. This paper discusses the transformative power of aesthetic narrative within the framework of Nietzsche’s theory of transvaluation. The transformative power of creative narrative is the power to give meaning to life’s activity by keeping ahead of forces that would deny it. The power of aesthetic transvaluation plays a fundamental role in the dynamic of the resistance movement that sprang from the Gezi Park sit-ins. The movement erupted with an aesthetic intensity that surprised detractors as well as supporters, employing (...) aesthetic creativity in a way that sets it apart from other protests in Turkey and the Arab world. On several levels, the young movement has become a form of artistic protest. Striking parallels are found in Nietzsche’s aesthetic claim that the existential transformation of one’s narrative is the principle aim of the artist and the dynamic action of the people in Turkey who resist what they feel is an encroachment on their democratic rights and their way of life. The point of the essay, however, is not merely to illustrate the parallels. It is to examine how aesthetic imagination plays a role in forming a narrative that conjures meaning solely through creative fiat, showing how the power of transvaluation is manifested in the Gezi Park resistance. (shrink)

a new era of public protest began in 1999 with the Seattle World Trade Organization demonstrations, and continued through the 2011 Occupy Wall Street protests and the 2013 Gezi Park insurrection in Istanbul. This new era of demonstrations differed from movements that had come before in the understanding of politics employed by the protesters, reconstructing popular imaginations about the future, bringing about a reconsideration of politics, its domain, and time itself.This article investigates the Occupy Gezi movement that began (...) in Gezi Park and led to the occupation of Istanbul’s Taksim Square. I examine the events through Hannah Arendt’s analysis of the Hungarian Revolution. Arendt’s five criteria for.. (shrink)

a new era of public protest began in 1999 with the Seattle World Trade Organization (WTO) demonstrations, and continued through the 2011 Occupy Wall Street protests and the 2013 Gezi Park insurrection in Istanbul. This new era of demonstrations differed from movements that had come before in the understanding of politics employed by the protesters, reconstructing popular imaginations about the future, bringing about a reconsideration of politics, its domain, and time itself. This article investigates the Occupy Gezi movement (...) that began in Gezi Park and led to the occupation of Istanbul’s Taksim Square. I examine the events through Hannah Arendt’s analysis of the Hungarian Revolution. Arendt’s five criteria for evaluating the status of the Hungarian Revolution as a “true event” help shed light on the politics of Occupy Gezi (Arendt, “Totalitarian Imperialism” 5). In spite of the two movements’ similarly unprecedented, spontaneous, non-ideological, and un-hierarchical characters, the Gezi Park protests differed from the Hungarian Revolution in important ways. This is particularly true of the reaction of the protesters to the violence to which they were exposed. In refusing to react in kind to the state’s violence, the Gezi Park protesters created a new public domain for confronting the state. It is possible to consider this movement to have been an anti-violent rather than a non- or counter-violent resistance. Important political conclusions follow from this distinction. (shrink)

This article is based on an ethnographic investigation of the Gezi Park events in 2013. Starting from the much acknowledged characteristics of Gezi as being its cultural and political pluralism and its commitment to non-violence, in this article we are engaging with two interlinked questions: How has the plurality of participants and orientations been possible to attain, and how could this pluralism be contained without any major conflict at Gezi? We propose to provide an answer by focusing (...) on the manners of everyday life at Gezi Park during the time of dissidence, which we conceptualize as ‘manner of contention’. It was the manner of contention that characterized the specific ways in which contentious politics took place at Gezi and prevented the formation of clashes among the plurality of contenders. The ethnographic research delineates at least 4 components of manner of contention in the case of Gezi: an ethos of collective work; a spirit of exchange and gift-giving; politeness; and non-violence. (shrink)

This article investigates a surplus quality that a “politics out of doors” embodies. It argues that forms of mass appearance and protest manifest an aesthetic and affective making of a people—a people that enjoys its togetherness through visualized, vocalized, and performative expressions of its presence. Generating and generated by a collective desire, this figure of a people exceeds “the people” understood as a legally authorizing and legitimating entity. I contend that the excess of desire can make popular protest a source (...) of “envy” for political authorities even at the height of their electoral power. In conversation with Melanie Klein and Joan Copjec’s accounts of “envy” and René Girard’s formulation of “mimetic desire,” I analyze the Turkish regime’s orchestration of the 2016 “Democracy Watches” as an attempt to create, harness, and appropriate a counter-equivalent desire to the 2013 antigovernment Gezi protests. In so doing, I reconceptualize peoplehood as the synergetic enjoyment of assembled collectivities. (shrink)

Examining Turkey’s Gezi Park protests of 2013 as a representative case of the globally surging protest movements since 2011, this study claims that the basic aim of the protests is to contest the foundational rationality of the modern state, which, I argue, is based on a patriarchal social contract that empowers the state with the authority to represent the interests and speak on behalf of citizens using a logic of protection, and to construct, enforce, and monitor a regime of (...) citizenship where citizens can only function as emasculated subjects who are dependent on the protection of the state. Based on an analysis of the use of gender metaphors and familial tropes by the AKP government, and the subversive use of humor and irony by the protestors, this article demonstrates that the protests target the patriarchal premises of modern statehood, both in its democratic (fraternal patriarchy) and authoritarian (paternalistic patriarchy) forms, and the state’s disciplinary, regulatory, and remedial interventions toward the interpellation of the citizen as an infantile or feminine subject who is not capable of meeting their needs and interests on their own, and whose life, therefore, needs to be continually monitored, controlled, and regulated by the state. Drawing on criticism brought to the contractual foundations of the modern state by feminist political theorists, this study makes use of the notion of modern patriarchy as a story told by social contract theories, which generates a power relationship between the state and the citizen based on the projection of threat where the state assumes the role of the protector. I conclude that objecting to these modern forms of subjugation, the Gezi Park protests call for a post-patriarchal state where it no longer resorts to a patriarchal protectionist logic that is justified through the claim that it represents the interests of its citizens. By envisioning such a post-patriarchal state, I interpret the protests as a call for the renegotiation of the foundational premises of modern statehood such that the state-citizenship relationship is radically reformulated to enable a more empowered and autonomous citizen. (shrink)

The article examines the resources and the shortcomings of pluralism in today’s Turkey in light of the spring 2013 Gezi protests in İstanbul’s Taksim district. The protests have had ecological and civic as well as political implications and were a turning point in the country’s political life.

In this article, I argue for the distinctness of the 2013 Gezi uprisings from other anti-austerity protests. With a materialist feminist eye on the third-term AKP government's conservative authoritarianism, I explore the causal links among patriarchal, racist biopolitics, heteronormative family values and increasing austerity measures. My broader analytical goal is to demonstrate the centrality of moral politics to uneven, security-based neoliberal regulations across markets, public spaces, and civic expression in and beyond Turkey. Second, I zoom in on the mothers’ (...) rallies and gendered, ethnic acts of mourning to analyse the performative constitution of multiple publics during the protests. What exclusions have the participants produced in the name of inclusion? How can a performance paradigm help us understand the contradictory uses of space among and against the protestors, and more broadly, the relevance of embodied dissent to different visions of social justice? To deepen our intersectional feminist analysis, I suggest taking performances seriously, from human chains to soundscapes of resistance, stillness, and brutality; and from eclectic dance forms to architectural disruptions. Attending to the uprisings’ fault-lines and radical contributions, I also caution against ‘romancing resistance’. Hope with qualms is what remains. (shrink)

Purpose This paper aims to discuss the role of social media during the Gezi Park protests in Turkey in facilitating and promoting the expression of what matters to the protestors in a communicative environment where most traditional media turned away from reporting the events. Furthermore, the role of social media in promoting “interspaces” and constructing “communicative dwellings” that maintain public conversation of diverse ideas during the Gezi Park events is highlighted. Design/methodology/approach The authors use the framework of communication (...) ethics and conflict offered by Arnett et al. that highlights the importance of recognizing “the goods that matter to oneself and others” in a conflict situation. Findings Notwithstanding its potential for misinformation, social media was the only reliable option for Gezi Park protesters. During the Gezi Park protests, social media facilitated the creation of interspaces through which people could make sense of, share, and interactively negotiate meanings about the protests through dialogue. During the Gezi Park protests, social media served both as an alternative source of information and a platform for sharing what people protect and promote that allowed for the construction of multiple narratives of resistance. Social media revealed the many components of the protests collected under the label of Gezi Park. In this historical moment of narrative and virtue contention, it becomes crucial for leaders to sense what matters to oneself and others if conflict is to be constructively engaged, allowing for increased insight and productivity. Originality/value Although there are various studies on Gezi Park protests and the use of social media, there is no discussion related to communication ethics. In this paper, the authors used the communication ethics framework offered by Arnett et al. that underlines the “interplay of ethics and conflict” highlighting ethics as “the good that one seeks to protect and promote” that generate conflict because of “multiplicity of ‘goods’” and contrasting ethical positions. Thus, given the multiplicity in terms of what is considered as that which matters, and the contrasting ethical positions that are at odds with each other, conflict and tension can be generated. There are no other studies in the literature that use the abovementioned communication ethics perspective for discussing the Gezi Park protests in Turkey. (shrink)

Leaving İstanbul Bilgi University on 22 May 2013, conveners of the İstanbul Seminars could not have guessed that less than a week later the arguments they had debated would be revisited under a new light. For little did anybody know that in the summer of 2013 İstanbul would become the stage of one of the most intriguing of urban uprisings in Turkish, if not world, contemporary history. In this article I would like to take up some of the challenges brought (...) up by Gezi resistance to rethink the concept of democracy through the changing ways in which people engage with urban public spaces in Turkey, and beyond. (shrink)

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explain how abstract space of the State – universally and specifically within the context of Middle Eastern cities – aims to homogenise the city and eliminate any anomaly that threatens its power structure. Design/methodology/approach – Through a historical and discourse analysis of these policies and processes in the two case studies, this paper presents a contextualised reading of Lefebvre’s concept of abstract space and process of abstraction in relation to the alienation (...) of political public spaces. Findings – The paper proposes that regardless of these homogenising strategies being applied universally, they fail to respond to contextual particularities and therefore they – in a contradictory manner – may themselves produce a space of resistance and difference. Originality/value – This paper focusses on Iran, the case of Tehran and Turkey, the case of Taksim Square and Gezi Park in Istanbul. Recent policies and strategies have been proposed and implemented to reduce, alienate and possibly neutralise the impacts of urban and political protests in these cities and socio-political contexts. (shrink)

In this article, I offer a politico-philosophical perspective to reassess the much-contested role of truth in politics to put forth a principle of political action that will make sense of a “right to unmanipulated factual information,” which Hannah Arendt understands as crucial for establishing freedom of opinion. In developing a principle of epistemic responsibility, I will show that “factual truth” plays a key role in Arendt’s account of political action and provides a normative order that can extricate her account from (...) charges of immoralism. The article will be divided into three sections: section 1 deals with the distinction between rational truths and factual truths, and the question of their validity, section 2 deals with what a principle of political action is, and lastly, section 3 proposes a principle of “epistemic responsibility” that becomes action-guiding in the political sphere, in order to shed new light on the 2013 Gezi Park protest, one of the recent democratic uprisings of our century. (shrink)

This volume offers scholarly perspectives on the creative and humorous nature of the protests at Gezi Park in Turkey, 2013. The contributors argue that these protests inspired musicians, film-makers, social scientists and other creative individuals, out of a concern for the aesthetics of the protests, rather than seizure of political power.

The paper considers the democratic value of the recent public sphere movements—from Occupy Wall Street to Taksim Gezi Park, from Tahrir Square to Sofia. It argues that the mainstream models of democracy fail to grasp the significance of these movements and the emergent political forms within these movements due to their narrow account of politics and democracy. To fully grasp the democratic value of recent public sphere movements, we should approach them from an agonistic perspective. Once democratic politics is (...) viewed from an agonistic perspective, it becomes possible to recognize that while expressing their critique of existing liberal democratic institutions, the recent public sphere movements contested the dominant understanding of democracy and staged an alternative vision of democracy, democratic culture, and new forms of citizenship. (shrink)

The Arab Spring uprisings that led to the downfall of erstwhile authoritarian regimes in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya heralded the end of a state system introduced into the Middle East and North Africa by imperialist powers after the First World War. Characterized by an authoritarian model of modernization and secularization from above, these regimes are challenged by the rise of political Islam and its ideology of a transnational ‘ummah’. Islamist parties that have come to power in Egypt and Tunisia, however, (...) have proven remarkably unsuccessful in stabilizing governments and writing new constitutions. Are democracy and a religious revival compatible? What will replace the spent legitimacy of these regimes across the region? The legitimation crises of the Arab world have transnational dimensions as well as being influenced by the politics and attitudes of diasporic populations in Europe who need to contend with a different model of church–state relations referred to as ‘the Protestant model of religion’. Contemporary Turkey, which was often pointed to as a successful model of the synthesis of Islam with a pluralist representative democracy, is itself in the throes of another legitimation crisis in the aftermath of the Gezi Park protests which took place in the summer of 2013. What does all this bode for the region? (shrink)

Prologue. Setting up the stage : "beauty is in the street" in Istanbul -- Democratic action, spontaneity, and the intermediating practices of political friendship -- Jean-Jacques Rousseau : from the unsettling reality of the theater to the dream of immediacy -- Antonio Negri : insurgencies, the multitude, and the search for permanence -- Jürgen Habermas : embracing transience, containing unpredictability -- Jacques Rancière : the theatrical paradigm and the messiness of democratic politics -- Enacting political friendship in Gezi -- (...) Epilogue. Fanning the spark of hope. (shrink)

From Cairo to Occupy Wall Street, from Istanbul Gezi Park to DANS protests in Sofia, in recent public sphere movements we have witnessed the emergence of a new wave of creative protest. The surge of creative forms of political action brings to the fore the question of democratic potential of creative political protest. This paper explores in what ways creative protest could deepen democracy. I argue that creative political protest nurtures democracy by generating a peaceful culture of resistance and (...) by providing a peaceful way of responding to politics of intolerance and polarization. (shrink)

İçinde bulunduğumuz çağda dijitalleşmenin olumlu ve olumsuz yönleri ile hayatı tümüyle kuşatmış olması hemen herkesin tecrübe ettiği bir gerçektir. Bu gerçek, dijitalleşme konusunu birçok alan açısından olduğu gibi din, özelde de din eğitimi ve din hizmetleri alanında da ele almayı gerekli kılmaktadır. Bu düşünceden hareketle bu çalışmada dijital çağda din hizmetlerinin dijital platformlara taşınması fikrinin ve bu konuda neler yapılabileceği sorusunun farklı bir ülke örneği üzerinden incelenmesi amaçlanmıştır. Çeşitli ülkeler arasında Almanya, din hizmetlerinde dijitalleşme konusunda incelenmeye değer bir örnek olarak (...) görünmektedir. Nitekim Almanya’nın, dijitalleşme alanındaki gelişmeleri, bununla ilişkili toplumsal değişimleri ve dijitalleşmenin günümüz insan hayatında teşkil ettiği yeri yakından takip ettiği ve hizmetlerinin önemli bir kısmını dijital platformlara taşımış olduğu görülmektedir. Bu doğrultuda bu çalışmada konu, Almanya Protestan Kilisesi örneklemi üzerinden incelenmiştir. Nitel araştırma yönteminin benimsendiği çalışmada doküman incelemesi yolu tercih edilmiştir. Kilise’nin resmi internet sayfasındaki ve sayfada referans verdiği bağlantı adreslerindeki içerikler doküman olarak alınmış ve elde edilen veriler betimsel yolla analiz edilmiştir. Çalışmada Almanya Protestan Kilisesi’nin dijital din hizmetlerinde yeni medyanın birçok aracını kullanmakta olduğu tespit edilmiş olup bunlar; web siteleri, sosyal medya platformları, dijital iletişim platformları, YouTube kanalları, akıllı telefon uygulamaları, podcastler, sesli kitaplar ve sanal gezi şeklinde sekiz başlıkta tasnif edilmiştir. Kilise’nin bu platformlarda 12 çeşit din hizmeti sunduğu tespit edilmiş olup bunlar da yoğunluklarına göre şu kategorilerde sunulmuştur: Dua hizmetleri (11), İncil okumaları/İncilden kesitler (8), dini/sosyal/kültürel/aktüel içerikler (7), kültür, sanat ve müzik (7), sohbet/söyleşi (7), manevi danışmanlık/rehberlik (4), ibadetlere/ayinlere katılım (3), vaazlar (3), inanç temalı yazılı dini iletiler (1), online kilise kütüphanesi (1), sanal gezi (1), papazlara erişmek/dini-manevi sorular yöneltmek (1). Kilisenin yürüttüğü dijital din hizmetlerinde özellikle genç kuşağı yeni bir dil ile, kullandıkları araçlar ve sosyalleştikleri dijital alanlarla kazanma çabası; sıkça yer verilen dua hizmetleri ile kendi dünyasında yalnızlık ve bunalım yaşayan insanları psikolojik ve manevi açıdan destekleme çabası; insanların dinden, kutsal metinden güç almasının ve maneviyatının yükseltilmesinin sağlanması en dikkat çekici yönleridir. Kilisenin geleneksel din hizmetlerinin yanı sıra kültür, sanat ve müzik, sohbet/söyleşi, sosyal/kültürel/aktüel içerikler kategorilerindeki hizmetleri ile toplumun birçok kesimine geniş bir konu çeşitliliği ile hitap ettiği görülmüştür. Bu tür program formatlarında çoğunlukla günlük hayattan seçilen konular üzerinden bir çeşit örtük müfredatla dine de temas edilmesi, dinin esasında hayatın tümünü kuşattığını göstermesi bakımından dikkat çekici bir başka boyuttur. Çalışmanın sonunda konu, ülkemiz açısından Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı’nın hizmetlerine dönük olarak değerlendirilerek birtakım önerilerde bulunulmuştur. (shrink)

Political protests involving clashes with police are often delegitimized by governments for using “uncivil” and “violent” means. Drawing on a creative video clip made by a group of Gezi protestors, this paper theorizes an alternative response, which refuses the dichotomy between peaceful and violent struggles and instead seeks to transform the field of judgement. The protestors in the clip, by echoing a verse originally written by poet Cemal Süreya, reconstruct destructive activity – breaking billboards – playfully and detached from (...) its presumed ends. Placing their performances in conversation with Giorgio Agamben’s theory of mediality – means without end – I argue that the clip reconstructs political action in play-form, corroding the significance of the means-ends relationship. In doing so, it frustrates the usual grounds of judgement within which the meaning and value of protest activities are arbitrated. (shrink)

À Istanbul durant l’été 2013, les manifestations politiques de Gezi et les manifestations artistiques de la 13 e Biennale ne parlent pas le même langage. Les premières envahissent la ville, les secondes désorientées font retraite. Le déroulé des événements donne l’occasion d’analyser un clivage essentiel entre, d’une part, les valeurs artistiques que peuvent a priori partager les commissaires d’exposition et les artistes qu’ils invitent et, d’autre part, les processus de valorisation des espaces publics et urbains, préalables indispensables à la (...) programmation de tels événements culturels et artistiques. (shrink)

Roots, Cogwheels and Clouds: A Tale of Encounters In her first book The Illusion of Freedom published in 2006 and in The Age of Gluttony published in 2010 Yıldız Silier focused on the notions of freedom and happiness respectively. This last book on justice completes her trilogy. Instead of taking injustices as a discourse on victimization, she focuses on the life experiences of resisting subjects and collates them through semi fictional tales, letters and diaries. The concrete, material foundations of injustices (...) are exposed in the Roots. The Cogwheels, puts forward what happens when the rebellions fail and the Clouds predict what would have happened if the rebellions had succeeded. Through these three axes, the past (the lost possibilities), the present (dystopia) and the future (utopia) are merged. -/- Those that resist the dictator in the country of animals, peasant risings in the 14th century England, women’s rebellion during the witch hunts in the 16th century Italy, 18th century slave riots in the plantations of West Indies and in workers’ rebellion in the 21st century in a Chinese factory that produces tablets and mobile phones; these are the main subjects of these semi fictional tales. In the second part of the book on “the meeting of old class mates” five friends having different political views discuss “what will happen to our country?” and uncompromising conflicts appear. The last part of the book includes three essays on the Gezi rebellion, Pontecorvo’s film Burn and Calvino’s book Invisible Cities. (shrink)

The security bill that was proposed by the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government in 2014 has sparked controversy both within and outside the Parliament of Turkey. Yet, with AKP’s majority, the bill – which includes an anti-masking regulation for protests – was passed in spring 2015. In this article, first I demonstrate a partial mapping of the rhetoric employed by mainstream politics in Turkey, to underline that any oppositional political activity on the streets has the potential to be labeled (...) a ‘terrorist’ one – and most have been. Then, by taking one of the most prominent examples of these events, the Gezi uprising, I discuss the affirmative biopolitical potentialities of the uses of masks that the law criminalizes. Lastly, I situate the law globally in relation to the protest movements, on the one hand, and anti-masking laws on the other. (shrink)