In this book the author investigates what is common to the German idea of the Rechtsstaat and the Anglo-American idea of the Rule of Law. He argues that, although dressed up in rather different garb, these two concepts are in fact based on the same fundamental idea and stand for the same values ("the law-state values") - all ideas that are in the European tradition older than their British and German variants. The fundamental idea is that the individual shall (...) enjoy legal protection against infringements brought about by the exercise of power on the part of the state. In the book basic concepts such as legality, legal equality, legal certainty, legal accessibility and legal security are investigated. Also explored are their mutual relations, in particular, conflicts between them. Furthermore, the book offers practical advice on realising and sustaining these values in practice. Finally, it is argued that the characteristic law-state values can only be justified by reference to an even more fundamental humanistic idea, namely, what the author calls "a life of human dignity".. (shrink)

Welcker was the first to develop the concept "Rechtsstaat" . Kant's concept of freedom, however, provides the background for Welcker's concept of the Rechtsstaat. This article investigates the question of how the concept "respect toward others" is related to the concepts "Rechtsstaat" and "right of freedom". According to Kant, "respect" is not a duty of law but rather a duty of virtue. Still we owe others fulfillment of this duty in a manner that is similar to the (...) way we owe them the fulfillment of a duty of law. Furthermore this duty of virtue corresponds to a moral right of others to respect. Although mutual respect among citizens is not constitutive of a Rechtsstaat, still it is in fact necessary for the survival of a Rechtsstaat. (shrink)

The article compares Kant's individual ethics and his philosophy of the state to the extent that it involves "morality with respect to the principles of public law". Kant rejects any form of first-order consequentialism as a standard of individual or state action. Nevertheless, he does indicate that the individual may hope to attain the summum bonum and that states may rely on attaining perpetual peace, as the highest political good. Accordingly, he introduces a second-order consequentialism into his moral philosophy. Understanding (...) the parallelism between the role of the summum bonum in Kant's individual ethics and the role of perpetual peace in his philosophy of the state clarifies the nature of second-order consequentialism. The requirement that the state be governed by the rule of law corresponds to the requirement in Kant's individual ethics that the individual follow the dictates of the categorical imperative without regard to utilitarian considerations, or that first-order consequentialism be rejected. The article argues that just as acting out of duty, regardless of any benefits to be gained thereby, is a necessary, and arguably sufficient, condition for attaining the summum bonum, so too is the rule of law a necessary, if not also sufficient, condition for the state in attaining perpetual peace. Der Beitrag zieht eine Parallele zwischen Kants Individualethik und seiner Staatsphilosophie, soweit "die Moral in Ansehung ihrer Grundsätze des öffentlichen Rechts" in Rede steht. Hier wie dort wendet sich Kant gegen jede Form eines "Konsequentialismus erster Ordnung". Mit seiner Hoffnung auf das individuelle höchste Gut einerseits und den ewigen Frieden auf Erden andererseits aber bringt er einen "Konsequentialismus zweiter Ordnung" ins Spiel. Die Parallele von Individualethik und Staatsphilosophie beleuchtet den Konsequentialismus zweiter Ordnung in der Staatsphilosophie mit ihrer Hoffnung auf den ewigen Frieden. Der nicht-konsequentialistischen Individualethik - "nicht-konsequentialistisch" im Sinne eines "Konsequentialismus erster Ordnung" - korrespondiert das Konzept des Rechtsstaats. Der Rechtsstaat erweist sich dabei als eine notwendige Bedingung für den ewigen Frieden. (shrink)

Kant entwickelt im letzten Jahrzehnt des 18. Jahrhunderts als erster den Gedanken des Rechtsstaats, der bei ihm (lateinisch) „status iuridicus“ heißt, was er selbst mit „rechtlicher Zustand“ übersetzt. Einige seiner Anhänger erfinden als Übersetzung von „status iuridicus“ das Wort „Rechtsstaat“, das es bis dahin noch nicht gegeben hatte und das dann im Laufe des 19. Jahrhunderts Kants eigene Übersetzung verdrängt. Wichtige Regeln werden als Regeln des Rechtsstaats zuerst von Kant formuliert, so die Regel, die wir heute mit dem Rechtssprichwort (...) „Keine Strafe ohne Gesetz“ wiedergeben, oder die Regel, dass die rechtsstaatlichen Organe verpflichtet sind, begangene Straftaten zu verfolgen, was wir heute als „Legalitätsprinzip“ bezeichnen. - In Kants Ethik steht der Begriff der Menschenwürde im Mittelpunkt. Diese Würde setzt voraus, dass der Mensch als ein geistiges Wesen betrachtet wird.0. (shrink)

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Kants praktische Philosophie wird immer wieder als Wegweiser und Orientierungshilfe bei der Frage nach der angemessenen Ausgestaltung unserer freiheitlichen Rechts- und Verfassungsordnung herangezogen. Dabei sehen einige Interpreten in ihm einen Sozialstaatstheoretiker und Basisdemokraten, mit dem sich die Forderung nach einer stärkeren Egalisierung bestehender Eigentumsdisparitäten und der Einführung einer "direkten Demokratie" begründen lassen. Tatsächlich ist Kant jedoch als Rechtsstaatstheoretiker der liberalen Tradition des politischen Denkens zuzurechnen - und insofern kein geeigneter "Kronzeuge" für solche Reformappelle.

De redactie van Philosophia Reformata heeft een belangrijk project opgezet. Aan de schrijvers van het boek van de Open Universiteit waaraan vertegenwoordigers van verschillende levensbeschouwelijke richtingen hebben meegewerkt, is de mogelijkheid geboden met elkaar in dialoog te treden. De bijdrage van Kees Klop biedt daarvoor om verschillende redenen een uitstekende basis. Ik heb het getroffen met een commentator die de lijn van mijn verhaal voortreffelijk heeft samengevat. We behoeven dus geen tijd te verdoen met het rechtzetten van misverstanden, iets dat (...) doorgaans een belangrijk onderdeel vormt van reacties. Ik vlei mij een beetje met de gedachte dat Klops sympathieke weergave van de essentie van mijn betoog ook wellicht daarom zo goed geslaagd is, omdat wij putten uit ten dele verwant gedachtengoed. Ik ben namelijk, net als Klop, onder de indruk van het werk van Dooyeweerd. Dat gaat terug op de tijd dat ik als student-assistent verbonden was aan de afdeling Encyclopedie van de rechtswetenschap van de VU bij Prof. H.J. van Eikema Hommes. Laatstgenoemde was, zoals de lezers van Philosophia Reformata bekend is, een leerling van Dooyeweerd. (shrink)

Toegang tot het recht in de rechtsstaat This paper considers access to the rule of law as a requirement for the well-functioning of the rule of law in society. In most rule of law debates, access to the rule of law is not a topic of discussion because these scholars focus themselves solely on the legalistic dimension of the rule of law. Barber was the first to mention the social dimension explicitly but without a theoretical framework. Based on the (...) three capitals of Bourdieu, this paper offers a framework to determine the elements of the social dimension. With these capitals, barriers to the access to the rule of law for individuals can be identified, and solutions can be offered. (shrink)

Drieu Godefridi’s “Critique de l’utopie libertarienne”1 is not only an attempt to refute Rothbardian anarcholibertarian theory but also an attempt to resurrect the idea of the formal Rechtsstaat.2 I shall say a few words about the first topic and then present some arguments for resisting the introduction of that idea into classical liberal discourse. Contrary to Godefridi’s suggestion, there is no logical or historical ground for considering the Rechtsstaat a necessary or even useful condition of freedom. I do (...) not dispute that the Rechtsstaat was a central concept of the political liberalism that for a while held sway in Continental Europe in the nineteenth century, or that in some quarters there is considerable nostalgia for it. What I want to stress is that both in its logical definition and in its historical implementations it failed to support the classical liberal commitment to freedom, property and law. Indeed, it may.. (shrink)

A first step towards an ‘ethnography of Nazi law’ is the exclusion of traditional views on this topic: first Radbruch’s qualification of the Nazi made after 1945 as an Unrechtsstaat, a t...

Moral modernity, including political modernity, is founded on the series of acts whereby, throughout Europe, torture was banned. Torture became the paradigm of moral injury, of what must never be done to an individual because it is intrinsically degrading and devaluing. The body of the torture victim is the meeting place of state and citizen: either the rule of law recognizes bodily autonomy as its own moral basis - broken laws standing for broken bodies - or the law becomes a (...) vehicle of sovereign authority that knows no limit. Thus, it is the morally charged conception of the rule of law that holds together the ban on torture with the recognition of human dignity: remove the prohibition on torture and neither the liberal state nor modern moral life is intelligible. The connections between the abolition of torture, the rule of law, and the institution of human dignity was forged in the once enormously influential and now virtually unknown On Crimes and Punishments by Beccaria. (shrink)

The development of criminal law in the ))Society of risks« proves a transition from liberal and constitutional to social and authoritarian criminallaw as criminal matters are integrated into positive law and gain priority over it. The constitution-oriented model of criminallaw as a complex interrelationship between citizens and the state is re-interpreted to a one-dimensionallegal relationship characterized by punishment being carried out by the state. On the other hand it must be stressed that in the scientific and technological society democracy can (...) no Ionger retain its validity as a form of rule, only as a way of life. Given this precondition criminallaw is aiming at protecting the rights to communication and participation in the society which is based on a basic law. (shrink)

Le droit à la sûreté soumet l’État au droit tout en pouvant légitimer des atteintes aux libertés, apparemment contraires à l’État de droit. On propose d’analyser ici les mutations de l’État de droit, notamment depuis la pérennisation de l’état d’exception après 2001 et l’apparition de régimes de suspicion, comme l’expression de trois processus juridiques distincts de suspension, de contournement et de détournement. Il s’agit aussi de rappeler comment, au-delà de la distinction entre politique autoritaire et libérale, un double mouvement, interne (...) et international, de constitutionnalisation et d’internationalisation des systèmes de droit, constitue un ferment de résistance, limité mais déjà effectif, à toute raison d’État. (shrink)

ExcerptCarl Schmitt's recently translated Constitutional Theory (Verfassungslehre), first published in 1928 at the end of a period of relative stability in Weimar Germany, is a strangely timely work—both with regard to the continued relevance of the themes and problems it discusses and with regard to the current state of scholarship about Weimar constitutionalism. But, first things first, as befits what was originally intended as a short review article: The translation is accurate, even though it was occasionally necessary to break down (...) Schmitt's legal Germanicisms into more manageable English syntax. The long introduction, jointly written by Jeffrey Seitzer and Christopher Thornhill,…. (shrink)