This study aimed to examine the thoughts and expectations of patients receiving healthcare from their physicians and evaluate the ethical aspects of these thoughts and expectations. To determine the ethical aspects of the thoughts and expectations of patients, an open-ended question was asked on the web page of the Turkish Armed Forces (TAF) Health Care Command, which is accessible to the users of the TAF intranet system (the internet system used within TAF institutions). The participants were asked to express their (...) thoughts in their own words. A total of 804 participants answered the question by providing their input. The statements of the participants were classified separately by two public health specialists. The classification was made in accordance with the basic principles of patient rights, and they were collected under various headings including expectations about respect and care, good communication, informed consent, and fair and non-privileged distribution of healthcare services. The results show that patients tend to consider the physicians they see as solely responsible for all the negative issues that they encounter during their healthcare. This indicates that there is a need for extensive research on the underlying factors involved in the negative thoughts and feelings toward healthcare professionals in both TAF and Turkey in general. (shrink)

In Arabic, hurūf al-ma'ānī (meaning letters) are of the most remarkable factors making the words make sense. One of these letters is harf al-jarr ba. Actually, it is seen that similar studies were conducted for this letter. It has been analysed under the hurūf al-jarr chapters in naḥw/syntax books, in separate works addressing meaning letters and in original studies related to hurūf al-jarr. Additionally, it was specifically scrutinized from various aspects in an original way. While some gave place to the (...) forms it was used in certain surahs of Qur’an, others analysed it in terms of certain meanings it conveyed. However, there are few studies applying the meaning letters and presenting poetry examples from the j̲āhilīyyah poems, which are extremely important in Arabic language and a type of Classical Arabic texts. This study addresses the ba preposition, used with many meanings and functions, about which there were no original studies on the basis of j̲āhilīyyah poetry which has been exemplified in almost all of the works written in the period beginning from the earliest times of Arabic language and literature to this time. This study analyses the place and style of use for the letter ba in muʿallaqāt poems written in j̲āhilīyyah. The aim of this study is to find answers for questions such as: “Being used in poems, which meaning is conveyed more often with ba? In which muʿallaqāt poem was it used more? Are there any poems in which it is used with its literal and figurative meanings simultaneously? Do the poems include all of the meanings this letter adds to expressions like in the classical texts?”. Consisting of two chapters, this study presents brief information regarding the general characteristics of the muʿallaqāt poems and their poets in the first chapter. In the second chapter, the forms this letter is used in poetry are presented. Since it influences meaning, the grammatical aspect of the ba preposition is also analysed when necessary. While this preposition used in poetry is examined, by considering the elucidation of the couplets it was used, the holistic text in which the couplet appeared and the grammatical aspect of this letter, we tried to make a conclusion. In the preliminary analysis about the subject, it was considered that harf al-jarr ba taking place in all muʿallaqāt poems was used with various meanings. In the muʿallaqāt poems, the most common meaning which harf al-jarr ba conveys is as adverb of place. It is thought that, this stems from the names of places which are frequently seen in muʿallaḳāt poems and for the expression style of harf al-jarr ba. The real meaning with which this letter is used is addition. Being used with numerous figurative meanings, this preposition is seen to reflect its literal meaning as well as these ones. For this reason, it can be understood how a meaning letter can be used both in its literal meaning and the secondary/figurative meaning. It is understood that harf al-jarr ba was used for a total of two hundred and forty-three times in muʿallaḳāt poems with its various meanings. With its many meanings, this letter was used with thirteen different meanings in muʿallaqāt poems with meanings such as addition, causative, referencing, giving reason, conversation, adverb, valuing, reciprocation, responding, escalation, indefinite, oath and reduplication. The muʿallaqā in which harf al-jarr ba was used the most is that of Ṭarafa b. al-Abd’s. (shrink)

This article is based on the premise that the constructed image of the national self is a fundamental criterion shaping the conceptions of history teaching in the Turkish educational system. In this regard, I argue that examining how particular ethno-religious groups are discursively positioned in relation to the idealised self-image can reveal whether and how history textbooks can be revised. Having described the historical and political context for the only curriculum revision occurred in 2013 concerning a non-Muslim community, the Assyrians, (...) the article demonstrates that specific discursive strategies are used to position the Assyrian community in relation to the favourable national self-image, rather than a fixed categorization for non-Muslim communities. Adopting the methodological framework of critical discourse analysis, the author examines the portrayal of the Assyrian community in the secondary school Turkish history textbooks taught over the last three decades and identifies how the topoi of justice and tolerance, as well as allegiance and betrayal allow a particular group to be a member of the larger body of ‘acceptable citizens.’. (shrink)

This article was written by Musa Jarullah Bigiyev (Rostov, 1875 – Cairo, 1949) who was a Turkish - Tatar scholar and published in Japan in 1941 in the Kaikyo Sekai– Islamic Worldjournal in Japanese.In this work, firstly Musa Jarullah Bigiyev explained the foundations of the Turkish population living within the borders of the Soviet Union, and then he expressed Turkish policies in the early 20thcentury. Musa Jarullah Bigiyev said that in the first half of 20thcentury, despite the intense efforts made (...) for the freedom of Turkish people who lived in Russia, it was not succeeded as the necessary unity could not be achieved and Russia implemented hard policy on them.In conclusion, Musa Jarullah Bigiyev finishes his work by saying that “As real Muslims, as free people and the owners of the Turkish power, we must not have the patients what will fall into Bolsheviks’ trap”. (shrink)

In some works of Fahr al-Dīn al-Rāzī (d. 1210), there is a discourse related to the claim that textual evidence produces uncertainty. This claim was put forward as a theory based on approximately eleven premises although this number varies in some of his works. According to this theory, textual evidences are not convenient for drawing definite conclusions about the meanings indicated by these evidences due to the situations which is caused by (ⅰ) the language itself and (ⅱ) the use of (...) the speaker of the language and (ⅲ) understanding of listener respectively. There is an additional phrase “This claim is not valid absolutely” in some of the works that mention this theory. Even though that is the case, this addition is not enough -at first glance- to solve the problem. If the problem of the uncertanity of textual evidence, which was put forward systematically for the first time by Fahr al-Dīn al-Rāzī as far as is known, is accepted in the borad sense it might cause some critical problems concerning the science of Kalām. The most important one among these problems can be presented in this way: In the science of Kalām, it is claimed that the certain (yakīnī) propositios and certain evidences are used in the issues that Kalām deals with and substantiates. On the other hand, the true narrative (al-khabar al-sādiq) is counted as one of the sources of knowledge in this science. The true narrative has subsections in the form of narratives transmitted from so many groups of people that are almost impossible to agree on a lie. Because all of these have reached us by way of words and narration, the issue of the uncertanity of textual evidence renders these subsections problematic. Consequently, one of the sources of knowledge in the science of Kalām happens to lose its reliability. In the present work, the following problem is analyzed: The problem of the uncertanity of textual evidence in that it causes one fundamental source of knowledge to be eliminated in the science of Kalām. [In the present paper] Two solutions will be offered to solve the problem: (a) Questioning how the issue was discussed after Rāzī and how Rāzī was understood, then showing which understanding is in accordance with Rāzī's statements. For, in order to reach the most accurate conclusion about a problem, how the issue is understood and explained in the historical process has a very important position. To solve a problem regarding a scholar like Rāzī, who left many works that must be examined from a holistic point of view, it is extremely important to consider first-hand his students, close followers and critics. (b) Showing the field and issues in which the textual evidence can be used epistemologically" through "the tripartite division of the issues whose knowledge is sought to be attained, as known only by reason, known only by transplantation, and known by both" in Kalām. Because the division of the issues according to the ways and sources of knowledge will reveal which information sources can be used in what kind of issues and where they will pose a problem when used. Accordingly, the power or consistency of an information source should be examined through issues that are not objectionable in their epistemological use. The aim of this study is to solve the problem in two ways to have been mentioned. (shrink)

İyi bir yaşamın nasıl mümkün olabileceğinin erdemle açıklanması, erdemin insan yaşamındaki önemini göstermektedir. Dolayısıyla insan fenomenlerini konu alan felsefede geniş bir yer tutan erdem kavramı özellikle etik alanında önemli bir araştırma konusudur. Etiğin tarihi geçmişinde, etik sorunlara kararmayan bir ışık tutmuş olan Kant’ın etik görüşüne genel olarak bakıldığında, erdem kavramının pek ön planda olmadığı görülmektedir. Bununla birlikte, Kant’ın erdem ile ilgili söyledikleri, erdemin ahlak yasasından daha az önemli olmadığını göstermektedir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, Kant’ın erdem temelli bir etik kurmadığı için klasik (...) bir erdem etikçisi olmadığı veya etiğinde erdemin yerini ve önemini göstererek bir erdem etikçisi olduğu tartışmasının pek de anlamlı olmadığını göstermektir. Çünkü bu tartışma, Kant etiğini bir yere taşımaz. Bu amaç doğrultusunda, Kant’ı, bir erdem etikçisi olduğu ya da olmadığı tartışmasına sokarak kategorize etmeden, Kant etiğinde erdemin yeri ve önemini ortaya koymak amacıyla, Ahlak Metafiziği adlı eserinin _Erdem Öğretisi_ bölümünde yapılan erdem tanımlamaları ve açıklamaları ile “en yüksek iyi” (_summum bonum_) kavramı ve erdem ödevleri ele alınacaktır. (shrink)

Die Liebe ist auf der einen Seite die erste Stufe des menschlichen Handelns, auf der anderen Seite ist sie die Letzte. Die Liebe ist bei jeder Periode der Emanzipation des Individuums dabei und führt ihre Existenz parallel zum Entwicklungsgrad des Bewusstsein fort. Die Emanzipation findet da statt, wo das Individuum und der Andere zusammen sind. Waehrend das "Ich" seine Emanzipation verwirklicht, traegt es auch die Emanzipation des Anderen in sich. Das kritische Bewusstsein des Individuums über Fakten, Begriffe und Phaenomene startet (...) beim Individuum seine Emanzipation, weil das kritische Bewusstsein eine dem Daseienden gegenüber unterschiedliche autonome und originelle individuelle Haltung verschafft und über sich und andere Bewusstsein bildet. Das zeigt, dass das philosophische Bewusstsein, das mit der Hoffnung begonnen hatte, sich im Emanzipationsabenteuer des Menschen zu einem höheren Niveau entfaltet. Die dritte Phase der Emanzipation est die Phase der Selbstverwirklichung des Individuums. Diese Phase bedeutet, dass das Individuum in Situationen, die ihn betreffen, nach freien Willen entscheiden kann und sich nicht der Macht eines anderen Willens beugt, dass es seine eigenen Begabungen, Fertigkeiten oder Faehigkeiten nach eigenen Willen verwirklicht. (shrink)

"In Balanuye's work the reader finds effective insights into the nature of the overblown tailless monkey politely called the human race. The fragments sometimes enunciated as a chastising bolt, but mostly as a comedic nudge. And with each we have to sit up and listen - and think. That is what we deserve, do we not?" - Hüseyin İçen, Turkish translator of The Picture of Dorian Gray "An admirably collage-like and astringent contribution to the tradition, which reaches back at least (...) to Heraclitus, of aphorism and epigram." - David Shields, Author of Reality Hunger Philosophers are generally expected to engage in the three pursuits together and meticulously for a sufficient amount of time: reading, thinking, and arguing for or against by writing or speaking. According to this approach, it is possible for everyone to practice a philosophical life. Because the said approach does not allow an "all or nothing" type of rigidity; some may be more involved in this pursuit, some less. In any case, there is a difference of degree rather than a difference of type. It should be kept in mind that in the definition put forward, reading, thinking and discussion are nonetheless necessary but not sufficient elements to be an original philosopher. Allocating a serious place to all three elements in her life does not guarantee an original philosopher. Authenticity is a gem we still don't know enough about. The book in your hand consists of fragments, the shortest of which is a sentence and the longest of which is a few paragraphs. I wanted these fragments to invoke longer readings, reflection practices, and perhaps discussions, triggered by shorter readings. CONTENTS A BITE TO REPLACE THE PROLOGUE CHAPTER I: REALITY CHAPTER II: ENCOUNTERS CHAPTER III: CONTEXT ABOUT THE AUTHOR: Balanuye is a Turkish continental European philosopher and academic. His book Where Does Spinoza's Joy Come From? [published in Turkish only] went through numerous editions and contributed to the adoption of Spinoza's teaching by outside readers as well as philosophers in Turkey. He currently teaches at the Department of Philosophy at Akdeniz University. (shrink)

Mirrors for princes, in general, give advices to the rulers about the subtleties of political art. Another aim of these books is to define and explain the administration of the state and the duties of rulers based on experience. In consequence of this they reflect the practical ethics of the period in which they were written. As such, they resemble practical handbooks written for rulers. Another point regarding the mirrors for princes works in which the political understanding of the era (...) can be observed is that they generally use sacred texts in order to prove the political legitimacy or invalidity of the power, as well as the rightfulness or the unlawfulness of the claims to the throne. Evidences from the Qurʾān and the ḥadīth literature was almost always used to support such advocated opinions. In fact, during the Middle Ages when religion and politics were considered coupled, it was unthinkable that religious elements should not be included in the works of state administration. The important point here is that the verses and ḥadīths were sometimes removed from their contexts and interpreted and explained in a way to support the ideology of the author or the ruler whom the author presented his work. In this study, we will try to reveal the subjects in which the verses and ḥadīths used in the mirrors for princes, which is a genre that has emerged within the Islamic culture and civilization. Thus, we aim to prepare a background for the future studies, which will focus on a specific verse or ḥadīth.Summary: The first political splits in Islamic history occurred immediately after the death of prophet Muḥammad. These differences were resolved by the agreement of the majority of Muslims on Abu Bakr's name. Until the second half of the rule of the third caliph ʿUthmān, Muslims came together around the unifying power of the idea of conquest. Nevertheless, substantially as a result of economically based problems the period of tranquility in Islamic society came to an end and was replaced by disputes. Disputes turned into conflict and ultimately seperation fused with the massacre of ʿUthmān in the capital Medina turned into a big fire with the Battles of the Camel and Ṣiffīn, the emergence of Khārijīs, the formation of the Shia and the deepening of the intellectual divisions after the all of these. Islamic history has witnessed a clash of different religious views and beliefs. along with deepening of intellectual disagreements as a result of political debatesIn the Islamic political thought, especially the first two centuries process was formed around the views of the jurists, muḥaddiths and theologians. The first sources used by those who tried to justify their opinion in the differences of opinion experienced during this period were the Qurʾān and ḥadīth literature which Muslims accepted as the determining factor in all their acts. The views based on the Qur'an and the hadiths, which are the two main sources of Islamic religion, had been used to influence the people, legitimize the actions and refute the claims of the opponents. On the other hand the sort who gave direction to political thought changed and political thought adhered a new path with Turks and Persians served as bureaucrats and soldiers and took an active position in the state. Especially Persians carried the culture of advice to Islamic thought, which is the product of both Greek and Hind civilization. Such books had brought in the İslamic society with translation movements began in the Umayyad period and peaked with the Bayt al-Ḥikma in the Abbasid period. Together with these books, the ideas of these civilizations on ideal state administration, politics and morality were recognized by Muslim scholars.These type of works, which are famous in terms of Islamic thought as mirrors for princes, have been written by Muslim scholars since the middle of the eighth century. Mirrors for princes are political, moral and religious content books that gives the rulers practical advice to maintain their power in accordance with the religious orders and prohibitions, and to the consent of Allāh’s who grant them this authority and people which appointed for their administration. Mirrors for princes are mostly theoretical books since they are mostly focused on what should be. In addition, since they are written for names that currently hold power, they are centered on how the rulers can maintain and increase their power and with which practices the state will maintain its existence for a longer period. The basic point of political thought and political interpretation are concepts and definitions. When the concept meaning of a word is mentioned, it is generally considered that there is a general definition. However, the concepts reflect the meaning that the user assigns to him in the context of his thoughts, perceptions, criticisms, explanations and analyzes. Concepts such as fair, honest, brave, hero, beautiful, rich, good and clean express what the person imposes on the meaning. In other words, everyone’s experience determines the content of the concept so far. The meaning of the concepts varies with the age and its user of that concept. Even concepts such as justice, merit and consultation can change meaning in different periods and geographies. The concepts, which are often used to facilitate understanding, are sometimes used to judge, to mold or mislead the interlocutor. In this context, it is imperative to enter the mind of the user in order to make concept analysis.In Islamic civilization, the principles of management are explained with concepts. The idiosyncrasies that Muslims expect from an ideal ruler are defined as justice, consultation, merit, trust and legitimacy and a broad corpus has been written about the concepts related to the administration, especially those mentioned. One type of this corpus is mirrors for princes.In Islamic history, there are many Mirrors for princes who are written in different time periods by names coming from different geographies and different backgrounds. Although the advice given in Mirrors for princes indicate a great similarity to each other, the preferred arguments and examples in the foundation of the counsel are different. While the persons in active politics mostly based their opinions on political arguments, scholars with scientific tradition supported their advices with religious arguments.Verses are the leading religious elements highlighted in Mirrors for princes. While explaining the concepts and emphasizing the importance of the advices, many verses have been exploited. Some verses are used only by one author, while some verses are the subject of their work by many authors. In the same way, ḥadīths and the sentences accepted as ḥadīths were also used to reinforce the emphasis and meaning. At this point, sometimes the context of the verses and ḥadīths were not taken care of. In this study, we aim to address the use of religious elements.In the literature, different opinions have emerged about who is ülü’l-emr and the limits of obedience to ülü’l-emr that used describe the names of senior executives and leaders of society. The reason for the difference is that each sect or religious school provides an interpretation on the basis of grounding its own views in explaining the verse. Justice is the most emphasized concept among the advices given to the rulers in mirrors for princes. Justice, which is shown as the most important feature of a sovereign, has been regarded as extremely important for the state to existences until the Doomsday. In addition, justice has been described as the most important condition for the maintenance of the state/sovereign authority. Consultation was important to make the right decision.Verses and ḥadīths were used in the explanations about the personal characteristics of the sovereign. Some features such as being compassionate, keeping promise, controlling anger, patience, honesty, blessing, extravagance, self-esteem, break a promise, revoke a promise and arrogance have become the subject of politics. When the mirrors for princes are considered as a whole, it is seen that religion and state are considered as inseparable twin brothers, taken one step further the understanding that accepts religion and the world as brothers especially is a product of the old Persian tradition. In this understanding, religion was accepted as the root and was given the duty of its patronage to political authority. It is seen that in the Mirrors for princes verses and ḥadīths hold a significant amount. As the reason for this can be said that along with religion takes place on the basis of morality, the authors of the Mirrors for princes, which put deep meanings on the relationship between religion and the state in the period that we are dealing with, consider both institutions to be complementary and integrative. (shrink)

Türk ve İslam tarihinin kırılma noktalarından birisi 1040 yılında Selçuklular ile Gazneliler arasında cereyan eden Dandanakan Savaşı’dır. Savaşın ardından Selçuklular hızlı bir yükselişle özellikle Sünnî İslam coğrafyasında etkin ve belirleyici güç haline gelmiştir. Göçebe kültürden gelen ve bir oba hüviyetinde iken çok kısa bir sürede önlenemez bir şekilde hâkimiyet alanını Türkistan coğrafyasından Anadolu içlerine kadar genişleten Büyük Selçuklu Devleti, kurumsal olarak da olgunlaşmaya başlamıştır. Bu noktada hem merkezi yönetimde hem de vilayetlerde ortaya çıkan yetişmiş eleman ihtiyacını birçoğu daha önce Gazneli (...) devlet teşkilatında görev yapmış Fars asıllı devlet adamları karşılamıştır. Bu isimlerden birisi de ileride Nizâmülmülk adıyla şöhret bulacak ve namı isminin önüne geçecek olan Hasan b. Alî b. İshâk et-Tûsî’dir. Nizâmülmülk, devlet gücünün askeri alanda elde edilen zaferlere endekslendiği bir dönemde askerî, idarî, ilmî ve ekonomik alanda attığı adımlar ve aldığı tedbirlerle Büyük Selçuklu Devleti’nin kurumsallaşmasında son derece etkin bir isim olmuştur. Bu etkinlik neticesinde hem halk hem de devlet adamları nezdinde saygın bir yer edinmiştir. Bu çalışma çerçevesinde Nizâmülmülk’ün devlet bürokrasisi içerisindeki konumuna, hükümdar ve hanedan üyeleri ile olan ilişkilerine ve vezirlik sürecinde attığı adımların Selçuklu tarihine yansımalarına değinilecektir. Özet: Devlet kademesinde görev almaya Gazneliler Devleti’nin Horasan Valisi Ebü’l-Fazl Sûrî’nin yanında başlayan Nizâmülmülk, Horasan Bölgesi’nin Selçukluların kontrolüne geçmesiyle birlikte hizmetlerine Selçuklu Devleti’nde devam etmiştir. Çağrı Bey’in hizmetinde rüştünü ispat eden Nizâmülmülk, Çağrı Bey’in en güvendiği isimlerden biri haline gelmiştir. Öyle ki, Çağrı Bey ileride önce Horasan’ın sonrasında tüm Selçuklu yurdunun yönetimini üstlenecek olan oğlu Alparslan’ı Nizâmülmülk’e emanet etmiş, oğluna da Nizâmülmülk’ü bir baba olarak kabul etmesini, ona muhalefet etmemesini öğütlemiştir. Alparslan, babasının tavsiyeleri ve üvey kardeşi Süleyman ile giriştiği taht mücadelesinde gösterdiği yararlılık münasebetiyle devletin en önemli idari görevi olan vezirlik makamını Nizâmülmülk’e tevdi etmiştir. Bu dönemden itibaren vefatına kadar, yaklaşık 30 yıl kesintisiz bir süreyle Büyük Selçuklu Devleti’nin vezirliğini yapmış ve V./XI. yy.’ın ikinci yarısından itibaren Büyük Selçuklu siyasetinin en etkin figürü haline gelmiştir. Melikşah’ın tahta geçebilmesinin Nizâmülmülk ile ilişkilendirilmesi, onun döneminde elde edilen başarıların ve devlet sisteminin düzenlenmesi, şehirlerin imarı, ekonominin güçlenmesi gibi ülke içerisinde yaşanan olumlu gelişmelerin Nizâmülmülk’ün marifetiyle gerçekleştirildiğinin dillendirilmesi, Tanrı tarafından yeryüzünü yönetmek ve inşa etmek için seçildiği düşünülen bir sultan varken bir vezirin devlet için nimet olarak gösterilmesi sultanın vezirine bakışını etkilemiştir. Bu noktada üzerinde durulması gereken hususlardan birisi de Nizâmülmülk’ün kendisini nasıl gördüğü ve devlet içerisinde kendini nerede konumlandırdığıdır. Nizâmülmülk’ün Sultan Melikşah’a verdiği bir cevapta devletin geldiği noktayı ve sultanın mevcudiyetini kendi varlığıyla eşleştirmesi, tarihinin gördüğü en yetenekli vezirlerden biri olan Nizâmülmülk’ün özgüveninin son derece yüksek ve kendisini kudret sahibi olarak gördüğüne işaret etmektedir. Bu anlamlandırma halk nezdinde herhangi bir kutsiyeti bulunmayan vezirlik makamındaki bir kişinin, toplum nezdinde Allah tarafından seçildiğine inanılan kutlu kişiye meydan okutan gücü kendisinde hissetmesinin kaynağını sorgulatmaktadır. Aranan cevap Nizâmülmülk’ün vezirlik sürecinin çeşitli başlıklar altında ve bu başlıklara dair verilecek örneklerle incelenmesi neticesinde onun devletin iç işleyişine etkisinin tespitinde ve farklı kesimlerle kurduğu ilişkide saklıdır. Nizâmülmülk, Selçuklu tahtına karşı sıkı bir bağlılık göstermiştir. Bu bağlılığını lüzumu halinde savaş meydanında göğüs göğüse çarpışarak sergilemiş, gerekli olduğunda kıvrak zekâsı ile sorunları devlet için tehlikeli boyuta gelmeden çözmüş, siyasi öngörüsü ile aldığı tedbirler sayesinde devletin büyümesine katkı sağlamıştır. Onun bu sadakati ve samimiyeti, Selçuklu sultanları tarafından karşılık bırakılmamış, Alparslan vezirinin fikirlerine büyük önem verip tercihlerini bu doğrultuda şekillendirirken, aleyhine söylenen sözlerin hiçbirine kulak asmamıştır. Melikşah da, bir anlamda kendisine Selçuklu tahtını veren Nizâmülmülk’e gerekli hürmeti göstererek bütün devlet işlerinin yürütülmesini ona tevdi etmiş ve kendisini bir “baba” gibi gördüğünü ifade etmiştir. İlaveten Selçuklu tarihinde bir ilk olmak üzere Melikşah, Nizâmülmülk’e atabeg (el-emîrü’l-vâlid) unvanını vermiştir. Melikşah, Büyük Selçuklu tahtındaki ilk yıllarını, gençliğin etkisiyle, polo oynayıp, büyük av partileri düzenlemekle geçirmiş ve bundan dolayı devlet içerisinde bütün güç Nizâmülmülk’ün eline geçmiştir. Ortaya çıkan bu durum da “ülke resmen ve ismen sultanın olmakla birlikte gerçekte ‘Nizam’ına kavuştu.” ifadesiyle açıklanmıştır. Ayrıca Melikşah’ın saltanatı döneminde elde edilen askerî, siyasî ve ekonomik başarılar Nizâmülmülk’ün yeteneği ve devlet işlerinde attığı adımlara bağlanmıştır. Nizâmülmülk, hanedan ile kurduğu ilişkinin yanı sıra devlet kademesinde görev alan farklı zümrelerle de güven üzerine dayalı yakın bir ilişki biçimi geliştirmiştir. Örneğin, Nizâmülmülk’ün katıldığı askerî seferlerde bir nefer gibi askerlerin içerisinde savaşa katılması ordu içerisinde kendisine saygı duyulmasına yol açmıştır. Ayrıca, Melikşah ile Kirman Hâkimi Kavurd Bey arasındaki taht mücadelesinde Melikşah’ın safında yer almakla birlikte Kavurd Bey’i destekleyen bazı isimlerin yazdıkları destek mektuplarının ortaya çıkmasına engel olarak hem emirlerin korkularını yatıştırırmış hem de itibarını artırmıştır. Nizâmülmülk’ün yakın ilişki içerisinde olduğu bir diğer grup ilmiye sınıfı olmuştur. Bilge vezir, Tuğrul Bey döneminde Amidülmülk Kündürî tarafından takibata uğrayan ve baskılara maruz kalan ilim adamlarının yurtlarına dönebilmelerine imkân sağlamıştır. Bu ilim adamları da yurtlarına dönüşlerini sağlayan isme zihinlerinde ve gönüllerinde her zaman özel bir yer ayırmışlardır. Birçok âlimin çalışmalarını Nizâmülmülk’e ithaf etmesi, diğer saiklerle birlikte, bunun bir göstergesidir. Nizâmülmülk bir adım daha atarak, Sultan Alparslan ve Melikşah’ın müsaadeleriyle, bu ilim adamları için hâkim olunan coğrafyanın her tarafında ilimle iştigal edebilecekleri medreseler inşa etmiştir. Nizâmülmülk’ün adına nispetle Nizamiye Medreseleri olarak isimlendirilen bu medreselerde hem eğitim-öğretim kadrosuna hem de öğrenim süresi boyunca ve de mezun olduktan sonra öğrencilere sunulan imkânlar, insanların medreselere olan ilgisini arttırıyordu. Medreseler eliyle bir taraftan önceki dönemde yerlerinden edilen ve baskıya maruz kalan ilim adamlarına bir borç ödenip iade-i itibar sağlanırken diğer taraftan da Büyük Selçuklu Devleti’nin idari ve adli sisteminin ihtiyaç duyduğu yetişmiş insan gücü inşa edilmiştir. Nizâmülmülk, toplum lehine attığı adımlar ve sorunların çözümüne verdiği önem ile halkın desteğini sağlamıştır. Öyle ki insanların hayatları boyunca ona minnettar kaldığı vurgulanmıştır. Nizâmülmülk halkın sorunlarının çözümüne önem göstermiş ve onlarla yakından ilgilenmiştir. Nizâmülmülk’ün verdiği güven duygusu halkın hoşuna gitmiş ve toplum içerisinde kabul görmesine vesile olmuştur. Nizâmülmülk’ün bir diğer hasleti de fakirlere sofrasını açmasıdır. Böylece onlarla diyalog kurmuş ve gönüllerini kazanmıştır. Her yönüyle eksiksiz bir devlet adamı olan Nizâmülmülk, toplumun her türlü ihtiyacının çözümünü düşünmüş ve bu yönde adımlar atmıştır. Nizâmülmülk’ün toplumun her kesimi ile kurduğu samimi ve yakın ilişki o kadar büyük bir takdir ve beğeni toplamıştır ki bu durum Nizâmülmülk’ün toplum nezdinde sultan itibarı görmesine sebep olmuştur. İlaveten Selçuklu coğrafyasının her yerinden ve toplumun her kesiminden insanın kendisine yönelmesi hasebiyle Kâbe’ye benzetilmiştir. Nizâmülmülk, devlet kademesinde görev alan aile bireyleri, ilişki içerisinde olduğu âlimler, kendi ordusu ve emirleri ile bir güç odağı haline gelmiştir. Bunun sonucunda Nizâmülmülk, 11. yüzyılın son çeyreğinde rakipsiz bir şekilde Büyük Selçuklu siyasetinin en etkin figürü, Selçuklu yönetimini ve politikalarını belirleyen isim ve Selçuklu tarihinin en önemli olaylarında karar mercii olmuş ve sonuçta Selçuklu tarihine damga vurmuştur. İbnü’l-Esîr, Fatımî veziri Bedr el-Cemalî’nin kendisi için kullandığı sayısız lakabı kaydettikten sonra sadece Mısır’a hâkim olan bir devletin veziri bu kadar lakap kullanıyorsa Nizâmülmülk’ün “ilah”lık iddiasında bulunması gerekirdi diyerek hem Selçuklunun azametini hem de Selçuklu devletinde Nizâmülmülk’ün yerini göstermektedir. (shrink)

Umayyad Islamic art has a very rich understanding of art. It will not be possible to create architectural, handicrafts and other custom decorations of these dates, including animal decorations and animal decorations. Therefore, it has become a very important owner in figure art. The figures of the early Islamic period have a common style and style while under the influence of different cultures. In this high Islamic art, it is preserved and maintained before it is transformed into a form that (...) can be applied from sculpture and painting. It is one of the figures that can be said to what extent the people who have survived until today. Because human and animal figures will not be a part of the most important elements of Islamic art. With the absence of Islam and the negative view of the statue, the life necessary for an early period aimed to be completed. In the design of the plan, private 'civil decorations' can be included in Islamic art with a political planning. Do not avoid this art because they are not cautious about verses and events. In this work, it is aimed to place the subject in question, to bring it to the exhibition and to imagine a wider window expression. Therefore, it will be a pleasure to reach and present the goals achieved. (shrink)

The present article discusses the Department of Kalam, its foundation, academic structuring, philosophy, and contribution to religious thought at the national and international level since the establishment of Ankara University Faculty of Divinity. The process regarding the field of Kalam since the establishment of Ankara University Faculty of Divinity in 1949 has been studied over two historical periods. The first is the period from its being taught as a course under the Chair of the History of Islam and Sects during (...) the establishment of the Faculty of Divinity to 1974 when it turned into an independent chair, and the second is the process from 1974 to the present. Higher religious education was continued in the Faculty of Theology, established under the Istanbul Dārulfunūn, which was constructed in the western style instead of the madrasahs that were closed in accordance with the Law of Unification of Education (Tawhid Tadrisāt) adopted on March 3, 1924.The faculty in question was closed in 1933 due to the shortage of students. Until Ankara University Faculty of Theology, which started its teaching activities in November 1949, was opened, there was no higher religious education for 16 years in Turkey. During this time, the need for experts trained in the field of religion emerged. In order to meet this need, Ankara University Faculty of Theology was opened. In the newly opened faculty, it is aimed to train theologians with versatile knowledge and perspective by teaching philosophy, psychology, sociology, foreign languages, as well as teaching disciplines related to the field of theology. One of the chairs in the faculty’s academic structure opened for this purpose was the chair of History of Islam and Sects. In Ankara University Faculty of Theology, where the academic structuring was organized according to the chair system, the science of Kalam was taught as a course within the Chair of the History of Islam and Sects until 1974. Within this chair, the teachings of Principles of Islam, the history of Islamic sects, and Kalam lessons were carried out. The first instructor of the chair was Prof. Yusuf ZiyaYörükân. Although there were changes in the academic staff during the process, one of the important names that contributed to the field of kalam until 1974 was Muhammad Tavît al-Tanji. These scholars not only made significant contributions to the field of Kalam in terms of method and content with their own studies but also taught scholars to work in this field after them.The doctoral advisor of HüseyinAtay, who is the founder of the Kalam Chair/Department, is M. Tavît al-Tancî. In 1974, when HüseyinAtay became a professor, the Kalam course was separated from the Chair of Islam and Sects and gained the status of an independent chair. HüseyinAtay is the architect of the transformation of Kalam from a lecture to a chair.As a result of Atay’s efforts, being a theologian in Turkey has turned into an identity rather than being a member of an academic discipline. In the studies carried out by Yörükân, Tancî, Atay and the academicians taught by them in Ankara University Faculty of Theology Department of Kalam, the emphasis on the Quran and reason, the importance of critical thinking in the field of theology, the human-centered theological thought, the effort to find solutions to current problems, the researches on Mu‘tazila and Maturidism, the study and translation activities that are carried out to bring the classical theology to the present day come to the fore. In the essence of academic studies conducted within this framework, the importance of correctly determining the distinction between the divine and human in the analysis of religious thought is emphasized. In addition, it is aimed to give a perspective on the meaning and value of human life. In the Department of Kalam, where the human-centered understanding of kalam is systematically dealt with on the basis of individual, responsibility, and morality, the science of kalam is structured not only as a system of thought consisting of abstract fictions but a discipline that has the function of developing and gaining a perspective on what is happening around us and in the World. (shrink)

The need for renewal felt in various fields with the Tanẓīmat, and the changes and modernization activities realized in accordance with it, and the nature and boundaries of these activities are important issues that determine the period's intellectual agenda. Some of the proposals for a solution to save the state are related to the renewal of religious thought. The bad situation in the Ottoman Empire stems from the way religion is understood, not from religion itself, and one of the names (...) that produce ideas about the necessity of changing this way of thinking is Ḥüseyin Kāẓım Kadri. He believes that Fiqh and Exegeticsshould be based on the work of updating the content of Islamic Sciences within the framework of contemporary needs. Claiming that the basic need of society is not Science of Kalām but Catechism, Kadri claims that the attempt of the science of Kalām, regulated to respond to the needs of the age will not result in even will cause religious conflict among people. In this article, Ḥüseyin Kāẓım Kadri'sintellectual background, his suggestions for the renewal of religious thought and his objection to the new Science of Kalām are discussed.Summary: What defines the history of late Ottoman period is the concept called change. There have been reform attempts in order to canalise the military, economic, socio-cultural change and transformation due to political turmoil starting from the end of the 16th century and beginning of the 17th century. Basic argument regarding these reforms finds its base on Qanūn al-Qadīm and the idea of returning to Sharia. Along with the Declaration of the Imperial Edict of Reorganization (Edict of Gulhane) the previous reforms which were made earlier changed dimension and westernization became a government policy. During the ongoing process, the change in terms of Westernization became a current issue within every segment of Ottoman society. Need for innovation in various areas, and therefore the change and modernization movements and accordingly these movements’ nature and boundries set the intellectual agenda of the era. Some of the suggestions are associated with renewal of the religious thought which are to keep the State from difficult situation it is in. Solutions proposed in this context creates a rich intellectual discussion environment within Western, Islamist, and Turkist intellectuals. Islamists in general terms are of the opinion that the difficult situation Ottoman is in does not stem from the religion itself but the way of understanding religion; and they are of the opinion that this way of thinking should be altered; when they bring about their suggestions, it is seen that the way of thinking is their starting point. What causes the Islamists fall apart within themselves is the nature of renawal. Islamist intellectuals, supporting the idea which is the content of islamic knowledge should be updated according the needs of era, suggest various ideas in terms of which dicipline should be in charge for the needs in question. While some intellectuals are of the opinion Kalām should be prioritised, some are of the opinion Fiqh and Exegetics should be prioritised. Ḥüseyin Kāẓım Kadri, who wrote under the pseudonym of Shaykh Muḥsin-i Fānῑ ez-Ẓāhirῑ, is one of these intellectuals coming up with an idea. Kadri suggests a renawal in thinking based upon Fiqh and ExegeticsḤüseyin Kāẓım Kadriis one of the most prominent intellectuals of Constitutional Period. Working as a governor of an Ottoman province, deputy, and minister and engaging in journalism, Kadri compiles a series of work in religion, language and agriculture. All of his efforts are to find ways of saving Ottoman from its difficult situations. Thus, Kadri questions the quality of the knowledge which was brought about in religious thinking and proposes solutions. What lies under his solution is the need for a dicipline for society’ s practical problems. He bases his opinion on opposition to new theology movement. According to Kadri, ever since Kalām was codified, it has never been useful to Muslims, on the contrary it has impaired the Muslims. Renowation of Kalām creates nothing but problem. In his opinion, due to using Greek philosophy content and method, Kalām is not a dicipline authentic to Muslims, besides it is a harmful dicipline which aims to damage the essence of Islam.One of the reasons why Kalām is out of Islamic thinking tradition is because of the Mu'tazila wises are the founders of this dicipline. Kadri is of the opinion that the wises/intellectuals belonging to this school and their theories regarding to understand the existence do not contribute to the field of faith. Admitting the function of Ahl-al Sunnah school generated after the Mihna Period, Kadri states the insufficient side of that function. To him, hence the subjects such as substance (cevher) –accident (araz), hudûth-eternality, wujud (vücûd)-nothingness (adem) etc have been discussed but at that time the subject in question could not be renovated in regard to needs. Another criticism of Kadri raised against Kalām is he considers this field the reason why Muslims are divided. Especially during the times when Muslims need to be in unity and solidarity, Kadri is worried about new discursion which will occur due to the renovation of Kalām attempts. This concern of Kadri causes him to object Kalām with a pragmatic motive.Kalām which is called Usulu'd-Din is another reason why Ḥüseyin Kāẓım Kadriis against Kalām. In his opinion, theologians complicates the subjects such as amalgation and adjectives of Allah instead of making it clear with ijtihad. Kadri who considers offering proof in terms of faith as faithlessness is of the opinion that faith is not a matter of reason but a matter of sense which has no doubt among people. Criticising the struggle for the enquiry of faith, Kadri puts an emphasis on the significance of the reinterpretation of the principles, for example in the field of Fiqh which deals with the practical area and says it is the most prominent religious duty. He also criticises the imitation of the past and remarks the importance of reason in Fiqh. As an alternative to Ilm-i Kalām, he claims a new Catechism and adds, it is going to provide the religious knowledge people need. It is an ideological contrast of Ḥüseyin Kāẓım Kadrito think Kalām is the reason for all the misfortune Muslims encountered. This opposition causes him to ignore all the accumulation in Kalām field. Moreover, it is the reason why he makes emotional deductions conflicting with historical facts. Kalām plays a role just like the other fields who could not contribute to Islamic Thinking and its renovation process in accordance with the needs of time. However, it is not realistic and reasonable to think Kalām is the only one responsible. (shrink)

There are a number of well-established concepts explaining decision-making. The sociology of wise practice suggests that thinking preferences like the use of intuition form a cornerstone of administrators’ virtuous practice and phronesis is a likely candidate to explain this behaviour. This contribution uses conceptual and theoretical resources from the behavioural sciences, management science as well as philosophy to account for individual level differences of employees regarding thinking preferences in administrative professions. The analysis empirically investigates the behavioural dimension of the preference (...) for intuition vs the preference for deliberation to cast light on three different intuitive markers present among individuals who also prefer to use deliberation. We explore possible explanations for the differences and similarities of our global sample of 2227 workplace respondents who conceptually represent phronetic practitioners. The results show that many phronetic practitioners prefer the intuitive marker of unconscious thought, besides using deliberation. (shrink)

Bu makalede, müşriklerle sosyal ilişkinin mahiyetine dair Müslüman düşünce geleneğinde ortaya konulan literatür genel hatlarıyla ele alınmaktadır. Söz konusu literatür, “müşrikler bu yıldan sonra Mescid-i Harâm’a yaklaşmasınlar” (Tevbe 9/28) ayeti temelinde şekillenmiştir. Bu bağlamda âlimler şirkin mahiyeti, Mescid-i Harâm bölgesinin sınırları ile bu bölgeye yaklaşmamayı ifade eden fiilin içeriği ve özellikle de ayetteki uyarının Hac ibadeti ile sınırlı/kayıtlı olup olmadığı gibi hususları tartışma konusu yapmışlardır. Bu ayet çerçevesinde ortaya konulan literatürde iki görüşün ön plana çıktığı görülmektedir. Bunlardan ilki, Mescid-i Harâm (...) ifadesiyle kastedilen mananın tüm mescitleri kapsayacağı düşüncesinden hareketle “yaklaşmama” yasağın sınırlarını genişletirken diğer görüş, maslahatçı bir yaklaşımla söz konusu bölgenin Kâbe ve çevresiyle sınırlı olduğu iddiasına dayanmaktadır. Bu bağlamda ilk görüşte, harem bölgesine müşriklerin hiçbir surette giremeyeceği savunulurken ikinci görüşte, müşriklerin cahiliye döneminde yaptıkları tarzda hac ve umre ibadeti yapmak amacıyla söz konusu bölgeye giremeyecekleri ancak ticaret, seyahat vb. farklı maksatlarla gelebilecekleri vurgulamaktadır. Makalede konu H. VII. yüzyıla kadar kaleme alınan rivayet, dirayet, ahkâm ve Şiî tefsirler temelinde irdelenmiştir. Bu bağlamda Mukātil b. Süleymân, İmâm Şâfiî, Cassâs, Ebû Bekir İbnü’l-Arabî ve Kurtubî’nin kaleme aldığı ahkâm tefsirleri; Taberî, İbn Ebî Hâtim, Ebû İshak es-Sa‘lebî ve İbn Kesîr’in yazdığı rivayet tefsirleri; Mâtürîdî, Zemahşerî, Fahreddin er-Râzî, Beyzâvî ve Ebu’l- Berakât en-Nesefî’nin dirayet tefsirleri ile Şiî müfessirler Kummî, Ayyâşî, Ebû Ca‘fer et-Tûsîve Tabersî’nin tefsirleri incelenmiştir. Konunun bahsi geçen tefsirler temelinde ele alınmasındaki amaç ayetin anlaşılmasına bağlı olarak ortaya konulan fıkhî hükümleri ve gerekçelerini tespit ederek mukayese yapmaktır. Zira Tevbe suresi 28. ayetin anlaşılmasında, dini anlama tarzları bakımından Ashâbu’l-Hadis ve Ashâbu’r-Rey olarak nitelenen âlimlerin görüşlerinin belirleyici olduğu görülmektedir. Konu bağlamında Şiî tefsirlerin incelenmesindeki amaç ise söz konusu literatürde Tevbe suresi 28. ayetin ele alınmasına ilişkin bakış açısının Ashabu’l Hâdis’e mi Ashabu’r-Rey’e mi yakın olduğunu tespite yöneliktir. İncelenen tefsirlerde ilk görüşün İmâm Mâlik ve İmam Şâfiî’ye ait olduğu belirtilirken ikinci görüş Ebû Hanîfe’ye nispet edilmiştir. İmâm Mâlik ve İmam Şâfiî’ye ait olan görüş genel kabul görürken Ebû Hanîfe ve Mâtürîdî’nin benimsediği, Hanefî-Mâtürîdî âlimler tarafından kabul gören ikinci görüş, tarihsel süreçte şaz olarak nitelendirilmiş ve dikkate alınmamıştır. Makalede, H.7. yüzyıl’a kadar yazılan rivayet, dirayet, ahkâm ve Şiî tefsirleri özelinde bu görüşlerin temel mantığı, ortaya çıkış süreçleri ve bu çerçevede üretilen fıkhî hükümler analitik bir bakış açısıyla irdelenmeye çalışılmıştır. Makalede sonuç olarak Ashabu’l-Hadis’e mensup âlimlerden İmâm Mâlik ve İmâm Şâfiî’nin konuyu sadece müşrikleri değil tüm gayr-i müslimleri içerecek şekilde ele aldıkları ve bu gruplarla kurulacak sosyal, ekonomik ve siyasi ilişkinin mahiyeti hakkında fıhkî hükümler koydukları görülmektedir. Bu hükümlerle, Müslüman düşünce geleneğinde gayr-i Müslimlerin özellikle sosyo-kültürel açıdan ötekileştirilmeleri meşrulaştırılmıştır. Bu bakış açısı Müslümanların birlikte yaşama kültürüne katkı sağlamalarını engellediği gibi insana saygıyı temel alan Kur’an’ın bakış açısı ile de çelişmektedir. Bu bağlamda Ashabu’r-Rey’in önemli temsilcilerinden biri olan Ebu Hanîfe’nin yasaklama emrini cahiliye döneminde yapılan hac fiili ile sınırlaması konuya ilişkin bakış açısında ciddi farklılıklara imkân tanımaktadır. Ebû Hanîfe’nin bu anlama biçimi, gayr-ı Müslimlere ilişkin olumsuz bir uygulamaya imkân vermediği gibi takipçisi Mâtürîdî tarafından geliştirilerek ahlakî bir boyutta ela alınmıştır. Süreç içerisinde söz konusu anlama biçimi, aynı düşünce geleneğine mensup olan Cassâs ve Ebû’l-Berekât en-Nesefî tarafından devam ettirilerek geliştirilmiştir. (shrink)

Following the formation of disciplines/sciences in different fields of Islamic thought, the specific concepts and terminologies of these disciplines/sciences began to emerge. Then the special meaning and the area of utilization for every concept in each discipline/science were further clarified by compiling specific epistles of definition (ḥudūd), which would contribute to this process of conceptualization. For the terminological meaning of the used concept to be determined primarily and thus for the followed theological/sectarian affiliation to be supported, works belonging to this (...) genre have been written specifically for the field of theology. Especially, the Muʿtazilī theologians undoubtedly made the greatest contribution. Thusly, specific treatises containing theological concepts were compiled by names such as al-Qāḍī ʿAbd al-Jabbār (d. 415/1025), and his students Abū Rashīd al-Nīsābūrī (d. after 420/1029) and Ibn Sharwīn (fl. first half of the Vth/XIth century). Zaydī theologian and jurist Abū’l-Qāsim al-Bustī’s (d. 420/1029) Tahdhīb al-ḥudūd, which has no available copy, is also contemporary to the mentioned works. This tradition found its reflection in the Imāmī-Muʿtazilī line in Abū Jaʿfar al-Ṭūsī’s (d. 460/1067) al-Muqaddimah fī l-madkhal ilá ṣināʿat ʿilm al-kalām, which could be seen as a concise theological work in terms of its construct and the explanations which it comprises, and in the work called al-Ḥudūd wa-l-ḥaqāʾiq, which is attributed to al-Sharīf al-Murtaḍá (d. 436/1044). Abū Jaʿfar al-Muqrī al-Nīsābūrī’s (d. mid-VIth/XIIth century [?]) al-Ḥudūd stands out as the most voluminous example in this tradition. The most important work belonging to this genre in the Muʿtazilī tradition, as it is the first among the available works, is the Ḥudūd al-alfāẓ of al-Qāḍī ʿAbd al-Jabbār, which is found together with some other important Zaydī-Muʿtazilī works in a compilation discovered by us and thought to be lost until recently. In this treatise, which generally includes theological concepts and partially includes the concepts of Islamic law and the history of sects, al-Qāḍī ʿAbd al-Jabbār has put forward a language-based definition theory. His approach here is in line with the views he put forward on definition in his al-Mughnī. Accordingly, instead of definition (ḥadd) and description (rasm) carried out over five universals in classical logic, he adopted a method of lexical definition based on wording that agrees with the meaning of the concept in question and is clearer than it, and consequently gave a brief definition and explanation of the concept he deals with. This clearly shows that the previous Muʿtazilī theologians’ approach of language-based definition, which was used as an alternative to the conception of Aristotelian definition due to their distanced stance to philosophy was also inherited by al-Qāḍī ʿAbd al-Jabbār. The approach seen in some sources in the period following al-Qāḍī, such as Abū Rashīd al-Nīsābūrī’s al-Ḥudūd, also indicates his influence. (shrink)

The sūrat al-Takāthur is one of the early Makki surahs and takes its name from the word meaning passion for multiplicity and consists of 8 verses. There are rumors that the surah descended from two tribes in Mecca, the Ansar, or the Jews, who tried to indicate their superiority by using numerical and commercial power. While doing the study, the words that serve as the key concept in the surah were scanned from competent dictionaries and possible meanings were revealed. Afterwards, (...) the main subjects of the surah were determined, and these subjects were processed in the context of the culture of tafsir, associating them with today's world. It is seen that the types of Takāthur, the sources of true knowledge, the torment in the grave and being taken into account from blessings are discussed in the Surah. The surah, which emphasizes that children, rank, property and wealth, which the Qur'an generally refers to as the ornament or livelihood of worldly life, should not be made the main target, draws attention to man's passion for multiplicity. According to the Surah, man's passion for numerical and economic multiplicity distracted him from his main task and eventually caused him to perish. Considering that the numerical and economic growth passion of individuals and societies is the cause of many wars, it is seen how appropriate this warning and result is. The surah uses the degrees of "ilme'l-yakin" and "ayne'l-yakin", which are accepted as the sources of precise and correct information, in order to comprehend the strong message given. Another issue that the commentators dwell on in the surah is “No; You will know later!” are phrases. While some commentators accept these statements as evidence for torment in the grave, others do not. Finally, the surah states that he will be questioned about all the blessings that cause a person to fall in love with numerical and economic reproduction, and that the blessings he enjoys now will cause him to go to Hell in the hereafter, and asks him to act by taking this matter into account. (shrink)

This study examines the criticisms of the religious radical thought that emerged in the Islamic world after the sixties as an anomaly of the mainstream Islamism and the Islamic movement, directed against mainstream Islamism and Islamists, especially the Ikhwan-i Muslimin. The fact that both schools of thought react to the problems concerning the Islamic world and Muslim society with theo-political sensitivity, causes these two schools to be included in the same category under the definition of "political Islam" from time to (...) time. The main objective of this article is to try to demonstrate that both schools are in complete opposition on many issues through the criticisms of the jihadi salafi ideologues like Omar Abdurrahman, Ayman al-Zavahiri, Abu Muhammed al-Makdîsî, Abu Musab al-Surî and Abu Yahya al-Libi against mainstream Islamists by examining the primary texts of religious radicalism. In this study, these criticisms are examined under three main headings: "In the Context of the Relationship between Religion and Politics", "In the Context of the Relationship between Religion and Law" and "In the Context of the Problem of Islamization Method and the Relationship with the Other". (shrink)

Of the prominent elements of Mudurnu, a rare settlement that has preserved its historical texture, is undoubtedly the Yıldırım Bayezid Complex. Thanks to the madrasa in this complex, built in 1382, Mudurnu has been a centre of knowledge for centuries. In this process, perhaps hundreds of mudarris served in the madrasa. The most famous of these was Mullah Muslihiddîn Kastalânî, who served in the 1490s, and the last one was Mehmet ZühtüUzmay. The most important source of this study, which aims (...) to focus on Uzmay and his teacher Mehmet Sadık, is the file numbered 1955-0936 belonging to Uzmay in the Registry Archive of the Presidency of Religious Affairs. Although dozens of documents in this file constitute the source of the research, the main data is the ijazatnama which is intended to be published in Arabic and Turkish languages. This study, using literature review and document analysis techniques within the scope of qualitative research, reaches a number of proper names and teacher-student relations that can be considered notable for Mudurnu. There is no information about Mehmet Sadık and Mehmet Zühtü Uzmay in the literature. For this reason, this research has a unique value by filling an important gap in the field. The first of the mudarrises, subject to this study is Mehmet Sadık, who awarded the ijazatnama. The information, he narrated in the ijazatnama indicates that his educational life was shaped around Mudurnu and Bolu. It is understood that Mehmet Sadık benefited from many teachers during his student life. Unlike he mentions as his teachers, he emphasisesSıbgatullah Efendi and states that he received an ijazatnama from him. Sıbgatullah Efendi, who took courses from the scholars of Bolu and Istanbul, was an important figure who was appointed as the mufti of Bolu between 1860 and 1887. It is understood from the information in the literature and some documents in the relevant file that Mehmet Sadık assumed several different duties in Mudurnu after receiving his ijazatnama from his teacher Sıbgatullah Efendi. In this context, the first duty assigned to him was the teaching at Mudurnu Primary School. Subsequently, he became a mudarris. Some documents in Uzmay's file describe Mehmet Sadık as a mudarris. However, his only known position is as the mufti of Mudurnu. Although it is not known when and after whom he was appointed as the mufti of Mudurnu, he held this position until his death in November/December 1914. Mehmet Zühtü Uzmay, a student of Mehmet Sadık, was born in 1882 in the Camiikebir Neighbourhood of Mudurnu to the couple of Abdullah Rasih and Zeliha. After graduating from ibtidâî (primary) and rüşdiye (secondary) schools in Mudurnu, he went to Istanbul and enrolled in the Vefa Madrasa. He returned to Mudurnu after receiving education for a while from Tokatlı Şakir Efendi, one of the Fatih dersiams (public lecturers). Then he gets education for five years from his teacher Mehmet Sadık, who was serving as the mufti of Mudurnu at that time, and he took an ijazatnama on 08 August 1912. Soon after, in 1914, he was appointed as a mudarris at the Mudurnu Yıldırım Bayezid Madrasa and a preacher at the Sultan Süleyman Mosque at the same time. It seems highly probable that Uzman served in the city until the madrasas were closed down in 1924 but he did not undertake any official duties in the following years. In the documents examined, Uzmay, who was stated to have returned to his duty life as a candidate preacher as of 1944, was elected as the Mufti of Mudurnu on 16 July 1946, which was vacated with the death of Ubeydullah Doğulu, and continued in this position until 05 December 1960, when he retired. It is not known how long this Ottoman-era religious official, who was educated in the madrasa during the Ottoman period and served as a preacher and mufti during the Republican period, lived after his retirement and when he passed away. (shrink)