En retraçant la genèse de l'individualisme moderne, Mark Hunyadi développe la profondeur historique du problème de la confiance, ainsi que la raison philosophique pour laquelle ce thème - pourtant unanimement reconnu comme essentiel - a été largement négligé dans la littérature philosophique. Au fil de nombreux exemples, il montre que la confiance est relation au monde, avant d'être relation au risque, de nature essentiellement économique. L'emprise du numérique sur nos existences a pour effet d'éliminer tendanciellement les relations de confiance, (...) au profit de relations sécurisées. Ce phénomène dessine l'horizon d'une société automatique, d'où sont chassées les relations naturelles de confiance qui nous lient au monde - aux objets, aux autres, aux institutions. À partir d'un exposé d'une grande clarté sur la théorie de la confiance qu'il a été le premier à formuler, Mark Hunyadi pose un diagnostic philosophique sur la source des crises que nous devons affronter et offre un outil critique permettant d'entrevoir les alternatives possibles."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

Cet essai sur Michael Walzer, l'un des chefs de file du communautarisme américain, se présente comme une discussion critique de la conception spécifiquement communautarienne de l'auteur des ¤¤Sphères de justice¤¤. Pour le philosophe et ethicien M. Hunyadi le modèle de Walzer s'avère impuissant à relever un défi comme le multiculturalisme.

Alors que de notre naissance à notre mort, nous sommes immergés dans notre contexte, celui-ci reste le grand oublié des théories morales. Aux yeux de la philosophie, le contexte a toujours été inessentiel : il a même toujours été ce dont les grands principes devaient être épurés, s'ils devaient prétendre à une quelconque validité. Or, la contextualité est notre première condition. Si donc, pour établir une théorie morale, nous ne voulons pas partir de principes abstraits mais de l'expérience des acteurs, (...) c'est de cette contextualité qu'il faut commencer. Ainsi, on voit que l'oubli du contexte par la théorie morale apporte simultanément l'oubli de l'expérience morale, telle qu'elle est vécue par les acteurs eux-mêmes. Car le contexte est la première source de leur expérience morale, pour laquelle il constitue d'abord un pôle de confiance. Mais les acteurs peuvent aussi critiquer le contexte. L'originalité du contextualisme défendu par Mark Hunyadi est de montrer que les acteurs trouvent dans leur contexte même toutes les ressources pour le critiquer, en totalité ou en partie. Les critères de la critique sont toujours déjà là. "Le contexte donne tout, y compris la puissance de le critiquer." Voilà une leçon difficile à entendre pour des oreilles érodées par 2 500 ans de platonico-kantisme, c'est-à-dire d'épuration éthique voulant se préserver de toute contamination contextuelle. Telle est pourtant la leçon, aux conséquences de vaste portée, de L'Homme en contexte. (shrink)

In recent years the view that the non-instrumental value of democracy is a relational value, particularly relational equality, gained prominence. In this paper I challenge this relational egalitarian version of non-instrumentalism about democracy’s value by arguing that it is unable to establish a strong enough commitment to democracy. I offer an alternative view according to which democracy is non-instrumentally valuable for it establishes relationships of mutual service among citizens by enlisting them in the collective project of ruling the polity justly (...) together which is a self-standing source of value for them. Relating in the mode of mutual service is not a species of relating as equals; it is a distinct relational value. Democracy is uniquely suited to realize this relational value, for it renders citizens co-authors of the fundamental rules of the system of social cooperation under which they live, and only as co-authors of these rules are they able to mutually serve each other in a way that is appropriate within their relationship as citizens of the same polity. For this reason, a strong commitment to democracy can be based on the relational value of mutual service, which therefore better fits the theoretical purposes of non-instrumentalism than relational equality. (shrink)

Axel Honneth est mondialement connu pour sa théorie de la reconnaissance. Mais il se trouve que dans son dernier livre (Der Geist der Freiheit ; L'esprit de la liberté), Honneth opère ce qui paraît être un tournant dans sa pensée, en mettant l'accent non plus tant sur la reconnaissance que sur la liberté, et en particulier sur la manière dont les institutions peuvent réellement augmenter la liberté des individus. Faut-il donc désormais parler d'un Honneth I (celui de la reconnaissance), et (...) d'un Honneth II (celui de la liberté)? (shrink)

Cet ouvrage collectif est le fruit de différentes journées d’études bordelaises, organisées entre 2012 et 2014 par les coordinatrices et le coordinateur du volume, au sein de l’axe de recherche Réseaux de femmes, femmes en réseaux. Il fait suite à un premier numéro thématique de la revue Genre et histoire, publié en 2013 sous la direction de Dominique Picco. L’introduction de Delphine Dussert-Galinat et Carole Carribon met en lumière les ambitions des membres de ce groupe d’études, à savoir c...

Depuis une vingtaine d’années, le phénomène d’internationalisation des mouvements féministes a été principalement exploré à travers les trois « grandes » associations internationales de femmes créées successivement au tournant du XXe siècle : le Conseil International des Femmes, l’Alliance Internationale pour le Suffrage des Femmes, et la Ligue Internationale des Femmes pour la Paix et la Liberté. Dans cet ouvrage, Christine von Oertzen s’intéresse à une quatrième association actuellement moi...

Résumé Une chose au moins rapproche le clonage reproductif de la bombe atomique : c’est qu’une fois inventées, ces techniques obligent à repenser le cadre conceptuel dans lequel elles sont apparues. De même que les concepts traditionnels de la stratégie militaire sont devenus caducs avec l’apparition de la bombe, de même le clonage reproductif oblige à repenser certaines catégories élémentaires de l’éthique, telle l’autonomie, dont il sera prioritairement question ici.There is at least one resemblance between reproductive cloning and the atom (...) bomb : once invented, such technologies call for rethinking the conceptual framework that engendered them. The atom bomb made traditional concepts of military strategy obsolete. Similarly, reproductive cloning calls for a reappraisal of specific elementary categories of ethics, especially those of autonomy, which will be our main focus here. (shrink)

Partant d’une brève remarque de Husserl dans Ideen I, l’auteur introduit la notion d’imagination mobilisatrice : cette capacité non pas simplement de reproduire des événements passés dans une visée de vérité, mais de les rassembler afin de fertiliser l’intuition. Après avoir montré que Ricoeur lui aussi, notamment dans La mémoire, l’histoire, l’oubli, ne considère l’imagination que dans sa fonction irréalisante , l’auteur montre comment une théorie de l’imagination mobilisatrice est indispensable à une théorie contextuelle de la morale: car c’est dans (...) le contexte que l’imagination puise les contenus normatifs contrefactuels qui l’alimentent. (shrink)

En réaction au libéralisme rawlsien pour qui le droit est référé à la liberté d’action des individus, le mouvement communautarien a voulu référer le droit à l’identité culturelle (individuelle ou collective), lui assignant, ultimement, la fonction de stabiliser cette identité. Pour ces auteurs, le lien entre identité et droit est interne, ce qui ouvre la voie à ce qu’on a appelé « les paradoxes de l’identité démocratique » et conduit à la notion problématique de droits collectifs. On montrera ici comment (...) une telle notion repose sur une « réduction identitaire », par principe opérée au point de vue objectivant de la troisième personne, privant par là même les acteurs sociaux de leur capacité d’autodétermination. À cette vision anti-libérale dans son fondement, qui fait de la sécurité identitaire son horizon, on opposera la vision d’une identité risquée qui ne préjuge pas dogmatiquement des constituants identitaires de chacun et ouvre ainsi la voie aux authentiques principes de la coexistence multiculturelle. (shrink)

Le mouvement posthumaniste, autre nom et radicalisation du transhumanisme, qui projette un homme dépassant sa condition corporelle par son hybridation aux machines, va bien avec notre temps. Ses partisans le conjuguent au futur : ils nous annoncent ce que l'avenir sera, sans s'embarrasser du moindre conditionnel hypothétique. Par leur assurance prophétique, ils veulent nous aspirer dans la spirale du temps technologique, renforçant ainsi la tyrannie du mode de vie que nous imposent déjà jour après jour les entrepreneurs du numérique, les (...) rois du silicium. Ce livre s'en prend d'abord aux deux arguments-phares du posthumanisme, celui de la liberté de "s'augmenter", de poursuivre le projet d'un homme émancipé de ses faiblesses naturelles, et celui des bienfaits de l'amélioration par les techniques. Il réfute sur leur propre terrain les fausses évidences sur lesquelles ces deux argumentaires reposent. Mais surtout, il élargit le débat à la question de l'emprise technologique sur nos sociétés, mettant en évidence le rôle de complice objective que joue à cet égard ce que l'auteur appelle la "Petite éthique", à savoir l'éthique libérale des droits individuels. Ainsi, le posthumanisme nous lance un défi démocratique : celui de se réapproprier notre avenir, c'est-à-dire de faire en sorte qu'il se conjugue non plus au futur obligé, mais au conditionnel politique. (shrink)

Les modes de vie sont ce qui nous affectent le plus, et pourtant ils sont hors de notre contrôle. Il y a là un paradoxe : nous, individus réputés libres et démocratiques, sommes dans les fers des modes de vie. Ceux-ci nous imposent en effet des attentes de comportement durables (avoir un travail, être consommateur, s'intégrer au monde technologique, au monde administratif, au monde économique...) auxquels nous devons globalement nous adapter. Ce paradoxe démocratique est renforcé par un paradoxe éthique : (...) c'est au moment où l'on assiste à une véritable inflation éthique, par la multiplication des comités, chartes, conseils, règlements, labels éthiques en tout genre, tous censés protéger les droits individuels, que les modes de vie de plus en plus contraignants étendent comme jamais leur emprise sur les individus. Ce qui veut dire que tout ce dispositif éthique sert en réalité à blanchir le système et les modes de vie qui en découlent, qui peuvent ainsi étendre leur emprise en étant éthiquement pasteurisés. Notre éthique ne sert donc pas à critiquer le système ni les modes de vie, mais à les accompagner dans leur marche triomphale. Enrayer cette marche est le défi éthique et politique majeur de notre temps. (shrink)

According to Marc Peschansky, one of the leaders in biotechnological research in France, «with stem-cells, the imagination is in charge». This paper explores the new role of imagination in the converging technologies (NBIC report) in their relationship to practice. For the great German philosopher Hans Jonas, it is knowledge (positive: what we know, or negative: what we don’t know) that must guide our action. With converging technologies (nano-, bio-, info- and cogno-), knowledge and technique are relegated to the rank of (...) servants of imagination: it is the triumph of imagination. The paper examines ways to fight the dizziness we feel about this potential reign of unlimited possibilities, no longer limited by the principle of reality. (shrink)

Oppressive governments that use violence against citizens, e.g. murder and torture, are usually thought of as liable to armed revolutionary attack by the oppressed population. But oppression may be non-violent. A government may greatly restrict political rights and personal autonomy by using surveillance, propaganda, manipulation, strategic detention and similar techniques without ever resorting to overt violence. Can such regimes be liable to revolutionary attack? A widespread view is that the answer is ‘no’. On this view, unless a government is or (...) is likely to turn violent, revolution against it is disproportional. After all, revolution would involve launching potentially lethal attacks against oppressors who do not threaten the lives and bodily integrity of their subjects but pose only lesser threats. I argue that this claim of disproportionality is false. Armed revolution against Stably Non-violent Oppressive Regimes can be proportional under some circumstances, thus they may be liable to revolutionary attack. My argument relies on the Responsibility-Sensitive Account of Proportionality. This account holds that responsibility for posing threats renders agents liable to greater defensive harms than the harms with which they threaten. Even if non-violent oppressive regimes do not threaten citizens with murder, serious physical injury, or enslavement, their responsibility for creating an environment in which citizens’ political rights and personal autonomy are extremely restricted may loosen the proportionality requirement of inflicting defensive harm and render them liable to revolutionary attack. (shrink)

In Philosophizing the Indefensible Shmuel Nili proposes strategic political theory as a productive and respectful manner for political philosophy to engage with unreasonable political views. One objection to his proposal he considers is that strategic political theory gives ‘excessive attention' to unreasonable views. In this paper I offer a perspective on this objection which Nili does not consider and which, I believe, has important consequences for his account. The strategic theorist pays engaged and respectful attention to unreasonable views for the (...) sake of showing respect and upholding ties of civic friendship with unreasonable citizens. Yet such attention might inadvertently disrespect and damage ties of civic friendship with those disadvantaged by the indefensible policies of the unreasonable. I consider how this consideration bears on Nili’s argument for strategic theorizing based on the practical necessity to alleviate what he calls ‘the burdens of politics'. (shrink)

In this paper I examine the question of what duties the principles of democratic legitimacy prescribe for receiving states towards asylum seekers in general, and towards those who belong to vulnera...

Structural injustice is injustice produced by largescale social structures and processes that create systemic disadvantages for large groups of people. Individuals have duties to counteract structural injustice. These duties are more demanding for people privileged by unjust social structures than for non-privileged individuals, even when the latter have equal ability to contribute. What explains this? I review and reject two common explanations, i.e., the Reparation Account and the Restitution Account. I offer a third view, the Domination Account; it holds that (...) the privileged have more demanding duties because they pose a constant threat of domination to non-privileged individuals by virtue of their structural positions. (shrink)

I'm finishing this review not long after Donald Trump was elected President of the United States for the second time. The fate of democracy, both in Americ.

It is my endeavour in this paper to connect literary and philosophical texts with each other which all articulate the relation of the good sovereign to the supreme god. I try to show that despite the difference in age and genre these texts have some traits in common: the motiv of the eye looking benignly upon and/or bringing fertility to land and people, and the metempsychosis with the arrival of the king from the god and/or his return to the divine (...) sphere. I suggest that the recurrence of these motifs cannot be accidental and might reveal some continuity of tradition. Although the nature of such conceptual development is bound to be very complex and its starting point hard to trace, I nevertheless argue for a Pythagorean origin for the metempsychosis and the eye of the king, attested by Empedocles and Pindar, which mixed with the old belief of the king assuring fertility, as evidenced in Homer. (shrink)

In this paper I argue for a fully intended and carefully tailored allusion in Plato’s Phaedrus to Pindar’s Pythian 1 with the pivotal image of Typho. The analysis of verbal and conceptual links leads to a better appreciation of the nuances in the Platonic passage, including a hitherto utterly unexplored layer of the text, its musical metaphoricity. On this level several main themes of Plato’s thought, such as the problem of singleness vs. manyness, musical ethos and criticism, converge in an (...) extraordinarily dense expression. (shrink)

The list of Apollo's virtues in the second hymn of Callimachus describes, in the context of the appearance of the god, a mysterious healing substance which trickles from the hair of the patron of medicine. Hymn 2.38–41:αἱ δὲ κόμαι θυόεντα πέδῳ λείβουσιν ἔλαια⋅οὐ λίπος ᾿Απόλλωνος ἀποστάζουσιν ἔθειραι,ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὴν πανάκειαν⋅ ἐν ἄστεϊ δ᾽ ᾧ κεν ἐκεῖναιπρῶκες ἔραζε πέσωσιν, ἀκήρια πάντ᾽ ἐγένοντο.Apollo's hair distils flagrant drops of unguent to the ground: Apollo's curls shed no oil but panacea itself. In the city where (...) those dewdrops fall to earth, all things are safe. (shrink)

Journal of Social Philosophy, EarlyView.

Many authors argue that refugees should be enfranchised independently of citizenship. The enfranchisement of refugees is often seen as crucial for affirming their agency in the politics of asylum. However, most arguments in the literature do not explain why precisely it matters that they exercise their agency in the realm of democratic decision-making, i.e. why it matters that refugees participate in collectively wielding the public power to which they are subjected, rather than passively enjoy protection against the excessive and intrusive (...) exercise of this power. This leaves it unclear what value refugee enfranchisement realises precisely, and what function or role it is meant to play within the overall provision of asylum. My goal is to propose a plausible explanation of the significance of democratic inclusion from the viewpoint of refugees' agency. I argue that refugee enfranchisement affirms refugees' agency by advancing their interest in acting as makers of justice within the political context in which they find themselves. (shrink)

Recreational Drugs European Network (ReDNet) project aims to use the Psychonaut Web Mapping Project database (Psychonaut Web Mapping Group, 2009) containing novel psychoactive compounds usually not mentioned in the scientific literature and thus unknown to clinicians as a unique source of information. The database will be used to develop an integrated ICT prevention approach targeted at vulnerable individuals and focused on novel synthetic and herbal compounds and combinations. Particular care will be taken in keeping the health professionals working directly with (...) young people showing problematic behaviors regularly updated in terms of novel compounds and combinations as well. A user-friendly project website will be developed aimed primarily at delivering the information/prevention approaches, but will also be a way of communicating with project partners and relevant stakeholders (e.g. thematic forum facilities, instant messages, blogs, video chat, wikiblog, newsletters distributed via mailing list). The website will support various ICT prevention tools, including an SMS alert service. Different areas and sections will be aimed specifically at the different target groups. -/- . (shrink)

I consider how photographic image manipulation and deception influence both interpretation and evaluation of photographs. First I distinguish between image manipulation and deception by clarifying that image manipulation does not necessarily lead to deception in terms of forming false beliefs. I also argue that image manipulation is not the only way of using photographs deceptively, and I provide examples for photographic deception that do not rely on image manipulation. Then I examine what role the readability of photographic properties plays in (...) their interpretation. I introduce the concept of photographic illocutionary acts to account for the interpretation of photographic images, and I argue that the default interpretation of photographs is always based on our knowledge of the specific ontological and epistemic status of photographs in general, and which distinguishes them from non-photographic images. I conclude that our knowledge about the ease and frequency of analogue or digital image manipulation does not alter our default interpretation with which we approach photographs. (shrink)

Democracy is the form of government in which citizens have an equal say in political decision-making. But what does this mean precisely? Having an equal say is often defined either in terms of equal power to influence political decision-making or in terms of appropriate consideration, i.e., as a matter of attributing appropriate deliberative weight to citizens’ judgement in political decision-making. In this paper I argue that both accounts are incomplete. I offer an alternative view according to which having an equal (...) say is having a say as an equal. That is, having an equal say is to be defined in terms of citizens’ occupying a role of political decision-makers, i.e., the political office of the democratic co-ruler of the polity, such that no citizen is a secondary or auxiliary decision-maker; they rule together as equals. This view aligns with the traditional understanding of democracy as rule by the people while providing a coherent conceptual framework for specifying what it means for democratic citizens to have an equal say which incorporates the strengths of alternative accounts and overcomes some of their challenges. (shrink)

Das Widerspiel von mythischer und historischer Zeit ist ein wesentliches Merkmal der antiken Zeitauffassung, wie sie uns in reinster Form die antike Literatur widerspiegelt. Es stellt auch einen wichtigen Unterschied zu unserer modernen Zeiterfahrung dar, sodass die angelegentliche Untersuchung jeder Spielart dieser παλίντονος ἁρμονίη von Mythischem und Historischem einer Herausforderung gleichkommt, die Eigenart antiker Zeitauffassung verstehen zu lernen. Auf den folgenden Seiten geht es um diese Problematik in einem einzigen Gedicht einer bestimmten Gattung eines begrenzten Zeitalters: Das Zeitalter ist die (...) Hochblüte des Hellenismus, die Gattung die Hymnendichtung, das Gedicht der Hymnos auf Artemis des Kallimachos. (shrink)

Three studies examined how members of a national group react to in-group wrongdoings. We expected that perceived in-group moral superiority would lead to unwillingness to repair the aggression. We also expected that internal-focused emotions such as group-based guilt and group-based shame would predict specific, misdeed-related reparative intentions but not general approach motivation toward the victim groups. In Study 1, facing the in-group’s recent aggression, participants who believed that the Hungarians have been more moral throughout their history than members of other (...) nations, used more exonerating cognitions, experienced less in-group critical emotions and showed less willingness to provide reparations for the members of the victim group. Study 2 and Study 3 confirmed most findings of Study 1. Perceived in-group moral superiority directly or indirectly reduced willingness to provide either general or specific reparations, while internally focused in-group critical emotions predicted specific misdeed-related reparative intentions but not general approach motivation. The role of emotional attachment to the in-group is considered. (shrink)

This paper argues that Michael Polányi’s account of how science, as an institution, establishes knowledge can provide a structure for a future institution capable of countering misinformation, or fake news, and deepfakes. I argue that only an institutional approach can adequately take up the challenge against the corresponding institution of fake news. The fact of filtering news and information may be bothering. It is the threat of censorship and free speech limitation. Instead, I propose that we should indicate reliable information (...) with a trademark and news signing-approved information and brand equity. I offer a method of creating a standard for online news that people can rely on (similar to high-quality shopping products). (shrink)

Hieroglyphic Luwian: An Introduction with Original Texts, 3rd Revised Edition. By Annick Payne. Subsidia et Instrumenta Linguarum Orientis, vol. 2. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2014. Pp. xiv + 217. €29.80.

Rainer Bauböck is among the most renowned scholars in the field of citizenship and democracy. In a recent volume, Democratic Inclusion, he—together with other authors—addresses the so-called democratic boundary problem. This book is an extremely valuable resource for anyone working on this problem; Bauböck presents a complex and sophisticated theory of the principles of democratic citizenship while his respondents put forward crucial questions not only about his theory, but also about the debate in general. At the same time, the volume (...) also points to the limitations of this discourse and the formidable obstacles to reaching conclusive theoretical results about democratic inclusion. (shrink)

A personal report on a recent Web conference hosted by Cappadocia University, Turkey on the cultural impacts of pandemics. January 13-15, 2021.

This article aims to present an overall interpretation of a poem by Callimachus that centres on the dead Ptolemaic queen Arsinoe II. Firstly the position of the Ektheosis Arsinoes in Callimachus’ œuvre, the genre to which it belongs and its structure will be investigated. This leads to the analysis of the highly allusive character of the work (above all to Hesiod, Ibycus, Simonides and Pindar as well as to hymnic poetry). In addition, realia (the historical background) and textual difficulties arising (...) from the fragmentary transmisson will also be treated. The appendix discusses a hitherto unnoticed testimony to the poem’s reception in the Roman epicist Ennius. (shrink)

Journal Name: Philologus Issue: Ahead of print.

Every Pindaric ode poses the question of literary unity, which is a main issue of Pindaric scholarship. But every ode presents a specific form of unity. The ways of achieving unity in the Sixth Olympian, one of Pindar’s most accomplished poems, are the chief concern of this paper. I argue that unity in O. 6 comes about by a metaphoric correspondence between the poet (Pindar) and the prophet (Hagesias, the victor, and Iamos, the mythic protagonist). This constellation is based on (...) two significant aspects, which are typical of both prophet and poet: the moment of inspiration and of the utterance (of the oracle viz. poem). These aspects are emphasized in vv. 58-70 concerning Iamos, the prophet, and in vv. 82-91 (the main stumbling block in the interpretation of the poem) with regard to the poet Pindar. These metaphors of prophetic-poetic activity permeate the whole ode. (shrink)