicht nach kennzeichnende Einheit von Philosophie und Politik. Carsun Chang starb 1968 im Exil in den USA. Dieses Buch stellt die Geschichte des Neo-Konfuzianismus von den Anfangen im 10. Jahrhundert bis in die Neuzeit dar und bietet damit einen Uberblick uber die vormoderne chinesische Philosophie eines ganzen Jahrtausends. Es basiert auf einer Vorlesung, die Carsun Chang 1929 an der Universitat Jena hielt. Die ursprunglich schon fur 1941 vorgesehene Publikation wurde durch den Krieg verhindert. (shrink)

This chapter discusses the Confucian concern for transmitting cultural objects, practices, and attitudes as a link between past and present. Confucian thought idealized a golden past, where practices (Confucius), Classics (Mencius), and rituals (Xunzi) established by the Sages-King held specific lessons for the present. Whether for Classical Confucianism or Neo-Confucianism (Zhu Xi), cultural mediations inherited from the past are integrated into self-cultivation: the attempt to become a superior person (Junzi君子), someone able to be in charge of public government (...) because of a moral and intellectual lineage. (shrink)

This paper investigates the meaning of the neo-Confucian concept of 'li'. From early on, it has the sense of a pattern designating how things are and ought to be. But it takes on the appearance of something transcendent to the world only at a certain point in history, when it becomes juxtaposed to 'qi'. Zhu Xi has been criticized for this 'li-qi' dichotomization and the transcendentalization of 'li'. The paper re-examines this putative dualism and transcendentalism, looking into both Zhu's (...) discussions and pre- and post-Zhu discussions of 'li', and concludes it to be an inter-connective threading immanent to the world. (shrink)

江戸時代中期に開学した漢学塾懐徳堂。中井竹山・履軒兄弟が展開した懐徳堂儒学と朱子学との関係、思想史的意義を明らかにする。.

The book aims to describe the history of Chan (Japanese Zen) School thought from the standpoint of social history. Chan, a school of East Asian Buddhism, was influential on all levels of societies in the region because of its intellectual and aesthetic appeal. In China, Chan infiltrated all levels of society, mainly because it engaged with society and formed the mainstream of Buddhism from the tenth or eleventh centuries through to the twentieth century. This book, taking a critical (...) stance, examines the entire history of Chan thought and practice from the viewpoint of a modern Chinese scholar, not a practitioner, but an intellectual historian who places ideological developments in social contexts. The author suggests that core elements of Chan have their origins in Daoist philosophers, especially Zhuangzi, and not in Indian Buddhist concepts. Covering the period from the sixth century into the twentieth century, it deals with Chan interactions with neo-Confucianism, Quanzhen Daoism, and Gongyang new text philology, as well as with literature and scholarship, its fusion with Pure Land Buddhism, and its syncretic tendencies. Chan’s exchanges with emperors from the Song, Yuan, Ming, and Qing Dynasty, as well as the motives of some loyalists of the Ming Dynasty for joining Chan after the fall of the Ming, are described. The book concludes with an examination of the views of Chan of Hu Shi, D.T. Suzuki, and the scholar-monk Yinshun. (shrink)